The Nation Newspaper

Tag: democracy

  • Villains of democracy

    Villains of democracy

    Sycophancy, which sadly, has become part of our political DNA, as many will argue, is anyone’s game in a democracy. It is not many seasons ago that Tinubu’s fought a nasty battle for the Nigerian presidency. The battle was against children of anger, social media terrorists, failed politicians and journalists whose major tool of engagement was sycophancy. Today in power, if anything has changed, it is that for his party, the APC and other opposition parties, sycophancy remains a compelling weapon for subliminal battle for the minds of Nigerians.

    In recent times, the APC has assaulted the sensibilities of Nigerians by turning the president’s midterm review of his presidency, a period for sober reflection in view of punishing effects of the president’s unavoidable economic policies, to a jamboree. Favour seeking party members, defectors without ideological orientations who the president said must be welcomed to avoid ‘political malpractices’, ministers trying to cover up their inadequacies and even  hardworking and goal-setting ministers have found flattering the president to high heavens, an irresistible distraction.

    Nyesom Wike, who the president publicly described as an asset, you will think, does not need to flatter the president to high heavens. But not even the president’s expression of the nation’s deep appreciation while “thanking him for bringing Abuja to a level that compares favourably with great cities of the world”, could in a season of sycophancy, restrain him from re-naming his newly refurbished Abuja Conference Centre after the president.

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    I am sure the president cannot but feel scandalized by having to be hit on the face every day  by Bola Ahmed Tinubu International Conference Centre , And unfortunately, it is not of any relief that both his Yoruba culture or his Islamic faith frown at deification of living beings.

    The amateurish intervention of Senator Abdul-Aziz Yari, former governor of Zamfara State must have no doubt further irritated a president who hails from an area where people read meanings to ordinary greetings. Doing great damage to the president’s recent visit to grieving Benue where over 200 people had been mindlessly killed, Yari had clumsily said: “His decision to suspend everything he was doing is worthy of note”; adding as if he had ever been president that “If we understood the responsibilities associated with the office of the president, we would see the empathy in his decision to personally visit Benue. He could have delegated a high-powered team to visit and stand in for him but he decided to show leadership and identify with the people”.

    Yari should focus on his many EFCC and ICPC cases instead of adopting diversionary tactics including organizing prayers for the president. The truth however, is that sycophancy has always been the scourge of successive Nigerian’s administrations. As Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, the former governor of the Central Bank (CBN), put it during the 2013 public presentation of  Mallam Nasir el-Rufai’s controversial book, The Accidental Public Servant, “corruption is not the bane of Nigeria … but sycophancy.”

    Again, we can take a journey through memory.

    Ahmadu Bello, despite espousing high morality and intellectual virtues through his political career started to unconsciously arrogate to himself the status of a super-human being, fuelled by the usual loyalty of serfs to feudal lords. He started to regard his contemporaries – Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Prime Minster Tafawa Balewa as subordinates.

    With a gift of a horse to Zik and a copy of the Holy Quran to Balewa after independence, he gleefully declared that he had divided Nigeria between his two loyal lieutenants.  After Zik fell out with him following the 1964 constitutional crisis, Zik was effortlessly replaced with Chief S.L Akintola who received a gift of the sword. Awo, who he had sworn would pay for forcing him to campaign for votes among his subjects during the 1959 election, had been jailed for 10 years.

    He probably now saw himself as the new Uthman dan Fodio. In fact the story was told of how he was one evening walking with one of his trusted civil servants with some grazing cows retreating following their approach, he could not resist telling his subordinate that “even cows recognize my presence”.

    He had ignored Brigadier Ademulegun’s warning of the impending coup just as he did of Chief SL Akintola’s who chattered an aircraft on the January 14, 1966 to Kaduna warning the revered premier that “they might be coming to kill all of us tonight”.

    Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa seemed to have added to Ahmadu Bello’s air of invincibility when with dead bodies littering major streets of Western Region, he ignored University of Ibadan students plea that a state of emergency be declared. He chose to wait for the arrival of Ahmadu Bello from the hajj with the crisis eventually consuming both of them along with the best of our trained soldiers.

    Ironsi was also a victim of sycophants. Following the January 1966 coups, Ironsi was told by self-serving Igbo politicians that he alone could save Nigeria. He in turn told the rump of assembled ministers that “since he could not persuade Dr Nwafor Orizu, the acting president to make an appointment, he must assume supreme control of administration. He was later stampeded to turn Nigeria, a federal state, into a unitary state and centralization of regional bureaucracies.

    Realising the move as an attack on Ahmadu Bello controversial northernisation policies that saw to the exit of thousands of Igbo and British expatriates from northern bureaucracy by northerners, an ABU students’ led riot eventually ended Ironsi’s regime and life.

    The irony was that, sycophants who drove him to his untimely death following January 1966 Igbo pyric victory were behind Ojukwu’s Aburi demand for return of regionalism.  Gowon, speaking with Charles Aniagolu of Arise Television last week insisted the cause of the civil war was Ojukwu’s insistence not just on regionalism but regionalism of the military to be controlled by regional governors.

    General Gowon with his post-civil war mantra of “No victor no vanquished” and solemn undertaking to cede power to civilian administration was on track until sycophants within his cabinet led by the Pa Edwin Clark manipulated him to breach the promised hand-over date to civilian rule. That was all Murtala Muhammed needed to oust him out of power.

    Ibrahim Babangida took Nigeria through eight years of ‘transition without end” with the help of sycophants made up of politicians, Aso rock professors, journalists including Chidi Amuta who after writing IBB’s biography, Prince of the Niger declared that his “earlier plan to hand over power was a betrayal of the masses”. Others include traditional rulers from whom he acquired more traditional titles than any living or dead Nigerian leader.

    His greatest hour was the Fellowship of Nigerian Economic Society (NES), the most authoritative body of scholars on Nigerian economy. The award they said was for being “visionary in the management of the national economy”, just after Financial Times had accused him of frittering away $5b Gulf war oil windfall and IMF, World Bank and Paris Club had accused IBB of “fiscal indiscipline”.

    Sani Abacha was humoured to death by his decreed five parties dismissed as “five fingers of a leprous hand “by late Bola Ige; Daniel Kanu and his “Two-million youths earnestly ask for Abacha”, the loyalty medal- wearing generals including Jeremiah Useni, the Bamaiyi brothers, Aziza, Akhigbe, Abubakar etc. who for three years could not prevail on Abacha to call the meeting of Provisional Ruling Council.

    His other zealot worshippers who presented falsehood as unquestioning truth, include Ebenezer Babatope who told us “ Abacha regime was the best to happen to Nigeria”, Wole Oyelese, Dr Walter Ofonagoro and Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, Abacha’s envoy to Europe to de-market President-elect MKO Abiola.

