The Nation Newspaper

Tag: democracy

  • Democracy on trial (I)

    Democracy on trial (I)

    All over the world, people are waking up to the news that Donald J. Trump has completed the greatest political comeback in the history of politics, both American and global. He has, seemingly in the face of great odds been elected the forty-seventh president of the United States, only the second person to have been so re-elected after losing a previous battle for election for a second consecutive presidential term. The first man to be so elected was Grover Cleveland, the first Democrat to be elected President of the US since the end of the American civil war. This, it has to be made clear was at a time when the Democratic Party was the party of segregation and right wing extremism. Ironically, he too, like Donald Trump had entered the White house under a cloud of having raped a woman, an act he was accused of committing long before he became a candidate for the position of president. In his own case, he was not only accused of rape but was fingered by his victim as the father of the son who was born as a result of the enforced union. Grover did not deny having carnal knowledge of the woman involved but insisted that what happened between them was as a result of mutual consent. He then  flatly denied that he was the father of her child. When the accused continued to make a nuisance of herself to the future POTUS, he used his not inconsiderable powers to bring about her incarceration in a lunatic asylum and blithely went on his merry way to plot his way into the White House. The rest, as the saying goes is history but it shows that some of the people who have been president long before Trump have been far less than stellar characters. Indeed, it looks as if the more things change, the more they remain the same.

    Many of the people around the world who took the trouble to look into what was going on in the US over the last hundred days or so may be surprised by the result of the presidential election. They have observed how the entry of Kamala Harris into the presidential race raised the level of excitement associated with it. Before the visibly exhausted Joe Biden retired from the campaign, it was clear or, at least apparent that Trump was coasting to victory practically everywhere. With the coming of Harris however everything changed overnight. Money from multiple sources started flowing into her campaign at an unprecedented rate and voter registration shot up through the roof. She was not just a breath of fresh air, she was like a shot of oxygen into a furnace and was confidence personified. The endorsements started pouring in and life long Republicans from every neck of the woods began pledging their vote to a clearly resurgent Harris/Walz ticket. Trump, on his part appeared to have become increasingly unhinged as he issued a string of invectives against people he labelled lunatics and lowlifes. Everything seemed to be going swimmingly for the Democrats except that the bottom line was that the result of the election was always given as too close to call. And that was the greatest takeaway from all that was going on. What did Harris have to do to pull away from Trump and take a commanding lead? As long as this did not happen, Trump was ahead given that Trump had warned that the only result he was going to accept was victory for himself. If Harris was going to win, it had to be by a landslide and the possibility of that was clearly not on the cards.

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    I acquired a sharp consciousness of global events in the sixties, clearly the most iconic decade in recent human history. It was the first time that the world began to acquire the status of a global village, stitched together as it had become  through both print and electronic media. All over the world, young people were directly connected to each other as never before and my generation was the first to react as one to global trends and could go further to direct those trends as no previous generation had ever been able to do. Many of those trends were coming out of the USA and in many ways we were all becoming Americanised. Although I joined enthusiastically in that trend, my own focus was on the plight of those we called American negroes in those days.

    For me, more than anything else the sixties was the decade of the civil rights movement in the USA as it coincided neatly with the winds of charge which were sweeping all those colonial powers out of Africa. As far as I was concerned African independence was hollow as long as our brothers and sisters across the Atlantic were not accorded full human status which in fact they were not enjoying at the time. In many parts of the USA including all the country below the Mason-Dixon line, black people were strictly segregated from whites with whom they could not share any municipal amenities. On buses, they were restricted to the back and were excluded from restaurants, hotels, public swimming pools, decent schools and were in the main, not allowed to vote in any elections, local, state or national. The world seems to have forgotten that the 1964 presidential election was fought between Lyndon Johnson and Barry Goldwater, an arch segregationist who was resolutely and bitterly opposed to any concession to black equality. As late as that period, it was still a crime for black and whites to marry across racial lines! It is now nearly unbearable that it was only in the sixties that things began to change slowly and that with a great deal of pain and effort on the part of black Americans.

    Perhaps the most promising period for blacks in America was immediately after the civil war when the 13th, 14th and 15th amendments freed the slaves, gave citizenship rights to all those born in the USA and conferred the right to vote on black people respectively. From 1865 to 1877, a big, beautiful window of opportunity opened for the blacks to exploit social, economic and political opportunities in a period which has come to be known as the Reconstruction. During this period, the newly freed blacks flourished as they have not done at any time since then. They were voted into political posts at local, state and national levels and were allowed to become part of what we now call the American dream. Hope broke out among them like a rash of boils and spread just as quickly at a time when their freedoms were being guaranteed under the shadows of guns wielded by the United States army. That army that had fought to liberate them from the tyranny of slavery. As things turned out, it was too good to last. After the 1876 presidential elections, a deal was struck between Northern Republicans and Southern Democrats which led to the withdrawal of the army from the South and the ascension of Rutherford Hayes to the presidency. With army protection withdrawn, blacks were left to the mercies of the former slave owners and their white lackeys who devised a life of living hell for the blacks in their midst. The tortures of that hell have since been ameliorated but those fires are yet to be extinguished which is why the fight is far from over.

    The situation for blacks in the South was excruciating as they were brutally periodically lynched by white mobs right down until the forties. Any black man who stepped out of line by as much as an inch paid with his life. Lynching was the linchpin of white policy towards blacks in the South whilst in the more sophisticated North, they frequently resorted to inter-racial riots in which many more blacks than whites were killed.

    By the middle years of the sixties, most of the news coming out of the US was about civil rights and my curiosity about that country was at fever pitch. At a time when most of my contemporaries were impressed by the music, Hollywood films and the glamour of American life as depicted in glossy magazines such as Life, I was consumed by empathy for my cousins across the Atlantic. They were represented in my consciousness by the incomparable Muhammed Ali who was not just a supreme athlete who demonstrated a performance excellence which shone with uncommon brilliance but demanded respect for black people everywhere. He had won a gold medal at the Rome Olympics but was not served in a restaurant in his hometown of Louisville in Kentucky on account of the colour of his skin. That is how backward America was in 1960 and I took notice of it. When Ali was banned from boxing for refusing to, as he put it, go ten thousand miles away from home to shoot some coloured people he had no quarrel with, I felt positively outraged on his behalf.

    The first Black slaves to disembark on American soil arrived in 1619, at a time when all the European colonies which had been founded in America were floundering badly, most of them on the verge of terminal collapse. It cannot be a coincidence that their fortunes changed thereafter and they began to prosper on the back of the free labour extracted under the most degrading conditions from enslaved Africans. From 1619, a caste system with whites at the top and blacks nowhere was instituted and it is this system which privileged whites are fighting tooth and nail to maintain more than four hundred years later. That is the enormity of the load which Harris, a black woman married to a Jew has been carrying on her back. It has  proved to be far too heavy for her to carry.

    One thing clear about this election is that issues and positions did not matter in the end and all the money spent on getting messages across to people was money wasted. Looking at the communications from both sides it seems that nobody was really listening to whatever it was that was being flung at them even when the information was coming directly from the candidates themselves. Harris was all for explaining her positions on different issues. The more she talked however, the more open to criticism she became. Trump, on the other hand traded in crude insults, casually throwing oral bombs in the general direction of those who has anything he considered to be against any one of the many things he did not approve of. He did this secure in the knowledge that he could get away with anything that popped into his head. One can say that he was impartial in the distribution of his insults. As for any sensitivity to truth, that was completely absent at every level of his rambling  discourses. The most memorable takeaways from his face to face encounter with Harris was his confident assertion that immigrants were eating the pets of the people who lived in Springfield. All normal people would have dismissed that with a negligent wave of the hand but not his avid, or perhaps rabid supporters who not only believed him but took steps to make life uncomfortable for the people who had been outed as dog eaters.

    The election was also not about personalities as the two candidates are worlds apart in terms of their exhibited personalities.  Trump portrayed himself as self centred and totally lacking in social values. The denigration of his opponent’s worth as a human being was as tasteless as it was remorseless even though there is probably no one who can step out to give him any character reference at any point in his life.

