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Tag: June 12

  • ‘Killers’ of June 12

    ‘Killers’ of June 12

    Thirty-one years after he was compelled to vacate power, following his annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential election, Gen. Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida launched his autobiography, “A Journey in Service”, yesterday in Abuja.

    During the event, which was attended by prominent African leaders, former Nigerian presidents, heads of state, and other dignitaries, Gen. Babangida admitted for the first time that the late businessman Chief Moshood Abiola won the election. The long-awaited memoir is expected to chronicle the events that took place during Babangida’s nine-year regime, particularly his role in annulling the June 12 election.

    Observers have hailed Babangida for writing the memoir, which would help to enrich the country’s political history. However, the new book is expected to spark a fresh round of debate about the role of those who truncated the election, which was considered the freest and fairest in the country’s history, even to this day. June 12, 1993, is currently Nigeria’s democracy day in remembrance of the struggles and sacrifices that culminated in the current Fourth Republic.

    Aside from Babangida, some of the key characters in the June 12 debacle include the late Gen. Sani Abacha, the military leader who succeeded Babangida and further suppressed the pro-democracy movement; the late Chief Arthur Nzeribe, a crafty politician who supported Abacha’s attempt to perpetuate himself in power; Abiola’s running mate Baba Gana Kingibe; publisher of ThisDay, Nduka Obaigbena; and Daniel Kanu, a young man who promised to mobilise millions of youth in support of Abacha’s attempt to transform into a civilian leader.

    Other accomplices of Gen Abacha’s attempt to legitimize his stay in power and work towards emerging as an “elected” leader are even former President Olusegun Obasanjo, Dapo Sarumi, Ebenezer Babatope, Lateef Jakande, Olu Onagoruwa, David Mark and Tunde Ogbeha.

    Babangida:

    Amidst international condemnation, Babangida declared that the election had been annulled on June 24, citing the issue of vote-buying and the need to protect the country’s judiciary. Ahead of the elections, there were suggestions that the military leadership, under pressure from unnamed key northern figures, were uneasy about a possible Abiola presidency and would not accept the result if he eventually won the election.

    The announcement of the annulment led to a series of violent protests in the Southwest region in July. It is estimated that security forces killed over 100 people while quelling riots.

    By 1993, after 33 years of independence, Nigeria had been mainly under military rule. The June 12, 1993, presidential election was an opportunity for the country to break from the old order. Nigerians had overcome ethnic, religious and regional sentiments to vote for a candidate of their choice on the day of the election to rid the country of military rule.

    However, the hopes of the electorates were truncated. In an attempt by the military junta led by Babangida to perpetuate the regime in power, it annulled the outcome of the June 12 election. However, after so much pressure from the people, Babangida came up with an interim national government that comprised both military and civilians. Though Babangida was compelled to “step aside”, the phoney contraption only served the purpose of postponing the military’s disengagement from politics.

    In the aftermath of the election, the government proscribed or shut down media houses, and arrested journalists. The government issued decrees preventing court cases on the annulled election. The activities of the electoral commission led by Nwosu were terminated.

    The Babangida regime survived two foiled coup attempts; one led by Major-General Mamman Vatsa in 1985, and another in 1990 led by Major Gideon Orkar.

    Read Also: JUST IN: Abiola won June 12 election – IBB reveals

    The lingering June 12 crisis led to Babangida’s resignation on August 27, 1993.

      Abacha:

    The late Abacha was a key figure in the ING contraption led by the late businessman and Abiola’s Egba kinsman, Chief Ernest Shonekan. Abacha was the defence minister and the most senior official within the ING.

    Abacha bided his time, following Babangida’s exit from power on August 27. However, on November 17, he struck; toppling the interim government in a palace coup. He immediately dissolved the legislature and the state and local governments. He replaced the elected civilian state governors with military and police officers and banned all political activities.

    Abacha returned the country to full-fledged military rule by establishing two governing institutions – the Provisional Ruling Council (PRC) and the Federal Executive Council. His new cabinet was composed of civilian politicians, including Abiola’s running mate Baba Gana Kingibe. He also created a Constitutional Conference for a transition to civilian rule. The conference began on January 18, 1994, though one-third of the delegates for the conference were nominated by the government, and the PRC could veto decisions of the conference.