    Obasanjo was equally tamed by sycophants who made sure none of his legacy projects except the telephone revolution succeeded.  He swallowed the lie that Nigeria will cease to exist with his exit from power. Obasanjo, who assumed power in 1999 with goodwill of Nigerians, frittered away everything with his own hands following his third-term fiasco.

    President Buhari had within his government, sycophants who pretended to share his pan-Nigeria agenda while working for other tendencies including the promotion of Fulani agenda. There was Nasir El Rufai who would always kneel down to greet him while he allegedly encouraged a regime of ethnic cleansing in southern Zaria, Ababakar Malami who, while pretending to promote freedom, justice and equity for all Nigerians, was encouraging illegal occupation of government reserved forest in the West by armed Fulani criminals. Malami and his group succeeded in reducing Buhari, a leader with a pan-Nigeria outlook into a Fulani irredentist.

    But it is not all doom. Those close to President Tinubu insist that unlike our past leaders, he is clear-headed and cannot be distracted by sycophants falsely swearing by his name. And it is of little relief to flatterers that because of his tact and good breeding, he will not publicly or even privately shut flatterers down.

  • Abuja Caustival 2025 reflects democracy, justice, civic memory

    Abuja Caustival 2025 reflects democracy, justice, civic memory

    Stakeholders have been urged to explore and deepen their creativity to engage with social issues through creative expression.

    This emerged in Abuja recently during the gathering of more than 1,000 people at Caustival 2025, a two-day arts and film festival that focused on themes of democracy, justice, and civic memory in Nigeria.

    The festival brought together artists, filmmakers, civil society actors, and citizens through a series of installations, film screenings, and public discussions that explored the intersection of culture, politics, and human rights.

    This year’s edition, according to Hannatu Asheolge, Media Officer, Gatefield in a statement on Thursday, featured over 10 curated art installations highlighting issues such as state accountability, governance, and police violence. 

    A prominent feature of the festival, according to Asheloge was a commemorative installation marking five years since the EndSARS protests, offering visitors an opportunity to reflect on the lives lost and ongoing conversations around justice.

    Read Also: Tinubu confers CFR honour on Dangiwa Umar for role in defending democracy

    Film screenings included ‘Freedom Way’, ‘Bad Press’ and ‘Radical Gambo Dawaba’, with post-screening discussions connecting Nigeria’s democratic challenges to broader global movements for accountability and reform.

    The event served as a platform for dialogue, offering participants space to engage with social issues through creative expression, she added.

    Describing the event as an opportunity to use cultural tools to examine Nigeria’s political trajectory and strengthen public engagement, Mahmud Jafar, one of the festival’s organizers, said, “Caustival creates a space for shared reflection and dialogue through art, without the noise of partisanship”.

    With strong participation and active discussion, Caustival 2025 demonstrated the role that cultural platforms can play in encouraging civic awareness and inclusive conversations about the state of democracy, Asheolge noted.

  • Tinubu urges Nigerians to safeguard democracy

    Tinubu urges Nigerians to safeguard democracy

    …flags off new INEC headquarters in Abuja

    …as Wike assures quality delivery of INEC’s new headquarters

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on Tuesday flagged off the construction of a new headquarters for the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in Abuja, calling on all Nigerians to actively support efforts to strengthen national institutions, safeguard democratic freedoms, and protect the future of the country.

    Addressing dignitaries at the flag-off ceremony, the President emphasised that democracy in Nigeria is not a finished product but a continuous journey that requires collective commitment and vigilance.

    Meanwhile, the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, has assured the President of the speedy completion of the new Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) headquarters.

    Speaking at the ceremony, President Tinubu said, “To all Nigerians, I say this democracy is not a destination but a journey. Together let us strengthen our institutions, safeguard our freedom and protect the future”.

    The President described the groundbreaking of the new INEC headquarters as more than a symbolic event, stressing that the structure represents Nigeria’s dedication to credible elections and institutional independence.

    “Today’s ceremony is not merely about bricks and mortar, it is about the strength of our democracy, the independence of our institutions, and the future of our electoral integrity,” he stated.

    He praised INEC for its central role in advancing Nigeria’s democratic journey, describing it as “the backbone of Nigeria’s democratic process.”

    According to him, a structure that reflects the dignity and responsibility of the Commission is necessary for enhancing public confidence in the electoral system.

    “Its role in conducting free, fair and credible elections is central to the trust our people place in their government, and in our democratic process. It is only right that such a pivotal institution is housed in a structure that reflects the dignity, responsibility and national significance of that institution”, the President said.

    The new annexe of the INEC headquarters, he said, will serve not just as an office complex, but as a hub for electoral planning, training, innovation, and transparency.

    “Our democracy is still evolving, and as it is growing, so too must the institution that supports and protects it. We are committed to ensuring that INEC is fully equipped, not only in infrastructure, but in law, policy and resources to carry out its constitutional mandate with courage, fairness and excellence”, Tinubu noted.

    Commending Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Barrister Nyesom Wike, for spearheading the initiative, Tinubu said the move further demonstrates the administration’s resolve to protect and enhance Nigeria’s democratic institutions.

    “By initiating this project, the FCT Minister, Barrister Ezenwo Nyesom Wike, has taken another important step toward the protection of our democracy in this country. I salute your vision, courage and commitment to the progress and development of our country”, he said.

    He also extended appreciation to the leadership and staff of INEC for their enduring commitment to institutional growth and electoral credibility.

    “Let me once again commend the leadership and the staff of INEC for their dedication to face the challenge that is necessary and the courage to lay a stronger foundation for our democracy,” Tinubu said.

    To contractors and stakeholders involved in the construction, the President issued a stern reminder about the significance of the project, urging them to prioritize quality and integrity.

    “To the contractors, supervisors and stakeholders involved in this project, let quality, speed, integrity, and transparency guide your work. You are not just building an edifice, you are building trust in our nation,” he declared.

    Also speaking, the Minister of the FCT, Wike said “Mr. President, let me, on behalf of the Federal Capital Territory Administration, most sincerely thank you again for giving us an opportunity to flag off this very important project, as explained by the ES of FCDA and the Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission.

    “Your Excellency, let me correct an impression that was given by the Executive Secretary that this was awarded by FCT, no, this was awarded by the Federal Executive Council in March 2025. So it was not awarded by the FCT, it was awarded by the Federal Executive Council which has to be supervised by the FCT through the Federal Capital Development Authority.

    “Your Excellency, recollect that the Federal Executive Council had approved the renovation and construction of public buildings. One of those buildings for renovation is just the one we commissioned, the Bola Ahmed Tinubu International Conference Centre, the renovation of the two chambers of the National Assembly, the construction of the Abuja Division of the Court of Appeal, and the construction of 40 houses for the Court of Appeal, the Federal High Court, and the FCT High Court.