    The election was not about experience in any sphere of service. Trump has served in the highest office in the land but the record of his office is better forgotten and it seems that most people have forgotten his accomplishments or lack of them in his four year stint in the White House. His mismanagement of the COVID pandemic is enough to disqualify him from holding any responsible office anywhere. Given that record alone, it is impossible to guess correctly why he has once again been called upon to manage the affairs of the USA for another four years.

    This election was not fought on the grounds of moral principles because Trump has not demonstrated his respect for principle, moral of otherwise at any point in his careers and this being the case, he has never been held to account in respect of any of the promises he has made at any time.

    This election circle has come and gone and Americans on their own volition have decided to elect Trump to run their affairs for four years. Unfortunately for the rest of us, America is a superpower, the only superpower and so we are bound to be affected by whatever Trump decides to do with the enormous power at his disposal. He was impeached twice the last time he was in office. Who says he would not break that record this time around?

  • Democracy on trial

    Democracy on trial

    By the time you are reading this, the close of this election cycle in the USA would be about forty-eight hours away. In other words, the die would have been cast and the battle won and lost. The advertised date of the election is the fifth of November but since the nineteenth of October voters in no less than forty-seven of the fifty states of the Union have been sending in their ballots in order to register their votes early. It is calculated that as many as fifty million voters would have voted before the advertised voting date to take care of those who would be unavoidably absent on election day or people who do not wish to be bothered with the hassle of queuing up to vote on election day.

    The voting and subsequent announcement of the results will bring to an end an election cycle which started as it always does, in January when registered Democrats and Republicans in New Hampshire met to decide who the state’s delegates were going to vote for at the party conventions later on in the year. Since that date, ambitious US politicians have been crisscrossing the country going from one state to another trying to win the fight to be their candidate in this year’s presidential elections.

    This year, the Republican primaries have turned out to be a triumphant procession for former President Trump who just steam rolled his way through the process. You can even say that like an unstoppable force of nature he simply blew away all opposition within Republican ranks. True, Nikki Hailey who once served as the United States ambassador under Trump showed some fight early on in the primaries, she was in the end swatted aside with contemptuous ease by the relentless Trump who gathered delegate votes with the ease of honey bees gathering nectar in the middle of the flowering season. No other Republican could gain any traction and the party lined up meekly behind Donald Trump as he blithely led them like lambs to the slaughter. It was a coronation of sort.

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    In the Democratic camp, the situation was similar as there was no viable opposition to the incumbent Biden – Harris ticket. For a long time, it seemed that the  next election was going to be a straight fight between President  Biden and former President Trump as was the case the last time around in 2020. And we all remember clearly what the result of that matchup was. Biden, after due process was declared the winner. In a clear departure from the norm however, Trump refused to acknowledge defeat and began to whip up his supporters into a frenzy of denial of an election result which in the face of overwhelming evidence was truly incontestable. He claimed the election was rigged. That, as must be pointed out is the default reaction of defeated presidential candidates in Nigeria. That is the case and perhaps will always be the case in Nigeria given the chaos that has come to characterise our elections but the Trump reaction went against the grain of two hundred and forty years of practice in the United States. Not one to be deterred by the truly intimidating weight of history, Trump truculently rejected the result and in the time honoured tradition of any respectable state governorship candidate in Nigeria,  began the fight ,’to retrieve his stolen mandate’. But he did not make his appeal to any judicial body as there does not seem to be any such body to which such an appeal could be directed. Given extant realities, perhaps the United States may wish to look across the pond to see how we manage these things here but I digress. Given the situation, Trump appealed directly to the American people or at least to those of them who were his loyal supporters and they responded magnificently.

    On January 6 2021, there was a scheduled meeting of Senate and Congress in the Capitol and it was at this meeting that the votes of the electoral college were to be counted and the election result ratified under the chairmanship of the incumbent Vice-president, Mike Pence. However the sitting president, Donald Trump was not having any of this. He wanted Pence to use phantom powers to declare him the duly elected president and when it became apparent that Pence knew the limits of his constitutional authority, Trump challenged, no, even more than that, goaded the mob under his control to take over the Capitol and using a non-existent formula overturn the election results in order to save their country from what he described as the clutches of deranged left wing conspirators. From then on, it was the loudly declared intension of the mob which numbered close to two thousand people to hang Mike Pence on the gallows which had been erected within the premises of the Capitol. A full blown insurrection was underway in the seat of American democracy. When the Japanese carried out pre-emptive bombings of Pearl harbour on December 7 1941, Delano Roosevelt, the then president of the USA declared that day as a day which would live on in infamy and as far as a day on which the very idea of American democracy had come under a pre-emptive and hugely damaging attack. That day has to go down in history as a day of everlasting infamy too. In the end, National guard contingents drawn from Virginia and surrounding states had to be called out to suppress the insurrection and prevent the hanging of Mike Pence. All things considered, Pence is lucky to be alive but the same thing cannot be said of the spirit of American democracy which has been bruised, battered and trampled upon. The biggest blow is that nearly four years later, the Donald, far from admitting any wrong doing has continued to insist that his followers were well within their rights to right the wrongs which he suffered at the hands of fraudulent election officials. But there is worse on the ground this time around because he stubbornly insists just as he did the last time out that the only result acceptable to him is victory at the polls. That the Capitol debacle which ended with him being impeached (for the second time) has not acted as a deterrent this time around. The stage is definitely set for something which is bound to change the trajectory of American history in a way that is yet to be determined.

    Already, this election cycle has stood out for several reasons and it seems that we are only at the beginning. In 2016, the highly experienced and accomplished Hilary Clinton became the first woman to be nominated by either the Republicans or the Democrats to contest the post of the POTUS head to head. This was in a country in which women were not even allowed to vote until 1920 after an amendment of the constitution finally and grudgingly conferred the right to vote on them. In spite of winning the popular vote by a whopping margin of three million votes, she lost the election at the electoral college. This result, although disappointing shows a massive shift in the mind-set of the electorate and encouraged Joe Biden to offer the position of Vice president to Kamala Harris in the next cycle. This has paved the way for the Democrats to field Harris as their candidate in this cycle.

    In 2020, Americans had the choice of voting for either of two nonagenarian white men, neither of them at the peak of their physical or mental power. This time around, the competition was initially the eighty-three year old Biden and the seventy-eight year old Trump, both of them creaking alarmingly in every joint, Biden looking definitely the worse for wear. Still the old man plodded wearily on, determined to save American democracy from the clutches of the increasingly rampant Trump who appeared determined to return to the Oval office with the sole purpose of confounding an army of opponents real and imagined, but mostly imagined.

    Just before the Democratic convention however, there was a seismic shift in the conditions governing the elections at a time when Trump was leading comfortably in all polls. After a disastrous showing at a presidential debate between the two candidates it became clear that Biden was at the end of his tether. The old man had finally run out of steam and amid the clamour to step down, he duly did so. He then did what amounted to throwing a spanner in the works for Trump by throwing his weight behind the candidacy of his Vice president up till then derisively called laughing Kamala by the misogynist Trump. In the words of the immortal bard, nothing in his life became him as in leaving it as he reported the execution of the thane of Cawdor to Macbeth, his would be assassin. This description suited Biden to the ground as nothing became him in office as his vacating his candidacy to Kamala Harris thus giving his party the opportunity to give Trump a real fight. No other candidate from the Democratic party would have had access to the  Biden-Harris campaign fund and would have had to start putting their own campaign fund together thereby giving Trump a tremendous, if not uncatchable advantage. As it was, Harris not only had funds at her immediate advantage but began to build a massive war chest from small donors all over the country. Just as important, the polls began to announce the arrival of a rather scary new kid on the block. Suddenly, the polls could no longer separate the two candidates and the election became too close to call.

    With only a few days of campaigning left nobody is brave enough to put money on either candidate. Although Trump cannot be associated with any tangible political platform, he remains hugely popular with roughly half of the electorate with the other half looking up to Harris. They cannot be split at this point in time.