    Abacha also arrested Abiola and charged him with treason in June 1994, after he declared himself president and commander-in-chief. Abiola’s arrest led to protests and strikes by workers in the petroleum sector, banking sector and academia for nine weeks. The strike by the petroleum sector paralyzed the economy. The Abacha government subsequently arrested union leaders and dismissed civilian members of his cabinet.

    Despite his imprisonment, Abiola’s actions and protests resonated with the people and garnered widespread support. His struggle for democracy and recognition of the June 12 election results symbolised resistance against military rule.

    Abiola’s death in custody in 1998 further fuelled public outrage. It contributed to the eventual transition to civilian government in 1999, when Abacha’s successor in office, Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar quickly handed over power to civilians.

    In October 1995, Abacha set a timeframe of three years to hand over power to a civilian government. However, Abacha died on June 8, 1998. A month after, Abiola also died in detention (July 7, 1998), under questionable circumstances.

    Nzeribe:

    Two days before the election, on June 10, an organization led by Chief Arthur Nzeribe, the Association for a Better Nigeria, obtained a high court injunction against holding the election based on alleged corruption. ABN, which had ties to the military regime

    However, the late Humphrey Nwosu, chairman of the National Electoral Commission (NEC), dismissed the injunction and went ahead with the election, citing the high court’s lack of authority on election-related matters.

    The Nzeribe-led ABN obtained another court injunction on June 15 to halt the counting and collation of results. Nwosu accepted the injunction this time. He announced on the radio on June 16 that NEC was suspending its announcement of the results, indicating it was prohibited by a court order. However, the final vote was leaked on June 18 by democracy activists defying the law, revealing Abiola won by a 58 per cent majority.

    Kingibe, Sarumi, Babatope, others:

    Interestingly, Abiola’s running mate Baba Gana Kingibe, was one of the civilian appointees in Abacha’s cabinet. He was appointed Foreign Minister by the junta leader. Sarumi, Babatope, Jakande and Onagoruwa were among the politicians from the Southwest who were lured into participating in Abacha’s government.

    David Mark generated some controversy when he alleged in an interview with the Newswatch magazine that the Abacha government had no plans to stay in power till 1999.

     Obasanjo:

    Even Abiola’s Egba kinsman, former President Olusegun Obasanjo who chaired yesterday’s book launch, has been accused of complicity in the annulment of the June 12 election because he refused to speak out against it at the time and even much later when he became a beneficiary of the annulment by emerging as a civilian leader in 1999.

    This is even though Obasanjo was not spared by his military colleagues, led by the late Abacha. The Abacha-led junta announced an alleged coup attempt in March 1995, allegedly involving Obasanjo, Shehu Musa Yar’Adua and Beko Ransome-Kuti. All those accused of being involved in the coup were subsequently secretly tried and either sentenced to death or received lengthy prison sentences. The backlash from the international community resulted in lesser penalties – Yar’dua’s death penalty and Obasanjo’s life sentence were reduced.

    The June 12, 1993, presidential election is often regarded as one of the freest and fairest elections in the country’s history. It was conducted by the National Electoral Commission (NEC) and was widely believed to have been won by Moshood Abiola of the Social Democratic Party (SDP). However, the election results were annulled by Babangida, leading to widespread protests and a significant political crisis.

    The annulment of the election was met with national and international condemnation. Following the annulment, there were various political manoeuvres and attempts to restore democracy, but the situation escalated into a prolonged period of political instability. In 1994, Abiola declared himself president, which led to his arrest and imprisonment.

    The events surrounding the June 12 election and its annulment are significant in Nigeria’s political history, as they highlight the struggles for democracy and the rule of law. The date, June 12, has since been recognized as Democracy Day in Nigeria, commemorating the fight for democratic governance.

    In 2018, former President Muhammadu Buhari posthumously recognized Abiola as the legitimate winner of the 1993 election, further solidifying the importance of June 12 in the country’s democratic narrative.

  • Heroes of June 12

    Heroes of June 12

    Former Military President Ibrahim Babangida, who annulled the historic June 12, 1993 presidential election won by the Social Democratic Party (SDP) candidate, the late Chief Moshood Abiola, yesterday admitted the injustice of the criminal cancellation. Although the poll was not de-annulled, the military was forced to disengage from power after a hectic battle coordinated by the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) and other pro-democracy forces. Deputy Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU revisits the heroic contributions of the freedom fighters to the struggle.