    “This was under your directive to reduce the shortage of accommodation, and I thank the Chairman for explaining and for letting the world know that it is through the FCDA that public buildings are renovated or built. And he has stated here, this is not the first time that when INEC Headquarters was relocated to Abuja, it was FCDA.

    “It is good that he says that because so many people will go and begin to say all kinds of things. So it’s good that he explained that. I want to assure you that this structure will be given all the time it is required to see that during your first tenure, this project is completed, that you can be assured that we’ll do that, and with the kind of support you’ve given to us, we’ll make sure that the contractor delivers. I don’t know where he comes from, but by the time he finishes, he’ll be back, because I’ve made sure that he stays under the sun, under the rain, and justifies the money that we are paying”.

    INEC Chairman, Mahmood Yakubu said for a long time, the Commission has been grappling with inadequate office accommodation.

    Our present national headquarters, Yakubu said, is severely congested.

    Commissioned in December 1997, Yakubu said it was originally planned to cater for eight Commission members (a chairman and seven full-time National Commissioners), ten Departments/Directorates and 500 staff.

    He said, “Since then, the activities of the Commission have become more extensive and the staff strength at the headquarters has more than doubled. Today, there are 13 full-time Commission members (a chairman and 12 National Commissioners), 22 Departments/Directorates and 1,048 staff. Consequently, every facility is overstretched from offices to meeting rooms for the Commission’s 15 standing Committees and other activities, including regular engagements with stakeholders. General staff meetings always take place outside the Commission. In response, the Commission was compelled to rent two buildings in Wuse Zone II to ease the situation.

    “Over the last ten years, we made every effort to alleviate the situation until sometime last year when the Ministry of the Federal Capital Territory came to the rescue. I wish to make it clear that this is not the first time that the Federal Capital Development Authority (FCDA) has constructed an office for the Electoral Commission. When the Commission relocated its headquarters from Lagos to Abuja in 1991, it was the FCDA that provided it with offices in Garki to accommodate the national headquarters as well as the FCT office. When the facility became overstretched, the FCDA again built our present headquarters. The building in Garki now operates exclusively as our FCT Office. In fact, today’s groundbreaking event is the third time in the last 34 years that the FCDA, in the discharge of its responsibilities, is stepping in to either provide office accommodation or alleviate the Commission’s space constraint.

    “As the end user of the facility, our technical department submitted the concept of the proposed building, which is what the FCT is currently executing. We made provision for offices, meeting rooms, conference rooms, a 1,000-seat auditorium and offices for some of our IT-based facilities Mr. President, let me, on behalf of the Federal Capital Territory Administration, most sincerely thank you again for giving us an opportunity to flag off this very important project, as explained by the ES of FCDA and the Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission.

    “Your Excellency, let me correct an impression that was given by the Executive Secretary that this was awarded by FCT, no, this was awarded by the Federal Executive Council in March 2025. So, it was not awarded by the FCT; it was awarded by the Federal Executive Council, which has to be supervised by the FCT through the Federal Capital Development Authority.

    “Your Excellency, recollect that the Federal Executive Council had approved the renovation and construction of public buildings. One of those buildings for renovation is just the one we commissioned, the Bola Ahmed Tinubu International Conference Centre, the renovation of the two chambers of the National Assembly, the construction of the Abuja Division of the Court of Appeal, and the construction of 40 houses for the Court of Appeal, the Federal High Court, and the FCT High Court.

    “This was under your directive to reduce the shortage of accommodation, and I thank the Chairman for explaining and for letting the world know that it is through the FCDA that public buildings are renovated or built. And he has stated here, this is not the first time that when INEC Headquarters was relocated to Abuja, it was FCDA. It is good that he says that because so many people will go and begin to say all kinds of things. So it’s good that he explained that”.

    He assured that the structure will be given all the time it is required to see that during: “your first tenure, this project is completed, that you can be assured that we’ll do that, and with the kind of support you’ve given to us, we’ll make sure that the contractor delivers. I don’t know where he comes from, but by the time he finishes, he’ll be back, because I’ve made sure that he stays under the sun, under the rain, and justifies the money that we are paying.

    Read Also: Tinubu/Shettima 2027: APC Northwest group endorses continuation of joint ticket

    “Mr. President, I will invite you to talk to us and then lay the foundation of this very important project to the glory of God. Such as the Election Monitoring and Support Centre (EMSC). Beyond these facilities, the building plan has provision for a museum to serve as a repository for the physical and digital history of elections and electoral activities in Nigeria. This will afford citizens, particularly students who regularly visit the Commission on excursion, the opportunity to appreciate the evolution of our electoral history, as is the case in many jurisdictions around the world.

    “The main building opposite the present site shall remain the National Headquarters of the Commission. When completed, the new building will complement the main building. For me personally, this is a special occasion. After almost ten years of persistent effort, the construction of the INEC Annex Building is finally a reality.

    “At this point, all that remains for me, on behalf of the Commissioners and staff of the Commission, is to thank Your Excellency, Mr. President, for making it happen and for your personal presence. I would also like to appreciate the presence of the Senate President, the Rt. Hon. Speaker of the House of Representatives.

    “We are similarly appreciative of the Honourable Minister of the FCT for his diligent pursuit of the project as well as the leadership of the Joint Committee on Electoral Matters in the National Assembly, leaders of political parties and all stakeholders for their presence and support.”

  • ‘Stakeholder collaboration needed to deepen economic democracy in Nigeria’

    ‘Stakeholder collaboration needed to deepen economic democracy in Nigeria’

    The Chief Executive Officer of Oak Holdings, Olukayode Olusanya, has emphasised the crucial need for stronger collaboration between the government and the private sector to foster a more inclusive, economically empowered, and development-focused democracy.

    In a goodwill message to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the people of Nigeria, Olusanya commended the nation’s resilience and progress since the return to civilian rule, while reminding stakeholders that economic justice, infrastructure development, and social equity must form part of the dividends of democracy.

    “Democracy is not merely the conduct of elections; it is the empowerment of people — politically, socially, and economically,” said Olusanya.

    “As we honour the memory of June 12 and the price paid for democratic freedoms, we must also ask: how are we using this freedom to create sustainable progress?”

    Olusanya highlighted the role of The Oak Holdings, the umbrella group comprising Oak Homes, Oak Capital, and Oak Ready Mix, in advancing Nigeria’s development aspirations. Oak Homes, a luxury real estate brand, is delivering smart, sustainable housing solutions in Lagos, Abuja, and expanding cities. Its flagship projects in Ikoyi, Eko Atlantic, and Lekki are redefining modern architecture, employing local talents, and attracting international interest.

    “Oak Capital, the group’s investment and financial services arm, is focused on empowering entrepreneurs and driving innovation across sectors including fintech, healthcare, and agriculture. With a strategic focus on Sub-Saharan Africa, it is providing venture capital, business advisory, and scalable financial solutions to emerging businesses.