    Everything considered, it must be said that Trump is a new and perhaps deadly phenomenon in American politics. His political platform is bereft of any identifiable planks. He has not bothered to make any promises to the electorate. The first time he was president, he promised to build a big, beautiful wall on the southern border for which Mexico was going to pay. However eight years later, no such wall has been constructed. He promised to bring back to America all the jobs which had been lost to China. He did no such thing. This time around he has promised to surround the American economy with a high tariff wall but nobody including Trump himself quite understands what benefits this will bring. He has broken every moral rule in the book and yet, no observable consequences have been triggered. Instead, the only thing getting higher is the fanaticism of his loyal supporters. His support from  the great unwashed white supremacists as well as white Christian evangelicals is rock solid even though he is  incapable of quoting a single Bible verse correctly, not even ‘Jesus wept’. And yet, the election is still too close to call. The only thing echoing in my head right now is that the only result which is going to be acceptable to Trump is a Trump victory. This makes me wonder what will happen in the event of Harris being declared the next POTUS following a victory at the polls.

    What comes to mind at this time is the story of Captain Ahab and Moby Dick. The conclusion of that tragic story of the struggle between man and beast may be a pointer to what is waiting for the spirit of American democracy after the fifth of November. Something has to give.

  • Zamfara, Ebonyi, Kaduna, Niger Govs bag democracy heroes award

    Zamfara, Ebonyi, Kaduna, Niger Govs bag democracy heroes award

    Governors Dauda Lawal (Zamfara); Francis Nwifuru(Ebonyi); Umar Mohammed Bago(Niger) and Uba Sani (Kaduna) have been honoured at the just concluded Democracy Heroes Award Africa in Abuja.

    Also recognised at the award ceremony were former Senate President Bukola Saraki; member representing Ikeja federal constituency of Lagos Hon. James Faleke and member representing Bichi Federal constituency, Hon. Abubakar Kabir Abubakar Bichi.

    Others were Hon. Dachung Musa Bagos; the national chairman Accord Party, Prof. Chris Imumolen, the Executive Secretary National Lottery Commission, Tosin Adeoju and host of others.

    It was part of events to mark the country’s 64th Independence Anniversary.

    The award also recognised entrepreneurs, business and entertainers whose contributions have helped in entrenching stability through job creation, youth empowerment and poverty alleviation measures.

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    Democracy Hero’s Award is hosted by Face of Democracy Nigeria (FDN)

    Speaking shortly after receiving his award, Lawal, said it was worth celebrating that democracy is getting gradually institutionalised.

    He expressed hope that years to come will usher in multiple indices of growth both for democracy and good governance.

    The Project Director FDN, Olufunsho Ajagbonna aka Fajag while expressing satisfaction with the success of the award programme, said such recognition was to encourage those who are making significant contributions towards good governance and nation-building.

    He congratulated the award winners and encouraged them to continue placing their names on national history by their meaningful contributions towards national development.

    The event hosted by Bigmo of Wazobia FM and Dorkong featured electrifying performances from cultural troupes.

  • Headwinds against democracy

    Headwinds against democracy

    The Wages of Elite Dysfunction

    If it were to be a Nigerian, democracy will also play victimhood. Despite persistent efforts to undermine and even destroy it from within by rival gangs of the political elite, democracy hardly complains. When countervailing actions are taken against them to maintain a balance of terror in the consuming game of chess that politics is, it is democracy that gets the blame. They do grumble and whine a lot, this lot. It is as if that alone will alter the balance of forces.

    To the naïve and unsuspecting observer, democracy has brought no joy to the nation; neither has it enhanced its economic growth or political development. Nothing has changed in the template of governance or in the conduct of political office holders since independence. If anything, the auguries are more troubling. The same draconian malice, mutual intolerance and ethnic baiting that characterized the First Republic have continued till date at an even more alarming rate. It is as if the civil war and millions of life wasted, mutinies, civil uprisings and ongoing religious insurrections never took place. Yet the truth is that without the promise of democracy or the phony equivalent we often resort to, the nation would have disappeared a long time ago. 

    In the First Republic, the Balewa administration, despite its veneer of respectability and restraint, unleashed a reign of terror on the opposition which stretched the fragile fabric of democratic rule until it snapped. Beginning with the engineered fracturing of the Action Group, the decimation of its leadership, the controversial restructuring of the country, the political subjugation of a vital federating unit, it ended in conflagration  and the destruction of civil rule. It is instructive that one of the reasons advanced by the military mutineers of January 1966 was the deployment of military personnel to quell civil uprising.  

    In the Second Republic as if operating the ancient manual of the First Republic and despite projecting the image of  dovish amiability and  reticence, the NPN and its allies struck at opposition stronghold and held the nation to electoral ransom until the military struck again at the tail end of 1983. General Babangida’s controversial and insalubrious Third Republic ended in vitrio as a result of the authoritarian intemperance and ethnic baiting of its promulgators. In the post-military Fourth Republic, General Olusegun Obasanjo, (1999-2007) had tried to revive the famous feudal template of smashing party formations and abrogating the electorate. 

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    After decimating the opposition parties, he abolished the electorate in the infamous 2003 federal elections. He was within an inch of smelling victory in an attempt to elongate his tenure when he was steamrolled by an alert and purposeful senate lead by Ken Nnamani. Nevertheless, he succeeded in imposing the next two leaders on a hapless and prostrate country completely demoralized and disoriented by its leadership crisis.  

    In the case of the general from Daura, after ruling Nigeria for eight tumultuous years, he attempted to revive the old feudal template of hegemonic domination on the floor of his party’s convention in a rather inept and maladroit manner but was immediately beaten back by more pragmatic forces mainly from his faction of the turbulent coalition. Judging from the meek and mild manner with which he accepted reality, it could have been a moment of tragic self-delusion brought on by fatigue and sheer disorientation. But had he succeeded, it would have brought the nation to certain disintegration. It was as if some Nigerian leaders are working for the American prediction of terminal dissolution with the deadline merely extended.

    In the light of all this and judging from the precarious background elaborated above, it is hard to resist the conclusion that the very structure, conglomeration and mode of leadership contention in Nigeria both pre-military and post-military dispensation insinuate a tendency to authoritarian despotism which is hard to get rid of and which has made it virtually impossible to domesticate and naturalize the western ideal of liberal democracy in Nigeria and possibly sub-Saharan Africa. This is why Nigeria is often at the gate of peril and perdition before more pragmatic forces step forward to redeem the nation.

    It is a curious irony that General Obasanjo who is unarguably the greatest exemplar of this Equatorial despotism in postcolonial Nigeria is also currently at the rooftop among those shouting about the unsuitability of the western model of liberal democracy for Nigeria and the Black race. The owl of Owu truly begins its flight at dusk and after the event indeed. If Obasanjo had been that visionary, he ought to have initiated a truly ground-ripping reform of the system when he had all the power, the authority of personal suffering and the prestige at the beginning of his tenure.  But he confused regime-protection in the guise of de-militarization which insulated him against resurgent military distemper with a project of de-feudalization of the whole country. It is instructive that once the clause recommending tenure elongation was expunged, the old man lost appetite in the remaining over two hundred recommendations of his own initiated conference .A particular structure is made up of certain variables which change over time even where the core structure remains unchanging and superficially unchangeable. This means that the more things do not appear to change, the more some aspects do not remain the same.

    While the inner structure of authoritarian despotism in Nigeria has largely remained the same either during military rule or beyond it, some of the features associated with the phenomenon appear to have mutated in response to historical stimuli. For example, having misconceived its role as the driving agent of accelerated development, the Nigerian military has recuperated and regained its sense of perspective as a loyal servant of the state baring any catastrophic meltdown. 

    Unlike in the past when the armed forces were eager to seize power at the slightest pretext, nowadays it is the military themselves who call out those baiting them and asking them to seize power as disloyal citizens and treasonous elements. In November 1993 after warning the political authorities to put their house in order, General Sani Abacha did not waste any further time before kicking them out. Given this background, it is a most sobering irony of Nigeria’s postcolonial history that the military has emerged as the most fanatical agent of democracy in the post-military Fourth Republic.  Something new always happens in Nigeria, and the most potent agent of destabilization of democracy has transformed into its most powerful pillar of stabilization.