    Thirty two years after, truth has become the caterpillar that bulldozed the house of lies.

    Truth and conscience have hunted the annuller, who wrecked monumental havoc on the anxious country by dashing their hope of returning to civil rule through the democratic election.

    Former Military President Ibrahim Babangida surrendered at last. During the presentation of his book in Abuja, he admitted that the June 12, 1993 poll was credible, free and fair. But, he did not really apologise to the nation.

    The former leader, who prided himself as the Evil Genius, also admitted the gross error of cancelling the results of the poll won by Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola, who ran on the platform of the defunct Social Democratic Party (SDP).

    Nigerians had endured the over eight years of political experimentation. But the annulment was the turning point. The unwise decision destroyed the legacy of the charismatic General who forfeited a hallowed place in history.

    It was a story of great betrayal by soldiers of fortune. The pain lingers. The scars have not faded. For families that bore the brunt, the agony has not ended.

    The symbol of the struggle and his devoted wife, Kudirat, perished in the war. So was the popular yearning for a new dawn. Therefore, 1993 paled into a year of wasted expectation and illusion of hope.  In 1999, civil rule was restored. But, the main inheritor of the gains of the struggle was another military brand, ably supported by civilian collaborators who subverted the legitimate agitations.

    After five years of serious protest, the slogan of the battle changed, following the mysterious death of the winner in detention. The people insisted in despair that the military must just go. Nigeria ultimately entered the second phase of the struggle under IBB’s pre-determined successor, Gen. Sani Abacha, the pretentious interim contraption headed by Chief Ernest Shonekan not withstanding.

    The labours of pro-June 12 crusaders were in vain. But references would always be made to the contributions of the leaders and arrowheads of the campaigns at home and abroad.

    These leaders include Chief Adekunle Ajasin, Chief Anthony Enahoro, Chief Bola Ige, Rear Admiral Ndubudi Kanu, Air Commodore Dan Suleiman, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, now President of Nigeria, Chief Ayo Adebanjo, Chief John Odigie-Oyegun, Prof. Bolaji Akinyemi, Col. Dangiwa Umar, Prof. Wole Soyinka, Gen. Alani Akinrinade, Ayo  Opadokun, Olu Falae, Frank Kokori, Fredrick Fasehun,  Kofo Bucknor Akerele, Ayoka Lawani, Gani Fawehinmi, Femi Falana, Chief Cornelius Adebayo, Chief Ganiyu Dawodu, Sir Olaniwun Ajayi, Olawale Oshun, Mohammed Arzika, Amos Akingba, Balarabe Musa, Ibrahim Tahir, Walter Carrington. Wahab Dosunmu and ‘Epetedo Declaration forces- Femi Lanlehin and Tokunbo Afikuyomi; Chief Segun Adegoke, Olisa Agbakoba, and Justice Dolapo Akinsanya, who declared the Interim Government illegal.

    The list is inexhaustive. They suffered many bruises, particularly intimidation, oppression, repression, detention, and trials, before many of them went on exile.

    But, apart from these leaders, many demonstrators at home also paid the supreme price in the process of sustaining the struggle. While some leaders abandoned the struggle for a morsel of porridge, many activists, students, and ordinary people faced bullets and endured tribulations under the military rule to the end. They are unknown and unsung in life and death.

    The battle became hotter as the maximum ruler, Abacha, unfolded his self-succession agenda. Scores of protesters died as soldier opened fire along Ikorodu Road, Lagos in 1994. No fewer than 174 demonstrators were wounded. A year later, some students of Edo State University were killed by soldiers for demanding for democracy.

    The media was caged. But, it was fruitless. Up came guerrilla journalism, which was nevertheless costly. The family of Baguda Kaltho is still in deep lamentation that the body of the murdered journalist is yet to be found.

    Reflecting on the ordeals of the forgotten heroes of June 12, Oshun, Third Republic House of Representatives Chief Whip lamented in his book: ‘The Open Grave: NADECO and the struggle for democracy,’ that “too bad today, those who died then are now remembered in figures than in name,” although their deaths were not less poignant than that of Chief Alfred Rewane and Kudirat as they too were murdered in cold blood by blood thirsty operators of the dictatorship.Little is known about the brave people, who agreed to serve as couriers, ferrying messages and documents across the border for pro-democracy movements. They are silent patriots.