    “Oak Ready Mix, a vital part of the group, is meeting the construction industry’s demand for premium-quality concrete and aggregates, thus contributing to infrastructure growth and urban expansion.

    “Each subsidiary of The Oak Holdings is rooted in a vision of nation-building. Whether we are building homes, funding ideas, or mixing concrete, we are laying the blocks of Nigeria’s democratic future,” Olusanya said.

    Read Also: June 12: Tinubu’s contributions to Nigeria’s democracy worthy of emulation – Arewa Think Tank

    He further remarked that political stability alone is not enough to sustain democracy without economic inclusion, adequate housing, and access to capital.

    “When people are housed, employed, and able to dream, democracy becomes meaningful. Our goal at The Oak Holdings is to be a catalyst in that process,” he said.

    Olusanya also appealed for policy reforms that will improve the ease of doing business, encourage indigenous investment, and protect ethical private sector contributions to the economy.

    “As an indigenous company, we understand the terrain, and we believe the government can further enable homegrown businesses like ours to scale, create jobs, and attract foreign investment,” he added.

    The Oak Holdings CEO used the opportunity to express hope for the country, reaffirming the company’s long-term commitment to Nigeria’s growth.

    “On this special day, we reaffirm our belief in the Nigerian project. We believe in the power of partnership, the resilience of our people, and the promise of tomorrow. Oak Holdings is proud to stand not just as a business, but as a builder of hope, excellence, and national legacy.”

    Olusanya extended warm wishes to President Tinubu and his administration, expressing optimism that his leadership will continue to drive reforms and partnerships that deepen Nigeria’s democratic and economic transformation.

  • Democracy must work for people not just at polls — Natasha

    Democracy must work for people not just at polls — Natasha

    On Democracy Day, suspended Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan has called on Nigerians to uphold the ideals of justice, equity, inclusion, and national unity, insisting that democracy must yield tangible benefits beyond elections.

    In a statement on Democracy Day, the Senator representing Kogi Central paid tribute to the late Chief Moshood Kashimawo Abiola and other pro-democracy heroes whose sacrifices, she said, laid the foundation for Nigeria’s current democratic system.

    “June 12 stands as a symbol of our collective struggle for democratic governance,” Senator Uduaghan stated. “It is a tribute to the courage of Chief M.K.O. Abiola and the countless Nigerians—known and unknown—who stood firm to defend the sanctity of the people’s will.”

    She noted while Nigeria has made democratic strides, real progress must be measured by how governance improves the everyday lives of citizens.

    “Democracy must bring real development, empower the weak, uphold the rule of law, and protect the dignity of every Nigerian,” the lawmaker emphasized.

    She urged Nigerians, especially youth and women, to actively engage in the democratic process, stressing that their voices and participation are essential to shaping a nation that works for all.

    Read Also: Natasha: Appeal Court strikes out Akpabio’s motions, slams ₦100,000 fine

    “I urge all Nigerians to remain engaged. Our participation and vigilance are vital in building a Nigeria that serves every citizen, regardless of tribe, religion, gender, or class,” she said.

    Reaffirming her commitment to good governance, the Senator vowed to continue pursuing inclusive legislation and transparency in public service.

    “Let us not lose hope in our nation. Let us build bridges across divides and work toward a future where democracy becomes a lived reality for all,” she declared.

    She concluded with a message of optimism and solidarity: “Happy Democracy Day, Nigeria. God bless the Federal Republic of Nigeria.”

  • Voting by force is not democracy

    Voting by force is not democracy

    Once again, our lawmakers missed the point, but for the upteenth time, Nigerians made sure they heard it loud and clear. A controversial bill seeking to make voting compulsory for Nigerians of voting age has now been withdrawn following widespread public outcry. The bill, which had scaled second reading in the House of Representatives, threatened non-voters with fines of up to N100,000 or six months in prison. Championed by Speaker Abbas Tajudeen and co-sponsored by others, it claimed to “deepen democracy” by forcing citizens to the polls.

    But Nigerians were not fooled. This bill was never about democracy, it was about coercion. And in a country where trust in governance is already hanging by a thread, criminalising non-voters was not just misguided; it was dangerous.

    Democracy is built on choice. The right to vote is sacred, but so is the right to abstain. Around the world, the most respected democracies (the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, and many others) protect this freedom. They recognise that choosing not to vote can be a legitimate form of protest, a signal of disillusionment with the candidates, the process, or the system itself. Forcing people to vote does not restore that trust. It only deepens the alienation.

    Supporters of the bill argued that compulsory voting would reduce voter apathy. But apathy is not the issue. Nigerians are not staying away from the polls because they are lazy. They are staying away because elections are often marred by violence, rigging, intimidation, and a total lack of faith in the system. You cannot legislate trust. You have to earn it.

    Read Also: Nigerian community condemns killing, abduction of colleague in South Africa

    Even in countries that practise compulsory voting, such as Australia and Belgium, enforcement is light, and the focus is on encouragement, not punishment. By contrast, our lawmakers proposed heavy fines and jail time  in a system already weighed down by corruption and selective enforcement. It was hard to see this as anything other than another tool for harassment and control.

    Thankfully, Nigerians spoke up. Civil society groups, media voices, legal experts, and everyday citizens pushed back. And in the end, the pressure worked: the bill has now been shelved.

    But the fact that it was even considered should concern us all.

    Higher voter turnout doesn’t automatically make a stronger democracy, especially not when it’s achieved through threats. What builds a healthy democracy is trust, fairness, transparency, and accountability. Countries with high voter engagement, like Sweden and Germany, don’t use force. They earn participation by ensuring that elections are credible, and that every vote truly counts.

    That’s what Nigeria should be striving for. Instead of punishing people for not voting, let’s address why they no longer believe their votes matter. Let’s eliminate vote-buying, ensure electoral transparency, and hold elected officials accountable.

    This bill was a distraction. It tried to blame citizens for the failures of the political class. But Nigerians refused to be scapegoated and they won.

    My final take: True democracy is built through persuasion, not compulsion. Civic participation cannot be imposed by law. It must be inspired by leadership. The withdrawal of this bill is a victory for common sense and for the democratic right to choose, even when that choice is to withhold a vote. Now, let’s turn our energy toward fixing the system that drove so many away from the polls in the first place.

  • Pretentious killers of democracy

    Pretentious killers of democracy

    Those responsible for killing democracy in Nigeria are turning around to blame latter-day leaders for the monumental effects of the serious infractions they committed while in office.

    Those responsible for the fragility and weakness of institutions are shifting blame. They delude themselves into thinking that the country is enveloped in a collective amnesia.