    The reality of having the military leadership on its side redounds greatly to the advantage of the Tinubu administration. This is perhaps the greatest dividend of the prodemocracy struggle of which the current Nigerian president is a stirring exemplar. The leader of the greatest conglomeration  of Black people anywhere in the world  must however jealously guard against the lure of authoritarian despotism which we have shown to be the proverbial nemesis of Nigeria’s—and tropical Africa’s– post-independence leadership however personally benign and charitable a particular leader may appear. 

    It may well be the unwieldy and chaotic nature of these artificial countries, their fractious, divisive and polarizing elite groups and their mutually unintelligible nationalities at various, dissimilar and countervailing stages of economic, political and spiritual development that make this option of wielding the big stick sorely tempting indeed. It may also be that an instinctual autocracy is already wired into the DNA of a traditional African big chief trying to become modern leader. 

    Whatever it is, there is something quite distressing about the possibility of a prodemocracy avatar transforming into an antidemocratic leviathan. Having been in the political trenches with him in a period of grave personal peril, this columnist can attest to the fact that the Nigerian leader is a person of unusual courage and indomitable will. God help the country if these qualities, out of frustration and exasperation, are to be leashed to an autocratic charter.

    The auguries are very dire indeed.  Within a spate of fifteen months, the administration has been rocked by two major national upheavals engineered by restive youths and their shadowy national and international sponsors. A third is cooking up. The east has become a virtual war zone. The north is imploding on several fronts as a result of various insurgencies and industrial banditry. Labour has been on strike on several occasions and is threatening another should its leader be impounded by police after casual interrogation.   Last Thursday, the labour strike force actually made it to the police station where it encamped chanting war songs as Ajaero was being grilled for possible infractions against the state. It doesn’t get more bizarre.

    It is obvious that the Tinubu administration is reaping the whirlwind of the mismanagement of the ethnic, religious and cultural diversities of the nation as well as the economic incontinence of the Buhari administration. Never in the history of a modern country has state larceny occurred with such impunity and impudence. Never has there been a more determined attempt to take down a nation by such brazen and barefaced theft of the national patrimony.

    It must be noted for the sake of fairness and objectivity that the government has added its own incendiary mix to the already socially inflammable and politically inhospitable situation by its economic policies. If Mr President was banking on the traditional meekness of the average Nigerian and his fatalistic acceptance of harsh government measures, the swiftness and scale of the reaction ought to have been worrisome to him. It did not take long for normally praise-singing crowd to welcome him to his own Lagos with rude and disrespectful cries of hunger.  

    Being a minority government in a country seething with ethnic rivalry and unceasing mutual hostility, one had always expected a level of political discontent at the outcome of federal elections conducted without substantial elite compliance and pacting. But this time around, the scope, intensity and duration of post-election rancour suggest a worsening of certain aspects of the National Question which can only be exacerbated by electoral competition. The insistence in certain quarters that no matter how the dice is thrown it is not the turn of Tinubu’s ethnic group to rule the nation has merely intensified the smouldering resentment. That insistence is itself a reflection of the collapse of elite consensus. As a government elected without overwhelming popular support, it is not the wisest and smartest thing to adapt the mode and mood of an imperial presidency.

    The upsurge in well-reasoned and well-articulated demands for a repeal of the 1999 Constitution, the demands for a total restructuring or reconfiguration of the country emanating from traditional quarters including Tinubu’s own restive and voluble Yoruba nation and the demand for a wholesale renegotiation of the terms of the incorporation of the country suggests a stirring of the old sullen bear of centrifugal forces from its slumber.  

    As a platform position for darkroom elite renegotiation in the perpetual struggle for the allocation of resources, they normally surface at the tail end of an administration when it is tired, perplexed and consumed by its own contradictions. But coming so early in the life of the current administration suggests that the old wizards of regime incapacitation have sniffed blood or are ready to draw a pint of the stuff. 

    With the military and security forces solidly behind him, the president’s gamble can be gleamed from his response to The Patriots’ group. It is to hope that the benefits of his economic regimen would have manifested in a way that unites the entire country behind him thus putting his political adversaries to shame. This cannot be an overnight miracle. And it cannot extirpate the political tempest. As a well-tested political operative and a master of the manual of political gaming himself, Tinubu is not likely to give in to political blackmail and what he may consider as mere scaremongering by defeated and demoralized hegemons. His instinct will be to fight rather than flee. If this stiffens into a resolve to wield the authoritarian stick, the stage is set for an explosive confrontation which may end in the mutual ruination of all the contending classes and a tipping into chaos and anarchy. This is likely to put paid to liberal democracy. We surely live in interesting times.

  • Disinformation and Digital Threats to Democracy: The Influence of Digital Platforms

    Disinformation and Digital Threats to Democracy: The Influence of Digital Platforms

    • By Rebecca Ejifoma

    ABSTRACT

    While Nigeria’s cyberspace opened it up to new forms of disinformation, particularly from foreign sources, citizens are also dealing with the disinformation possibilities of popular platforms like Telegram and TikTok. Such campaigns affect public opinion, skew political debate, and obstruct the democratic process. Building from work on digital disinformation’s impact on politics, protests, and the public’s perception of both, this article scrutinizes how disinformation flows in Nigeria. Anchored in current literature and research findings, the article assesses the impact foreign digital meddling has on democratic processes and presents a discussion of the manner in which Nigeria might safeguard its political terrain from the onslaught of algorithmic manipulation and international propaganda warfare.

    INTRODUCTION

    The health of democracy is contingent upon a healthy public discourse, factual information and knowledge being accessible, and citizens being able to make informed political choices. Digital disinformation has increasingly threatened the fabric of Nigeria’s democracy in recent years. This is not a risk that just relies on the misuse of local media, but part of an increasingly complex environment of global digital risks. Foreign disinformation campaigns, often crafted and curated by actors outside the state, have increasingly intervened in political narratives, social tensions, and trust in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Emotionally manipulative and false or misleading content has often been weaponised via digital platforms like Telegram and TikTok.

    The unique characteristics of contemporary disinformation are not only the proliferating and peddling of misrepresentation but also the speed and viral nature of algorithmically mediated media experiences. This becomes especially problematic because young Nigerians, most of whom access news primarily through mobile-first applications, are especially vulnerable to being manipulated in this way. Foreign-supported disinformation, therefore, has proliferated in Nigeria’s online spaces and affected both discourse and offline politics. This paper seeks to analyze the operation of these digital disinformation networks, the tools and platforms used to spread their message and the threats they present to democracy in Nigeria.

    Foreign Disinformation Campaigns and Nigeria’s Vulnerability

    Given Nigeria’s geopolitical and economic prominence within West Africa, Nigeria has been susceptible to foreign influence operations, especially during elections and periods of national unrest. As summarized by CDD West Africa, coordinated digital campaigns have sought to manipulate the nation’s voting process and interrupt on-the-ground political discussions by bringing in controversial material from outside. These disinformation campaigns can come from geopolitical state actors attempting to destabilize Western-aligned democracies, or from transnational disinformation entrepreneurs profiting from political confusion and attention economies.

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    This is the case of politically themed Telegram groups that seem to be local Nigerian types but are being run from foreign jurisdictions. These movements have transformed into vectors for foreign disinformation campaigns that advance messages from lies about election fraud to more extreme assertions about ethnic or religious others. Because of Telegram’s encryption and low moderation, such campaigns are also difficult to track and harder still to control. Messages can be sent on and within seconds can be sent to thousands without any metadata to attach them to their senders.

    Despite its reputation as an entertainment platform, TikTok has proven to be an effective vehicle for political disinformation. The site’s short-form videos are conducive to this kind of emotional manipulation, and the algorithmic feed emphasises viral content over honest content. For instance, in the 2023 Nigerian general elections, several TikTok videos appeared with false images or AI-driven commentary posing as news. These types of videos tended to create highly emotional images of candidates through the use of sensationalism and misinformation that skewed public perceptions. Among these were some that originated from foreign accounts with massive followings unverifiably linked to Nigeria. The penetration of disinformation by foreign actors via popular digital platforms is a new and different danger than bias in local media.