    Some of them were intercepted. A case in point was Mr. Laiyemo, Adebayo’s personal assistant, who was bearing a letter from the former Kwara State governor to a friend. He spent 36 months in detention.

    Read Also: JUST IN: Abiola won June 12 election – IBB reveals

    The same fate would have befallen Rev. Tunji Adebiyi, who was bearing a letter from Lagos  NADECO leaders to Ajasin in Owo. He was caught at Maryland during a stop and search operation. He was saved by Kudirat, who made a passionate appeal for his release.

    Who remembers the man called Uncle Johnson, who was drawn from his retirement to manage Radio Kudirat in exile by Akinrinade, or the information technology expert, Gbolahan Olalemi, who installed and ran Radio Freedom in Nigeria, with all its attendant risks? Olalemi had the misfortune of being caught and detained. He was kept in an underground cell, flogged by soldiers and even used as a bait to access Dapo Olorunyomi’s home in Mushin.

    During the dark period, Tinubu’s aides-Benson Akintola and Akeem Apatira-were picked up by security agents in 1994 and detained at the Federal Interrogation and Investigation Bureau (FIIB), Alagbon, Lagos for three months. They were looking for information about Senator Tinubu, who had gone underground and later into exile.

    When soldiers stormed the Ikeja residence of Akingba, the former don was nowhere to be found. They pounced on his nephew, Peter Ogunyamoju, who was later detained in Alagbon. The military planted a bomb in the house which exploded, killing Nelson Kassim and Dr. Omatsola.

    A NADECO chieftain, who had escaped abroad, Chief Ralph Onioha, was helpless as news got to him that one of his boys, Abayomi Kehinde, was arrested as a pro-democracy agent. Also, for being in possession of anti-military  leaflets and posters, Abdulsalam Danladi was detained in Lagos between May and June 1998. Another June 12 traveller, Samuel Asogwa, was detained for three weeks for circulating pro-democracy posters and literature. He was charged with sedition.

    The same fate befell Ebun Adegboruwa, a lawyer in Fawehinmi Chambers. He was detained between November 1997 and June 1998 “for being in possession of subversive documents.” His 75 year-old father was previously held in lieu of him for initially  failing to honour a summon by the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI).

    A similar scenario played out in Ijebu-Ode where Ayomide Lijadu was arrested in place of her father, who had organised a rally to protest Kudirat’s assassination.

    Adegboruwa’s colleague at the bar, Bamidele Aturu, was detained for a month because his client, Isaac Osuoka, was in possession of posters denouncing Abacha’s self-succession plan.

    For 18 months, Prince Ademola Adeniji-Adele languished in detention for his NADECO activism. Captured as a prisoner of war at Ibadan, Lam Adesina lost his freedom between May and June 1998.

    Between May 1995 and July 1998, Kunle Ajibade had the worst experience. He was jailed for “accessory after the fact of a coup.” He was jailed for 15 years over a story by The News.

    It was not the best of times for journalists. Chris Anyanwu lost her freedom between June 16, 1995 and June 15, 1998. She was charged before a military tribunal for accessory after the  fact of treason. Her Sunday Magazine’s coverage of the phantom coup trials was infuriating to Abacha. She was initially jailed for life. Later, the sentence was reduced to 15 years.

    Also, a journalist,  Moshood Fayemiwo, was detained for a year and seven months. His paper published materials that revealed the looting of the treasury by the military while also campaigning for the revalidation of June 12 election.

    For Nosa Igiebor, it was a hell of time. For seven months, he was detained. His offence was that his magazine published a story exposing Abacha’s plan to ‘punish’ neighbouring countries that showed sympathy for pro-democracy movements.

    Labour activist Joseph Akinlaja was detained for days for partaking in an illegal meeting where bombing of oil refineries and depots were discussed and for being in a crowd of pro-June 12 crusaders.

    A soldier, Major Akinloye Akinyemi, was detained for four years for coup plotting. But, it was believed that he was picked up because he is the younger brother of Prof. Akinyemi, a NADECO chieftain. The elder Akinyemi was in exile for four years.

    Eminent banker and politician Olabiyi Durojaye’s case was pathetic. He was detained for seven months. The reason was unknown. “They told me they were just directed to keep me here,” he said.

    For declaring Abacha regime illegal, Senator Polycarp Nwite was detained for one year. The NADECO member was accused of planting bombs. In 1995, Rev. Peter Obadan was also held for calling for the revalidation of the annulled poll.