    The master riggers, clueless actors, serial defectors, and religious bigots are mooting an inexplicable alliance and downplaying the obvious distrust. They hope to hijack power and return the country to the decay they wrought. They desperately need power to feather their nests and not to cater for the welfare of the masses. New people are not joining the gang. They are only recruiting their old, distraught followers in an unguarded noise making.

    Their aim is to garnish their lies with enticing flavours, taint the truth as a means of their prevarication, and instigate a section of the media against their target, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who has refused to fall into their trap.

    The objectives are two-fold. They plan to weaken the government of the day—although they were not better in their days in power, as their antecedents clearly show. They now peep at 2027 in trepidation, knowing that as things get better, the nation will mock them and ignore their antics. This is the reason they are desperate to work for the collapse of the government by all means.

    Also, they play the diversionary game to get by. They apply emotional manipulation in their game of deceit. They do not want the world, especially their gullible supporters, to see what the current administration has done well. They are concerned about a few inevitable foibles and human pitfalls. What the government has done right is not visible to them. As goes the Yoruba saying: the enemy’s horse is always dwarfish. They do not bother about this administration’s accomplishments. They enjoy pointing fingers over the challenges that are half-solved and those being frontally tackled to achieve the desired result, as their implementation is ongoing.

    They raise an unrealistic standard they never met when they misused authority before power slipped from them. They complain not because of their love for the masses but because they miss the privileges associated with public office.

    Read Also: Tinubu is a courageous leader, we are praying for him – Bishop Wale Oke

    They are united not by vision, ideas, and conviction but by their morbid hate for their common foe in the highest office in the land.

    Their past gave some of them away as religious bigots. Now, they are still exploiting the opium of the masses for manipulation. Some of them – Christians – are treading the populist path by going to break fast with the Muslim faithful when they never met the criterion of sacrifice by observing Lent, which their religion demands. They sat on mats with commoners, taking pictures and inundating the social media with their symbol of camouflage reticence.

    Their adversarial media backers accuse pro-Tinubu supporters of warming up for a second-term mobilisation. But they are also promoting the crusade for an alliance by the disorganised and disunited opposition gang.

    At their recent outing in Abuja, they upgraded their propaganda to absurdity. They cried out to themselves, saying democracy was declining, falling, and not living up to expectation – their expectation, that is. They also turned to the judiciary to malign the temple of justice. The sin of the judiciary is that in the last presidential election, the loser was not proclaimed as the winner.

    Instructively, two leading members of the opposition claimed in 2023 that they, and not President Tinubu, won the poll. They were fooling themselves. At least one loser was lying. Beyond that, the court ruled, based on the constitution, the law, electoral guidelines, and the evidence before it, that the two leading losers could not prove their allegations against the winner and the electoral umpire.

    Whenever the court rules in their favour, it is the triumph of democracy. Whenever the ruling is against the hypocrites, it is a travesty of justice and the rule of law.

    In 1999 and 2003, the presidential battle shifted from the ballot box to the court. They won. It was democracy at work. In 2023, when they lost, it was the decline of democracy and natural justice.

    The propaganda is ongoing that all jurists or most of them are corrupt because they allegedly wrote judgments in the bedrooms of some imaginary political barons and moneybags. Yet, those making the allegations lack the courage to reveal the identities of the culprits.

    The National Judicial Council (NJC) is responsible for the discipline of erring judges. But the venerable complainants are timid; they fail to submit petitions that would make the body launch an investigation. They commit a fallacy of easy generalisation.

    It is ironic that those whose political careers were salvaged by the judiciary in the past are turning around to mock the Bench without justification. It is worrisome because while the executive and the legislative arms can be dragged into the mucky waters at any time, it is forbidden for the honourable judges to join issues with politicians outside the court, no matter the provocation and intensity of smear campaigns.

    It is nothing short of regression to maladaptive behaviour in the post-election period by pompous candidates with an inflated ego. These characters indulge in an unending murmuring, almost two years after the poll, due to their reluctance to embrace reality and accept their fate. That lack of adjustment, which makes them to hold on to the past instead of focusing on the future realistically, is likely to affect their preparation for the next election. Psychologically speaking, the attribution of failure at tge poll to their rival who won meant that they lack an internal  locus of control.

    They are regrouping after they were scattered by antagonistic interests in the past. But a deep gulf still exists between them and the masses who they have endlessly exploited in the past through their rape of democracy.

    The proponents of the newest theory of democratic decline derived a weapon of blackmail, following the declaration of emergency rule in Rivers State by the President. They forget what their grand patron did in Ekiti and Plateau, the two states where the jungle never matured. The critics closed their eyes to reality and truth. As accomplices in the civilian dictatorship in Rivers, none of them raised an eyebrow when the House of Assembly was callously demolished by the power-drunk chief executive, who described it as his personal property. They also kept mum when lawmakers were denied access to the parliament, thereby denying 27 constituencies of representation for more than a year. They pretended as if all was well when only a three-member Assembly indulged in constitutional crimes against popular rule by erroneously giving the nod to the governor’s illegal actions. To them, all was well when the governor swore in commissioners who had not been screened by the parliament. They were pleased with running the state without a budget.

    As the Supreme Court judgment stated, there was no legal State Executive Council (Exco) in place, and the governor took the actions – in lawlessness.

    The appropriate Assembly, deriving its strength from the court verdict, immediately issued an impeachment notice. Over 14 breaches were listed. It was evident that the governor’s camp was packaging a resistance. The tough guys have been told by the chief security officer of the state to wait for some inexplicable instructions. Chaos was looming. Pipelines were blown off. But before the escalation of violence, the Commander-in-Chief acted fast.

    If any of the opposition leaders were presiding over the national affairs in Abuja, what would be his next line of action? Would he allow the Rivers of crisis to degenerate into a fire? Would they not later turn round again to blame the President for inaction?

    If democracy, as they claim, is declining or falling, then, the etiology of the rot should be probed. In rewinding the events of the past for a replay, they have been revealed, more or less, as the culprits.

    In 2003, a political earthquake reverberated across the Southwest. The then ruling party at the centre was the beneficiary. Five of the six governors in the region were thrown out of office in a curious electoral coup. But they accepted the turn of events. The affected governors never went to the tribunal for redress. Also, they walked freely on the streets. There was no invitation from any anti-graft body. They served their people to the best of their abilities and within the limited resources available to their states.

    Four years later, the so-called apostles of democracy were on the prowl, stealing the mandate of the people in many states. The mandates were later retrieved in court. The funny aspect of it all was that a do-or-die election was conducted, and the beneficiary, in sincerity, owned up that he rode to power on the back of a flawed and fraudulent exercise. On that account alone, the leaders of the then ruling party could be described as men of doubtful democratic credentials. They are fake democratic curators brandishing a puritanical zeal.

    When the anti-graft agencies became a tool for victimisation under their leadership, when court orders were wilfully disobeyed and violated, when their government became a cesspit of corruption, when federal allocations to states were seized and governors threatened, and when tension enveloped the polity because they wanted to hijack power in some states without actually winning democratic elections, they did not see it as a killing of democracy.