    Influence on Protests, Politics, and Public Opinion

    Perhaps the clearest example of the amalgamation of foreign disinformation with local activism is the impact of digital narratives on recent protests and civil movements. Even a movement as organic and driven by genuine sections of the public outraged by police brutality, the #EndSARS movement was subject to this kind of distortion. Existing foreign-backed networks capitalised on the online momentum by introducing more divisive narratives depicting protestors as anarchists or foreign agents. Such narratives were propagated through platforms like Telegram and TikTok, creating confusion and grounds for state crackdowns.

    Disinformation of foreign origin also plays an important role in electoral politics.

    During both the 2019 and 2023 elections, false accounts including doctored videos purporting to show ballot boxes being stuffed or fake reports on how INEC was rigging elections flooded the news space. In some instances, disinformation campaigns were used against particular ethnic and regional fault lines to create animosity between communities. This is a tactic referred to as wedge-driving, common among foreign influence operations that seek to divide a country and undermine democracy. Poll data has indicated that disinformation creates distrust not only of politicians, but of the electoral process itself, resulting in voter apathy and disengagement.

    The desensitisation effect of seeing misleading information online over time should not be discounted. When these narratives become commonplace, citizens adopt them and begin to question democratic institutions. Repeated lies, especially when emanating from what appears to be “expert” or credible authority, start to take the place of reality. The result is epistemic erosion diminishing people’s skills in differentiating between truth and propaganda and creating a manipulable society. It becomes exacerbated in a polarised Nigeria, adding to mistrust in governance and civil discourse.

    Platforms, Algorithms, and the Spread of Falsehoods

    This is driven in large part by platform design and algorithms. Platforms such as Telegram and TikTok organise and mediate content according to levels of engagement. Content that elicits strong affective reactions like anger, panic, or in-group solidarity is more likely to be shared and accepted. This causes a feedback loop of misleading or incendiary content that becomes more visible and harder to debunk.

    Telegram’s encrypted channels allow disinformation to proliferate without moderation or oversight. Groups tend to be anonymous and are often transnational, unlike platforms with more moderation policies. This presents opportunities for narrative manipulation without the risk of legal or reputational repercussions.

    While TikTok professes moderation, it is unable to keep up with the enormous amount of content. What is an entertainment enthat gine has turned into a vehicle for ideological influence. Satirical or dramatised disinformation slips below fact-checkers’ radars but still influences political attitudes. False narratives may spread unchecked until challenged.

    Defending Democracy in the Age of Digital Deception

    In light of these threats, the defense of democracy must be multidimensional. The Nigerian state, civil so,ciety and tech companies should work together to create clearer norms of accountability for digital content. National legisl,ation such as the Cybercrim,e Act should also be amended to target transnational disinformation.

    Media literacy should be part of national education to equip citizens, especially youth, to critically evaluate digital content. Organizations like Dubawa and FactCheckHub are doing important work but need formal support and recognition. Nigeria must promote digital skepticism so media users engage critically.

    CONCLUSION

    The role of foreign disinformation on platforms such as Telegram and TikTok in Nigeria’s democratic space should not be ignored. They skew debates, capitalize on social divides, and corrode trust in institutions. Manipulation by foreign actors can disrupt elections, elicit chaos, and undermine the trust on which democracy relies.

    The crisis is serious, but not hopeless. With regulation, infrastructure development, media literacy, and international cooperation strategically put in place, Nigeria can shield itself from foreign disinformation. The need is dire; it is a potential ticking time bomb if unchecked. In the digital era, elections are no longer the sole cornerstone of democracy; the information ecosystems that enable them must also be free.

    REFERENCE

    Ojebuyi, B. R., & Okorie, N. (2021). Weaponized information, electoral process and Nigeria’s democracy: Disinformation as a political strategy. African Journalism Studies, 42(2), 31–51. https://doi.org/10.1080/23743670.2021.1927461

    Samuel, S. O., & Adeoye, O. A. (2022). Social media, misinformation, and political polarization in Nigeria: An analysis of the #EndSARS protests. Journal of African Media Studies, 14(1), 79–96. https://doi.org/10.1386/jams_00057_1

    Ojebode, A., & Omojola, O. (2020). Democracy and disinformation in the digital age: The Nigerian experience. In Democracy and Nigeria’s Fourth Republic (pp. 142–157). Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-37194-5_10

    UNESCO. (2023). Disinformation campaigns and youth manipulation in West Africa. Retrieved from https://unesdoc.unesco.org

    Centre for Democracy and Development (CDD). (2023). Disinformation and foreign interference in Nigeria’s electoral processes: Patterns, threats and counterstrategies. Abuja: CDD West Africa. https://cddwestafrica.org

  • UN tasks West African countries under military rule to return to democracy

    UN tasks West African countries under military rule to return to democracy

    The United Nations (UN) has called on West African nations experiencing unconstitutional changes in government to transition back to democratic rule.

    Deputy Secretary General of the United Nations (UN), Amina Mohammed, made the call on Friday at the State House, Abuja, after a meeting with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu at the State House, Abuja.

    The UN envoy said she and her team were in Abuja to update President Tinubu on their findings from the visits they made to some countries in Africa and West Africa.

    It would be recalled that Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso have been under military rule since the constitutionally elected administrations were toppled by soldiers at different points, between 2020 and 2023.

    Mohammed, speaking to journalists after the meeting with President Tinubu, emphasized the need for these countries to display a roadmap for returning to democracy to gain international support.

    She highlighted the importance of regional integration and praised the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) for its efforts in promoting dialogue and engagement in the region.

    Mohammed noted that countries in crisis have prioritized security, the fight against terrorism, investments in food security, and job creation for young people.

    Asked what the global body told the leaders of the countries under military rule, she said “what we’re telling these countries is that a number of them have a crisis, they have unconstitutional changes and what they must do is to come back to a transition and a process to democracy.

    “On the other hand, they have to look also at the development paradigm for their people, there is terrorism. But there’s also a need to look at jobs, food security and energy, all those also have to continue.

    “Now if they can display a roadmap that gives everyone some confidence that there is a return to democratic rule, then they will find the support. I believe that in ECOWAS we are a family, regional integration is at the heart of it.

    “It is what these countries have said and the proposal by ECOWAS in its last meeting, to have President Faye of Senegal and President Faure of Togo to continue that dialogue and engagement is a good one.

    “The response from them is that clearly they feel that they have not had the same support of ECOWAS that they envisaged and a lack of understanding that in some cases, they of course are going to go ahead with their alliance, but at the same time they expressed their priorities.

    “First was security and the fight against terrorism. The second was investments, that they were looking for in certain areas like food security and job creation for young people”, she said.

    Mohammed said she visited Senegal, Guinea Conakry, Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso, as well as Ethiopia for a finance mission, to engage with leaders and assess the region’s challenges.

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    During her meeting with President Tinubu, Mohammed discussed proposals to maintain dialogue with states facing challenges and explored opportunities for economic development to alleviate the suffering of the people.

    The meeting highlights the UN’s efforts to promote peace, stability, and economic growth in West Africa, with Nigeria playing a key role in regional affairs.

    Speaking about why she visited, she said “my visit here was to see Mr. President and to give him a debrief on the visit of myself and delegation within West Africa; Senegal, Guinea Conakry, Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso. We went to Ethiopia also on finance mission.

    “We were able to debrief on the proposals that he had made to try to keep the dialogue going for some of the states that we have challenges with, but at the same time, we also looked for the possibilities to include more economic developments so that the people don’t suffer at the same time”, she said.

    Asked if the UN was negotiating with the countries under military rule on behalf of the ECOWAS, she said “absolutely not, the UN does not negotiate on behalf of ECOWAS, what it does is to support the leadership of ECOWAS and that’s why we came here to debrief with the President”.

  • Can new states be created under democracy?

    Can new states be created under democracy?

     Sir: The agitation for the creation of new states has been revived once again. Since the advent of the fourth republic, every review of the constitution had seen the agitation for the creation of new states as an integral part of it. However, since 1999, successive constitutional reviews didn’t record the successful creation of any additional state.

    It’s instructive to state that no civilian government has been able to create any new state since Nigeria’s independence. From the 12 states before the civil war to the current 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, successive military regimes were responsible for the balkanization of the regions into states. The military could achieve state creation because it was ruled by fiat and decrees. States were created at the whims of the military regimes for certain purposes.

    Creation of new states in a civilian dispensation is possible but extremely difficult for a number of reasons. In a civilian dispensation, decrees and fiat do not apply. It can only be achieved through constitutional means. For any portion of the extant construction of Nigeria to be amended, there would be two-thirds majority votes in both chambers of the National Assembly. Aside from that, two-thirds of the states of the country’s Houses of Assembly must concur with the said amendment. After that, the president will give his assent or be vetoed for that amendment to become a constitutional law of the country.

    Recently, some members of the National Assembly resurrected the agitation for state creation. The last time I checked, there was agitation for the creation of 50 additional states in the country. In fact, there’s agitation for the creation of additional states from each of the current 36 states. There’s no single state in Nigeria where there are no people agitating for state creation.

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    The most prominent agitation in recent times is the creation of the Orlu and Anioma states. The proponent for the creation of Orlu State, Representative Ugochinyere Ikeagwuonu proposed that the Orlu State be carved out of the present Imo, Abia and Anambra states. To be sure, the southeast deserves at least an additional single state. The region is the only one among the six regions with the least number of states. It has just five states whereas the other regions have six states each with the northwest having seven states. Equity, justice and fairness demand that the other regions of Nigeria should grant the southeast at least one more state.

    However, the agitation for the creation of an additional state for the south east will be defeated even in the same southeast region. Since Ikeagwuonu’s bill was read and passed first reading, some of the communities or local government areas included in the proposed Orlu State have been kicking against it. While some of them prefer to remain in their current states, others said that they were not consulted before the inclusion in the proposed Orlu State. In a democracy, you cannot force any community or local government area to be lumped together in the quest to create an additional state. That can only happen during the military regimes.

    In any case, the governors have full control of the Houses of Assembly and even legislators in the National Assembly to a reasonable extent. The bill will require overwhelming legislative concurrence at both states and national levels. Which of the current governors will support the reduction of his territory which he swore on oath to protect for a period of four years? In other words, which governor will encourage his state legislators to vote in affirmation to remove some parts of his current state or territory? By the way, is it not a constitutional infringement or breach on the part of any governor to allow a part of his territory to be ceded to another new state before the expiration of his mandate which he swore on oath to protect and defend?

    As plausible and laudable the agitation for the creation of new states may be, it will be a Herculean task to achieve. The hatred and sentiments which have eaten deep into the fabrics of the country will make it near impossible for the other regions of Nigeria to be rational and equitable to grant the southeast the needed additional states. Those who derive immense joy in suppressing, subjugating and marginalizing the south east would be loath to see the region get any good thing from the country.

    •Ifeanyi Maduako,Owerri, Imo State.

  • How has democracy fared in 25 years?

    How has democracy fared in 25 years?

    At a lecture commemorating the 25 years of democracy in Lagos, House of Assembly Speaker Mudashiru Obasa reflects on the pro-democracy struggle, its gains in the last 25 years and how popular rule can be deepened to meet popular yearnings in the future.

    Let us take a moment to reflect on the significance of this occasion. We are here not only to celebrate but to also dissect, analyse, and criticise the 25 years of our democratic experience to guard our democracy journey ahead.

    We are gathered here today celebrating the silver jubilee of unbroken democracy in Nigeria, a milestone that is worthy of recognition and celebration. Since May 29, 1999, we have consistently upheld the principles of representation, accountability, and the rule of law. We have ensured that power is transferred peacefully, that dissenting voices are heard, and that our institutions remain strong and independent.

    Our democracy has endured despite challenges and setbacks. We have faced elections, protests, and debates, but our commitment to democracy has remained unwavering. We have demonstrated that democracy is not a destination but a journey, and we are proud to be on this path.

    As we mingle and network tonight, let us acknowledge the heroes of our democracy, past and present, who have fought tirelessly to entrench democratic values in our land. Let us celebrate our achievements and acknowledge the progress we have made.

    Ee honour the sacrifices of those who fought tooth and nail for the democracy we enjoy today. We remember the likes of Chief M.K.O Abiola and his wife Alhaja Kudirat Abiola, who paid the ultimate price in the struggle for democratic governance.

    We remember the courage and resilience of those who stood firm in the face of oppression, who refused to be silenced, and who fought for the freedom we enjoy today; people like Prof Wole Soyinka, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Chief Bola Ige, Chief Frank Kokori, His Excellency (Sen) Bola Ahmed Tinubu GCFR, Gen. Shehu Musa Yar’Adua, Dr. Beko Ransome-Kuti, Abraham Adesanya, Chief Anthony Enahoro, Gen. Alani Akinrinade, Admiral Ndubuisi Kanu, Alfred Rewane, Kayode Fayemi, Col Abubakar Umar (rtd), Chief Ganiyu Dawodu, Chief Ayo Opadokun, Chief Alao Aka-Basorun, former United States Ambassador to Nigeria between 1993 and 1997, Walter Carrington; late Navy Commodore Ebitu Ukiwe (rtd), Clement Nwakwo, late Balarabe Musa, Olu Falae, Lam Adesina, Chief Olabiyi Durojaiye, Dan Suleiman, Rt. Rev. Bolanle Gbonigi, Prof. Bolaji Akinyemi (former Foreign Affairs Minister); Prof. Segun Gbadegesin, Ropo Sekoni, Ade Banjo and Gen. Adebayo Williams who all offered intellectual support for NADECO; Femi Falana (SAN), Femi Aborisade, Joe Igbokwe, Olisa Agbakoba, Chief Cornelius Adebayo, Ayo Obe, Governor Uba Sani, Rev. Fr. Matthew Kukah, Ebun Adegboruwa, Clement Nwankwo, Debo Adeniran, Akinola Orisagbemi (who was Personal Assistant to Kudirat Abiola), Chief Chukwuemeka Ezeife, Innocent Chukwuma, Chima Ubani, Bunmi Aborisade, Dr. Tunji Braithwaite, Chief Ralph Obioha, Col. Gabriel Ajayi, Senator Shehu Sani, Abdul Oroh, and Ayo Adebanjo. Journalists who joined the struggle include: former Governor of Ogun State Olusegun Osoba, Nosa Igiebor, Bayo Onanuga of TheNEWS/TEMPO, Kunle Ajibade, who was jailed for life, Babafemi Ojudu, Chris Anyanwu, and Bagauda Kaltho, who was killed, to mention but a few. Others who joined the struggle include Dr. Frederick Fasehun and Aare Gani Adams of the OPC organisation, Ayodele Adewale and many unsung heroes who were killed on the streets of Lagos and other parts of Nigeria. Media organisations including National Concord, Tell Magazine, Punch, The Guardian and Tribune truly proved their worth as the Fourth Estate of the Realm.

    There were also the resilient market women ably led by Alhaja Abibatu Mogaji, the late Iyaloja General. We also remember the noble roles of some of our royal fathers particularly the Awujale of Ijebuland, HRM Sikiru Adetona; the Nigeria Labour Congress at the time played formidable roles, as well as the National Association of Nigerian Students. They have all etched their names in the golden book of this great nation. Here, we must mention some countries that stood staunchly with us during the turbulent military era especially the Canadian and South African governments.

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    The sacrifices of all the heroes have made it possible for us to gather here tonight, enjoying the fruits of democracy. We are able to assemble freely, to express our opinions openly, and to participate in the democratic process without fear of persecution. These are rights that were hard-won and we must never take them for granted.