    The supporters of fuel subsidy are still annoyed and fighting back. They are few. They have made money from the loophole for years to the detriment of the larger population.

    In the history of Nigeria, none of them fought for democracy. While the soldiers among them claimed to have fought to keep Nigeria together, the question now is: What really brought about the civil war? Was the war not foisted on Nigeria by the scramble for power among ambitious soldiers? They created the ugly situation. They fought hard among themselves to clean up the mess. They rose to political fame by dismantling democratic structures. When they led the country in khaki, to whom were they accountable? Where did they derive their legitimacy when they ruled by the force of arms?

    What was their position on the June 12, 1993 election annulment? Did any one of them fight for the restoration of civil rule, which they became beneficiaries of in the Fourth Republic?

    Was the massacre at Odi and Zaki Biam democratic?

    What is their view on the resolution of the National Question? Are they not the unitarists serving as clogs in the wheel of federalism?

    President Tinubu should not allow these fake apostles of democracy to distract his attention from the implementation of his ‘Renewed Hope Agenda.’ He should remain focused. The greatest challenges now, like before, are security and the economy. As things get better, Nigerians should support him in his bid to reposition the country to attain greater heights in all spheres.

  • Democracy, dysfunction and sustainability

    Democracy, dysfunction and sustainability

    One of the strange paradoxes of modern democracy is the fact that those who are incapable of mastering its tough habits and finer rituals have taken to teaching its practice. As Oscar Wilde once famously observed, “those who are incapable of learning have taken to teaching”. It is straight out of the theatre of African magic when anti-democratic bullies take to the bully pulpit exhorting and exulting about the sweet wonders of democracy. But then it is said that in the last days of civilization as we know it, several strange occurrences will test the patience of humanity and task their sanity.

    These are not the best of times for liberal democracy. In the west, where democracy derived its latest franchise and mandate from after the triumph of capitalism, there has been a determined assault on its fundamental canons and wise assumptions from extreme far right groups and ultranationalist movements bent on torpedoing the whole system. France barely survived a rightwing civilian putsch which only receded when center-right and leftwing elements coalesced in a precarious coalition which has not been seen since the inauguration of the Gaullist Republic in 1958. In Germany which has not found the Socialist East Germany rump it swallowed in 1989 very digestible, a rightwing party has just swept into power. In Britain after a series of inept and corrupt rightwing rulers, the people sent the Conservative government packing and elected Keith Stammer and the Labour Party. The Poland of Viktor Orban does not need any prompting and Italy is about to catch up with them all.

    But it is America, the home of modern democracy, that is leading the charge against liberal democracy since the return of Donald Trump to the White House and the resurgence of a rabidly xenophobic rightwing nationalism that threatens to upend the whole notion of American Exceptionalism based on the romantic idealism of its founding fathers. To be sure, Trump gave enough notice and declaration of intent. But nobody thought this was possible in the land of the Mayfair fathers who forsook and foreswore everything in Europe to found a new nation based on the alienable rights of all humanity to political and economic freedom. Neither did many, as it is turning out, foresee a fundamental shift in the mood of core America particularly among offspring of later immigrants from Europe who had been nursing a smouldering resentment against the East coast establishment with their liberal namby-pamby and global do-goodism which has cost America dearly in their estimation. It is the return match of ancient European feudalism and American neo-feudalism.                                                          

       Perhaps it is our brains that need a fundamental reset. We always put the cart before the horse in Africa . Democracy is a product of rising prosperity and declining poverty, not increasing global scarcity. No democracy can survive mass immiseration and biblical want for long. People do not continue to vote on the promise of food but on the presence of victuals. It is an ideological overreach. Scarcity brings out the worst in any people. But if gold can rust, what will iron do? African neo-colonial nations with their seething multi-ethnic and multi-cultural polarities were not founded as organic nations but as outlets for metropolitan goods and as garrison emporia. Like all occupied territories, force is the organizing principle central to the maintenance of the structures of domination whether in its colonial format or postcolonial incarnation. This is why rigging of elections which is the perpetuation of electoral violence in its pure or adulterated form is often the leitmotif of all postcolonial nations. Unless the unpromising and unpropitious circumstances conspire to throw up an authentic and organic nationalist elite that will drive development and the deepening of the democratic process, everything will be left to chancing and opportunistic gaming. This is why most post-independence African nations, with the exception of a few, are prone to military coups, ethnically and religiously motivated army uprising, despotic annulment of properly conducted elections, the rise of the selectorate over the electorate, civilian power grab and state closures euphemistically referred to as state capture with a delinquent and polarized political elite cheering and egging them on or urging Armageddon to visit the nation as the case may be.

      Let us now take a random audit of this African graveyard of liberal democracy. Apart from one-party autocracies fronting as pseudo-democracies such as Algeria, Tunisia, Equatorial Guinea, Rwanda, Congo Brazzaville, Cameroon, Angola, Zimbabwe, Uganda and Togo, there are at least seven full-blown military regimes on the continent: Egypt, Sudan, Guinea, Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso and Gabon. In Cote D’Ivoire after partitioning and a civil war fought over national identity, succession and his own ethnic origins, Alisane Quattara is enjoying an unconstitutional third term and yet all is quiet and placid on the Cocody front.  This is because the warring elite factions have all been pacified. Nobody now remembers that the former president, Laurent Gbagbo, has quietly returned to the country after serving out his term for crimes against humanity at The Hague and is enjoying the remunerations of a former president.

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      In Zimbabwe, only a palace coup engineered with panache and precision by the old military wing of ZANU could forcibly retire the wizard of Harare, Robert Mugabe, having ruled his nation continuously since independence in 1979. Without this timely military intervention, Zimbabwe was on the verge of anarchy and chaos as Robert Mugabe was bent on installing his wife as his successor. Forty years after “liberating “his nation, Yoweri Kaguta Museveni is still calling the shots in Kampala. So is Paul Kagame, the king of Kigali, who is still ruling the waves thirty two years after genocide and civil war. The Eyadema clan has ruled Togo continuously since 1967 and between them Mobutu and the Kabilas ruled the Democratic Republic of Congo for almost sixty years. In Equatorial Guinea, the Nguema brood has been in power since independence. Forty six years after executing his uncle, Colonel Teodoro Nguema Mbasogo rules the nation with a tight fist. Paul Biya has been at it in Cameroon since 1982.

     It is only in countries such as Botswana, Namibia, Senegal, Ghana, Zambia and Tanzania that far-sighted nationalist elite formations have been able to buck the trend by continuous practice of the habits and rituals of democracy. In almost all these countries, one can see the handiwork and foundation laid by visionary founding fathers. Leopold Sedar Senghor and Julius Nyerere were Christian minorities in predominantly Muslim countries, yet they were able to lay the foundation of good governance and development in their countries. The same thing happened with Sam Nujoma’s Namibia and Seretse Khama’s Botswana. In Ghana following the footpath of Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah, succeeding generations of politicians have managed to paper over the cracks of ethnicity and religion by reverting to the old Nkrumah versus J.B Danquah fault lines of leftwing and rightwing politics.  Between the two tendencies and since the advent of JJ Rawlings, power has managed to oscillate about four times without threatening the foundation of the nation.

     Nigeria represents the best prospects of democracy on the continent as well as the possibility of its most fatal declension. Nigeria has enjoyed twenty six years of unbroken civilian rule and democratic experimentation. Given the turbulent antecedents of the nation, there is a lot to cheer about this development. We must avoid the pitfalls of self-constricting pessimism as well as the promiscuous optimism of democracy as a permanent work in progress. Sometimes the ripening of the banana fruit also coincides with the onset of irreversible rot. The longevity of civilian rule can also coincide with manifest institutional retardation and dysfunction. With its size, humongous population, stupendous human and national resources, its countervailing ethnicities and religions, Nigeria ought to be a showpiece and poster-boy of a dynamic democracy. This contradictory locus of power also makes it impossible for any hegemonic group to maintain their hold on power for long. The obverse of the coin means that once a government is installed, it is subject to continuous assault and withering criticism by hostile interlocutors thus stalling its momentum and impairing its concentrative capacity. Like a bear at bay savaged and bloodied by uncountable hounds the government spends all its time in self-defence and in warding off frantic attacks aimed at overwhelming it, leaving little room for creative governance and deep innovative thinking. This over-politicization of the polity does not conduce to thorough going economic reform or a determined overhaul of the ailing political system.

       Where circumstances conspire to throw up somebody who has not been endorsed by the old selectorate, all hell is let loose from the day of swearing in. New conspiracies, formation of new alliances, memoranda for new mega-parties and other satanic plots too dark for daylight spring up on a daily basis. Such is the atmosphere of fear and climate of insecurity that the government often succumbs to paranoid fantasies. When you are subjected to relentless psychological terrorism by masters of the game something is bound to give eventually. Leading the charge of new “activists” are former presidents, vice-presidents and top government officials who ought to know better than to perpetually destabilize a sitting government with full levers of power and led by a veteran who is not afraid of confrontation. Some of them whose record of anti-democratic exertions while in office ought to put them permanently out of circulation do not appear to be fazed by their criminal infractions against the democratic aspirations of a nation that they owe so much.

    These antidemocratic elements consider all this as part of an elaborate game of bluff and counterbluff in which all is fair. Here is the real danger to the nation.  Even in a game of bluff, there is always a tipping point where and when the gladiators reach a point of no return. This is when and where polarized but nationalist elites build bridges of conciliation, compromise and consensus-seeking over “pillarized” differences. It is only then that we can broach the issue of economic reform and the political reconfiguration of the nation on the epic scale required. The recent summary dismissal of the claims of Humphrey Nwosu to national honour shows just how impossible it is to reach national consensus and political justice in circumstances of “pillarized” prejudices. So far, President Tinubu has survived on brilliant stealth and nimble foot-works. But he will need much more than this as the gloves come off in coming months.

  • Future of democracy tied to women participation in electoral process – INEC

    Future of democracy tied to women participation in electoral process – INEC

    The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) said on Saturday that the future of democracy is deeply tied to the empowerment of women and their full participation in the electoral process. 

    The commission said it was commited to creating an environment for women to participate and be active collaborators in shaping the nation’s electoral landscape, adding that gender equality will remain a priority for INEC in all areas of its work.

    In a statement to mark the International Women’s Day by the Director, Voter Education and Publicity, Victoria Eta-Messi, the electoral body said it was committed to breaking down the barriers women face, including societal expectations, lack of support systems, and gender-based violence.

    It urged all Nigerians to join in advancing gender equality, not only in the electoral process but across all aspects of life, adding that when women are empowered to take leadership roles and given equal opportunities, Nigeria’s democracy will be stronger, governance will be more inclusive, and the future will be brighter for everyone. 

    The Commission said it was working on policies that will encourage greater participation of women at all levels of the electoral process, from candidates to voters, from election administrators to party representatives. 

    The statement reads: “Today, as the Commission celebrates the International Women’s Day, it reaffirms its commitment to gender equality and the empowerment of women in Nigeria’s electoral process.

    “International Women’s Day highlights both the remarkable contributions women have made in society, including within the electoral system, and the need for further efforts toward true gender parity. 

    “INEC has made significant strides in ensuring women’s inclusion and representation within its leadership and decision-making bodies.

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    “As the theme for the 2025 International Women’s Day is ‘Accelerate Action,’ INEC recognizes that gender equality is not only a matter of fairness, but also a critical pillar in strengthening democracy. 

    “A leadership that reflects gender balance, where women equally participate in decision-making, leads to more inclusive and responsive governance. INEC continues to make efforts to ensure that women hold leadership positions within the Commission”.

    The statement said further that under the current leadership composition at INEC, two of the 12 National Commissioners are women, making up 16.7% of the total leadership, adding that while this is a notable milestone, there is still work to be done in achieving gender balance in this decision-making body.

    It said further that position of secretary, responsible for overseeing INEC’s operations, is held by a woman while four of the current 32 Resident Electoral Commissioners are women, accounting for 12.5% of this critical leadership group.

  • Democracy on trial (II)

    Democracy on trial (II)

    More than a week after the US presidential election, some people are still trying to come to terms with what is for them, the wholly unexpected result of that election. It was thought in many places that the choice of who would become president between Kamala Harris and Donald Trump was going to fall on Kamala Harris on account of, not just her manifest merits but on the multiple demerits of her opponent. My stand all along was that there would not be a clear winner with the votes being shared right down the middle in which case, a Trump induced chaos was going to leave an entanglement which was going to task the democratic resolve of the polity. A man who lost the last election and has cried foul without an iota of proof for all of four years and has been laying grounds for rejecting the present round even before voting began in this round cannot be expected to respect the results of an election obtained from an evenly divided electorate. Right until polling day, this was the result predicted by all those who were actively involved in the polling business. They were all wrong. Trump ran away with the election and all we are left with are the so called experts trying to wipe the egg from their bemused faces. They are not likely to recover from this debacle for a very long time.