     Of course, we also remember the inglorious activities of those who were against democracy in Nigeria. The likes of Gen Ibrahim Babangida, Gen Sani Abacha, Tony Anenih, Chief Uche Chukumerije, Daniel Kanu, Arthur Nzeribe, Alh Lateef Sofolahan, Gen Ishaya Bamaiyi, Sergeant Rogers, Col. Frank Omenka, ,  and a host of others. All these individuals in one way or another have been criticised for their links with the anti-democratic forces during the struggle for the present democracy. Definitely, history will not forget all their roles while sabotaging the democratic progress of this country.

    As the Speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly, a House that prides itself as being above the common standards of excellence, I am proud to acknowledge the critical role that the legislative arm of government has played in shaping our democracy. We have worked tirelessly to promote good governance, accountability, and the rule of law. We have passed laws that have transformed the lives of our citizens, and we have held our executives accountable for their actions.

    The Lagos State House of Assembly has fostered strong relationships with democratic governments and institutions worldwide through exchange programmes, foreign parliamentary visits, and interactions with parliamentary leaders and members. The Assembly prioritises the education and development of its members and staff, sponsoring them to attend various training programmes, seminars, and conferences locally and globally. These include the annual Commonwealth Parliamentary Association conferences (CPA), National Conference of State Legislatures (NCSL) in the USA, International Bar Association conferences, International Law Institute programs in Washington, USA. and visits to the British parliament.

    As a transformative and people-centric legislature, the House of Assembly has delivered impactful laws and representation, reforming justice, social welfare, and security systems, and driving tax reforms, infrastructural development, and transportation improvements. These have attracted significant attention from local and international admirers, leading to frequent visits from international representatives and private citizens seeking to learn from us, exchange ideas, conduct research, or participate in exchange programmes. These visitors hail from Europe, America, and Africa, reflecting the Assembly’s growing global reputation as a transformative legislature. In this vein, we recognise countries like France, Italy, Germany, the USA, China, the UK, South Africa, Kenya, and Liberia that have had relationships with the Lagos Assembly. As we speak, we have also received PhD students in the House who have chosen our institution for their thesis.

     But our democracy is not a destination as I said earlier; it is a journey. And we must continue to guard it jealously, for it is the foundation upon which the fabric of our nation’s progress is built. We must continue to promote democratic values, protect human rights, and ensure that our democracy remains perpetually unbroken. Thus, in assessing the level of progress of our democracy, we have invited local and foreign speakers to give us their honest perspectives.

    Let me use this medium to acknowledge the presence of our esteemed guests, newspaper editors and other stakeholders who have consistently played crucial roles in shaping our democracy. Your contributions, whether through criticism, bills, or activism and what not, have been invaluable in holding our leaders accountable and promoting democratic values.

     As we will be raising our glasses and toasting to 25 years of democracy, to the continued growth and strength of our nation tonight, and to the unwavering commitment of Nigerians to democratic governance, I want to specially thank our esteemed guest speakers.

     I urge us to play roles in developing our democracy as commentators or as critics. At the same time, I solicit for more support for legislative institutions particularly state Houses of Assembly throughout the federation to further deepen democratic values in the states, protect democratic institutions and entrench representative governments in the grassroots.

  • The strange ways of democracy

    The strange ways of democracy

    The ways of democracy are truly strange. Without democracy, a nation is a disaster waiting to happen. With democracy creaking at the joints, even the most advanced nation is a debacle anxious to unfold.  With the apparent failure of the regular democratic process in America to rein in a convicted felon and prevent him from upending the system, with the ethical collapse of the political class in Britain and the rise of far right xenophobic movements all over Europe, it is clear that the world is witnessing an antidemocratic whiplash.

    Predicated on and sustained by the ancient Athenian myth that it is people’s power (Demos plus cratos), the people often find that their power ends when the quest for liberty is consummated. More often than not the people have to be protected from their own worst impulses by wiser counsel which cannot come from the rabble. Yet the fact also remains that the human spirit cannot thrive under authoritarian shackles for long without something giving.

       After wresting power from tyrants, people often cede power to tyrants. This is because people’s power cannot sustain itself or enrich the society for long. After ridding themselves of their Bourbon tormentors, the heroic French people could only watch as Napoleon Bonaparte, a harsh, no-nonsense authoritarian law-giver, collected power to save them from themselves and from anarchy and chaos. In England, the same thing had happened much earlier with Oliver Cromwell just as it would happen later in Russia as Tsarist monstrosity was exchanged for Stalinist catastrophe.

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      And then the struggle for human liberation and emancipation is joined anew, possibly under a new set of actors and on a different political and historical canvas. Perhaps no one has explained this paradox of people’s power better than Unamuno, the great Spanish poet and philosopher, who noted that under tyranny people seek liberty but under liberty they also seek tyranny. If democracy were to be an old woman, it would be a whimsical and self-indulgent grand matron indeed full of great wiles and an unrivalled capacity for self-delusion.

      This is what has led many sober analysts to conclude that rather than being a destination, democracy is indeed a process, a tortuous and tormenting open-ended process at that, full of daring advances and stunning reversals; full of open stumbling and faltering, riddled with landmines and volcanic craters; bristling with detours, diversions and digressions.

      It is in this respect that President Tinubu’s historical stumble at the podium of democracy last Wednesday in Abuja should be seen for what it truly is: a symbolic capture for posterity of a people’s subliminal anxieties about the prospects of democracy in a deeply polarized and alienated nation. Yours sincerely watched it live and from a ringside perspective too.

       Always historicize!  Thus admonishes Fredric Jameson, the great American literary critic, philosopher and Marxist theoretician. “History is what hurts”, we are told, and “however much we choose to ignore history, history in all its alienating necessities will not ignore us”. Dear readers, please follow us as we take a grand historical excursion into Nigeria’s perplexing and intriguing journey towards full democracy and organic nationhood in the past thirty one years of struggle and in the last one year of the Tinubu dispensation.

  • A 25-year journey to democracy

    A 25-year journey to democracy

    Politicians, top government officials and some diplomats converged on the Lagos State House of Assembly in Ikeja to discus the gains of 25 years of unbroken democratic governance in the country, the setbacks and strategies for deepening popular rule. Deputy Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU reports.

    Mudashiru Obasa, lawyer and Speaker of Lagos State House of Assembly, has institutional memory. Lagos, the former federal capital and economic nerve centre, was the centre of the epic struggle for the de-annullment of the historic June 12, 1993 presidential election, and the battle against sit-tight military dictators.

    The battle for the revalidation of the poll won by Chief Moshood Abiola was lost. However, the sustained clamour for civil rule, which was restored in 1999, led to military disengagement.

    Twenty five years after, the House of Assembly, led by Obasa, organised the most important event of the day in Lagos to pay tribute to the heroes of the titanic battle and explore opportunities for consolidating and deepening democracy.

    The inner chamber of the old Assembly was filled to the brim as from 5.30 pm on Wednesday June 12. Eminent Nigerians, including members of the Governance Advisory Council (GAC) of the All Progressives Congress (APC), state and federal lawmakers , members of the State Executive Council, party chieftains, traditional rulers, and rights activists, were in one accord.

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    There was a free flow of souls. Eight guest speakers dissected the polity, emerging with evidence of democratic growth, as they also drew attention to impediments to development.

    Former Governor Babatunde Fashola (SAN), former Works and Housing Minister, spoke on ‘Federalism: The quest for a perfect union.’ Laurent Favier, French Consular-General, and his German counterpart, Weert Boernet, reflected on ‘Foreign perspectives on Nigeria’s democratic governance.

    The same theme was addresed by Ugo Boni, Italian Consul General, Jonny Baxter, British Deputy High Commissioner and Michael Ervin, Political and Economic Chief, United States Embassy.

    Former House of Representatives member Abike Dabiri-Erewa, a journalist, spoke on ‘The role of women in nation-building.’ Rights activist Debo Adeniran spoke on ‘The concept of democracy and adherennce to human rights: The role of the civil society in Nigeria.’