    As expected, the post mortem has started, with people coming up with possible reasons why the Democrats were blown away in the manner they suffered at the hand of the electorate. As with most political parties especially with those on the left wing of the political spectrum, these parties can best be described as a coalition of interests. This means that parties of the left tend to have many varied interests and too often appear to be fighting too many internal battles. This is usually at the expense of their vote gathering potential. In extreme cases, these internal conflicts are so serious that some factions which are deemed to be too far to the left are expelled in the manner of cutting out a cancerous growth in order to restore the party to good health. The British Labour Party has been particularly plagued with this tendency in a way that cannot be associated with the right wing Conservative Party within which the overwhelming aim is to attain power and retain it by any means necessary. Such parties are run along military lines with a clear command structure and a ruthlessness to go along with it. The leader of the party tends to be a strong man or woman who lays down the law in such a way that the chances of any individual rising within the party are dependent on their personal relationship with the leader who wields the power to hire and fire entirely at will. The ability of parties cast in this mould depends very much, if not entirely on discipline when necessary by an allegiance to clearly defined religious principality or to a manufactured patriotism. Beware of those who stand to rigid attention, with the hint of tears in their eyes whenever the national anthem is being played or the flag in being saluted. More often than not, they are fanatics who are not averse to becoming martyrs for the cause, any cause that captures their fevered imagination.

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    One of the weaknesses associated with parties of the left is their tendency to pander too much to the perceived interests of the electorate, to the extent that they try to anticipate the wishes of the voters who are perceived as valued customers. In doing this, they cast themselves in the mould of do-gooders who unfortunately frequently misread the wishes of their constituents and in the end, have to impose policies of their own invention on the populace. They too often become wise after the election which they have lost to the other side which holds no truck with political niceties and are prepared to pull the electorate into their orbit in the wake of an identifiable leader who appears able to get things done.

    In the last US election, the Republicans had a clear leader whose every wish was a command. What Donald Trump wanted, he got, so that in the chaos of his campaign, it was apparent to his followers that there was a clearly defined path to power. In other words there was a clearly discernible method to his madness. He did not waste any time pandering to the wishes of elite component of the Republicans party which is why so many of them, Liz  Cheney and her father who, in spite of the atrocities associated with him, is surprisingly still alive;could not find it in their heart to associate themselves with what they saw as the excesses of Donald Trump, to whom everyone in that camp was required to bend the knee. As it was, the man had no defined policies to defend and so, could not be taken up on them through the process of civilised debate. You were required to toe the line or ship out into the political wilderness. Cheney and others decided to ship out in the mistaken belief that the formless nature of Trumpism was a fatal flaw but are now quietly licking their wounds in political limbo. It is unlikely that they would be welcome with open arms in the Democratic Party and there is absolutely no way back for them in the party of Trump. The only hope they can comfort themselves with is that Trump is no longer eligible to contest the next round of elections. In addition, at the age of seventy-eight, his pervasive political influence is very much dated and as things stand, there is no obvious successor to Trump within Republican ranks. Still, it will not be easy for those Republican rebels to fight their way back into the upper echelons of what used to be their party.

    Looking back now, it is apparent that the deciding issue in the US election is immigration which was also the main plank of Trump and his supporters. It is deeply ironic that this is the case since all Americans are immigrants from other parts of the world. But to be clear, Trump is not hostile to all immigrants, at least not to those of European descent who are blessed with a deficit of melanin in their skin. When he talks of immigrants eating dogs and cats, his target audience are whites who are afraid that Haitians, Mexicans, Muslims and members of other such groups have come to America with the sole intention of supplanting the white majority, taking over their jobs and privileges and mating with their daughters. One hundred years ago, the only immigration going on was of white but regrettably, mainly Southern European Catholics who have however been converted into American citizens. Before then, the Irish who also brought the Pope in their scanty luggage were the problem. Now, they have been integrated into the Republic and have even in the last sixty years produced two presidents including the incumbent. John F. Kennedy broke that glass ceiling in 1960.

    Ask any white American and he will tell you with no hint of equivocation that their country belongs to the white man and his descendants in perpetuity. All other people are interlopers who are to be tolerated for as long as they are useful to white interests. But, how strong is the claim of the European claim to any part of the Americas or what we refer to as the New World? To start with, nobody in Europe had any idea that such a large land mass existed west of any part of Europe even though a band of Vikings under the leadership of Leif Erikson had landed in North America some four hundred years before Christopher Columbus fetched up on the island of Bahamas. And, thinking that he had arrived in India, his intended destination, called indigenous people of the island, Indians. From then, the non-white people in the New World have been hunted down like vermin and their land blatantly stolen from them. This is the land that those hill billies call their own and have no wish to share with anyone. Trump has now promised a massive exportation of immigrants, the scale of which has never been seen before. These are people carrying out jobs which white American are lost to soil their hands with. These are the jobs which in the words of Trump are black jobs. The corollary being that as soon as those immigrants have been expelled, there will be an overflow of jobs for the black folk, many of whom are currently unemployed or in serious completion for them with those immigrants. There is therefore something in Trumpism for a whole lot of people. Unlike a vociferous minority of people waving blue flags, the words of Donald Trump promising to lead them to Eldorado. No wonder they came out in large numbers to support him with their votes.

    Trump was not talking only to the great unwashed millions alone. His listeners included the ultra rich who have been promised generous tax cuts so that they can become richer still even if it is at the expense of those poor saps who are hoping to step into the shoes vacated by the departed immigrants. The only people who did not appear to have a place at the Trump table are members of the middle class, those poor saps who have struggled to acquire an education worth boasting about. They have the comfort of their degrees and in any case are in a clear minority, not worth caring about in a system where no vote is more precious than the other. From this point of view, it can now be seen with the useless benefit of hindsight that Trump ran a diabolically clever campaign. What he will be able to do with his victory is anybody’s guess, including his own.

    Perhaps the most interesting aspect of  this saga is that Trump is not an unknown quantity. On the face of it, judging from his former presidency we should know what to expect from him this time around. I am a pharmacist even if I sometimes need to be reminded of it. From that point of view, I am not hopeful that Trump will display any sign of maturity or competence on his return to the White House. This assessment is based on his handling or rather, mishandling of the COVID crisis which he handled with incredible incompetence leading to a large number of deaths, hospitalisations and needless suffering. He had a battery of world acclaimed experts at his beck and call but chose to ignore them pointedly. Instead his ears were wide open to charlatans and conspiracy theorists who were sure that ivermectin, strong salt solutions, powerful rays of light were the cure for a viral infection which is refractive to any form of chemotherapy. In the end however, he somehow became convinced of the power of vaccines and threw his considerable weight behind the development and distribution of the vaccines which halted the virus in its tracks. That would have been cause for some hope that he has learnt a valuable experience from that episode but the hope of that has been dashed by his announcement that he was handing the responsibility for for the public health sector in the USA to a rabid vaccine denier who has expressed contempt for the efficacy of vaccines and the results of scientific research. From this point of view, I am convinced that we have exciting but mentally exhausting times ahead with the Donald at the wheel. Harold Wilson, one time British Prime Minister said with confidence that seven days is a long time in politics. From that point of view, four years is an eternity.