    To address the theme: ‘Economic perspective on Nigeria’s democratic governance’ was Muda Yusuf, former Director-General of the LagosChamber of Commerce and Industry.  Eminent political scholar, one-tine vice chancellor of Igbinedion University and Director-General of the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs, Prof. Eghosa Osaghe, spoke on ‘Nigerian Foreign Policy in a Democracy: Gains and Prospects.’

    Dignitaries included wife of Lagos State Governor, Dr. Ibijoke Sanwo-Olu, vice chancellor of University of Lagos, Prof. Folake Ogunsola, her Lagos State University counterpart, Prof. Ibiyemi Tunji-Bello; former Trade and Industry Minister Mrs. Onikepo Akande, former Deputy Governor Femi Pedro, Pa Sunny Ajose, Alhaji Tunde Balogun, Cardinal James Odunmbaku,,Alhaji Mutiu Are, Senator Ganiyu Solomon, Pastor Cornelius Ojelabi, Information and Strategy Commissioner Gbenga Omotoso, Ayodeji Joseph, Bode Oyedele, Owolabi Alao Seniyan, Dr. Yomi Finnih, Senator Tony Adefuye, Femi Falana (SAN), Dr. Reuben Abati, Apena Kaoli Olusanya, Jumoke Okoya-Thomas, Chief Samuel Adedoyin,  Sanwo-Olu’s Political Adviser Dr. Abiodun Tajudeen, Lanre Ogunyemi, Lanre Odesanya and Bolaji Sanusi, a lawyer.

    Obasa paid tribute to the pro-democracy crusaders, who he described as the architect of the current dispensation.

    He noted that that the symbol, Abiola, and his wife, Kudirat, paid the ultimate price in the struggle for democratic governance.

    The speaker also paid tribute to other men of valour, who demonstrated courage and resilience, stood firm in the face of oppression, refused to be silenced, and fought for freedom.

    The list is endless: Prof Wole Soyinka, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Chief Bola Ige, Chief Frank Kokori, His Excellency (Sen) Bola Ahmed Tinubu GCFR, Gen. Shehu Musa Yar’Adua, Dr. Beko Ransome-Kuti, Abraham Adesanya, Chief Anthony Enahoro, Gen. Alani Akinrinade, Admiral Ndubuisi Kanu, Alfred Rewane, Kayode Fayemi, Col Abubakar Umar (rtd), Chief Ganiyu Dawodu, Chief Ayo Opadokun, Chief Alao Aka-Basorun, former United States Ambassador to Nigeria between 1993 and 1997, Walter Carrington; late Navy Commodore Ebitu Ukiwe (rtd), Clement Nwakwo, late Balarabe Musa, Olu Falae, Lam Adesina, Chief Olabiyi Durojaiye, Dan Suleiman, Rt. Rev. Bolanle Gbonigi, Prof. Bolaji Akinyemi (former Foreign Affairs Minister); Prof. Segun Gbadegesin, Ropo Sekoni, Ade Banjo and Gen. Adebayo Williams who all offered intellectual support for NADECO; Femi Falana (SAN), Femi Aborisade, Joe Igbokwe, Olisa Agbakoba, Chief Cornelius Adebayo, Ayo Obe, Governor Uba Sani, Rev. Fr. Matthew Kukah, Ebun Adegboruwa, Clement Nwankwo, Debo Adeniran, Akinola Orisagbemi (who was Personal Assistant to Kudirat Abiola), Chief Chukwuemeka Ezeife, Innocent Chukwuma, Chima Ubani, Bunmi Aborisade, Dr. Tunji Braithwaite, Chief Ralph Obioha, Col. Gabriel Ajayi, Senator Shehu Sani, Abdul Oroh, and Ayo Adebanjo. Journalists who joined the struggle include: former Governor of Ogun State Olusegun Osoba, Nosa Igiebor, Bayo Onanuga of TheNEWS/TEMPO, Kunle Ajibade, who was jailed for life, Babafemi Ojudu, Chris Anyanwu, and Bagauda Kaltho, who was killed, to mention but a few. Others who joined the struggle include Dr. Frederick Fasehun and Aare Gani Adams of the OPC organisation, Ayodele Adewale.

    Obasa also applauded other unsung heroes who were killed on the streets of Lagos and other parts of Nigeria, and media organisations, including National Concord, Tell Magazine, Punch, The Guardian and Tribune, who truly proved their worth as the Fourth Estate of the Realm.

    He praised the resilient market women, led by the late Alhaja Abibatu Mogaji, Iyaloja-General; the noble roles of the Awujale of Ijebuland, Oba Sikiru Adetona; the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), and the National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS) . He recalled that during the turbulent military era,  Canadian and South African governments stood behind the people of Nigeria.

    “The sacrifices of all the heroes have made it possible for us to gather here tonight, enjoying the fruits of democracy. We are able to assemble freely, to express our opinions openly, and to participate in the democratic process without fear of persecution. These are rights that were hard-won and we must never take them for granted,” Obasa added.

    The speaker chided Gen Ibrahim Babangida, Gen Sani Abacha, Tony Anenih, Chief Uche Chukumerije, Daniel Kanu, Arthur Nzeribe, Sergeant Rogers, Col. Frank Omenka, and others for not supporting the people’s struggle.

    He lamented that many who opposed the battle later became beneficiaries of the struggle, serving as governors, ministers and legislators. “History will not forget all their roles while sabotaging the democratic progress of this nation,” he said.

    What has Lagos Assembly done to uphold democracy? Obasa, who said he has presided over a transformative legislature, said the Assembly has worked tirelessly to promote good governance, accountability, and the rule of law. “We have passed laws that have transformed the lives of our citizens, and we have held our executives accountable for their actions,” he added.

    The speaker also pointed out that Lagos Assembly “has delivered impactful laws and representation, reforming justice, social welfare, and security systems, and driving tax reforms, infrastructural development, and transportation improvements.”

    Obasa urged Nigerians to always defend democracy,  recalling that it was not achieved on a platter of gold. He said:”Our democracy is not a destination ; it is a journey. And we must continue to guard it jealously, for it is the foundation upon which the fabric of our nation’s progress is built.

    “We must continue to promote democratic values, protect human rights, and ensure that our democracy remains perpetually unbroken.”

    Fashola echoed him, saying that “if there is no democracy, there will be no House of Assembly.” He said what Nigeria was celebrating was liberty and quality representation by elected lawmakers.

    The former governor dismissed the insinuation that Nigeria has not been operating a federal system of government. He said its operation of multi-level legislatures and judiciary underscored its federal practice.

    “National Assembly cannot make law about landlord and tenants. Lagos Assembly can go back to it in this time of economic difficulties,  to encourage landlords to reduce payment ofcrentsto three, four months,” he said.

    The former minister however, admitted that the federal arrangement is not perfect. He said there is room for improvement. In his view, a perfect federal system is best for a diverse country like Nigeria.

    But, Fashola said the gains of federal democracy should be protected. He stressed:”In 1999, to build a house in Lagos, you needed to go to Abuja. But, Lagos went to court. It stopped. The court has made pronouncements in aid of democracy.

    “Power generation has moved to Concurrent List; also railway and correctional services. I hope wages and salaries will come to Concurrent List. There is multi-level law enforcement. There have been progress,” he added.

    Yusuf, who spoke on political economy, said:”We are calling for the protection of democracy for investment. Democracy must be protected for business to thrive.”

    Dabiri-Erewa, chairman and chief executive officer of Nigerians in Diaspora Commission (NiDCOM), lamented that women representation in politics and governance us still low, adding: “When I was in the Parliament, Lagos only had three women.” She called for a level playing field. But, she also urged women to present the best for public positions.

    The French diplomat, Favier, congratulated Nigeria,  saying that “ after 64 years of independence, democracy has been put to test.

    Urging Nigerians to rededicate themselves to the democratic process, he added:”Democracy is not perfect anywhere in the world. People now express their freedom of speech. It will continue to flourish.”

    Boerner tried to correct two impressions about democracy. He said the view in some quarters that democratic regimes are not effective and incapable of resolving insecurity and economic problems is false.

    He observed that electoral process is always under attack under military rule. Having achieved freedom, he said the people should strive at democratic consolidation.