    Others detainees include Prof. Omo Omoruyi, who was shot and wounded for calling for the revalidation of June 12, Babafemi Ojydu for his anti-Agacha stance, Soji Omotunde for decrying dictatorship, Mrs Iluyomade, wife of Gen. Iluyomade, and daughter, who lost a pregnancy in detention, Arthur Nwankwo for harbouring anti-Abacha pamphlets, Olorunyomi’s wife, Ladi in lieu of her husband, 80 year old Chief Solanke Onasanya, who was asked to explain what he did not do; Kudirat’s murder; Abdul Oroh of Civil Liberty Organisation(CLO) for his links with Soyinka and pro-June 12 campaigns, Onome Osifo-Whiskey for criticising Abacha, Bayo Osinowo for his association with Abiola, Niyi Owolade for anti- government May Day riot at Ibadan, and Chima Ubani for for inciting Nigerians against the military government, and Lam Adesina, who became a prisoner of war.

    Others are Nike Ransome-Kuti, Solomon Sobande, Emeka Ugwuoke for circulating pro-democracy posters, Olusegun Mayegun, Popoola Ajayi, and Jerry Yusuf for hijacking a plane in protest against the Interim National Government and calling for the restoration of Abiola’s mandate.

    Human rights leaders-Dr Beko Ransom-Kuti, his brother, Prof. Olikoye Ransom-Kuti, Femi Aborisade, Chima Ubani, Joe Igbokwe,  Olisa Agbakoba,  Ayo Obe, Bishop Mathew Kukah Osagie Obajuawana, Felix Tuodolo, Debo Adeniran, Ima Niboro, Babafemi Ojudu, Bayo Onanuga, Akinola Orisagbemi, who was Personal Assistant to Mrs. Kudirat Abiola, Innocent Chukwuma, Bunmi Aborisade, and numerous activists under the banners of the Nigeria Bar Association, Nigeria Medical Association, the divided Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), NUJ, PENGASSAN, NUPENG, Kayode Fayemi of Radio Kudirat, Lagos Justice Forum, June 12 Collective, the media, and NANS made invaluable contributions to the struggle. The list is endless.

    Evidently, the restoration of civil rule was not achieved on a platter of gold. It was a collective enterprise involving the mighty and the low and suppressed masses; professionals, youths, students, artisans, peasants and the ordinary man in the street.

    Nigeria has witnessed transition from civil to civil rule. The accompanied crisis and stress were also managed. But, the fruits are inadequate.

    Tinubu was a great financier of the pro-democracy activities at home and abroad. The onus is on him to reposition the country through the building of institutions, politico-electoral reforms, security, restructuring and restoration of federal principle, and abolition of poverty, which was the Abiola’s cardinal objective.

    If these goals are accomplished, then, the unsung heroes will heave a sigh of relief that the struggle was, after all, not totally in vain.

  • IBB’s June 12 poll annulment speech 32 years after

    IBB’s June 12 poll annulment speech 32 years after

    • ‘Poll didn’t meet standard’

    Two contrasting speeches by Evil Genius: In 1993, former Military President Ibrahim Babangida justified the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election. But, yesterday, he made another speech at the launch of his book: A Journey in Service in Abuja, which contradicted his reasons for cancelling the historic poll. The two speeches are presented below:

    Fellow Nigerians, I address you today with a deep sense of world history and particularly of the history of our great country. In the aftermath of the recently annulled presidential election, I feel, as I believe you yourself feel, a profound sense of disappointment at the outcome of our last efforts at laying the foundation of a viable democratic system of government in Nigeria.

    I therefore wish, on behalf of myself and members of the National Defence and Security Council and indeed of my entire administration, to feel with my fellow countrymen and women for the cancellation of the election.

    It was a rather disappointing experience in the course of carrying through the last election of the transition to civil rule programme. Nigeria has come a long way since this administration assumed power and leadership about eight years ago. In the attempt to grapple with the critical and monumental problems and challenges of national existence and social progress, this administration inaugurated and pursued sound and justifiable policies and programmes of reform.

    Our actions are in full conformity with the original objectives of the transition to civil programme. It was also in conformity with the avowed commitment of the administration to advance the cause of national unity, stability, and democracy. In annulling the presidential election, this administration was keenly aware of its promise in November 1992 that it would disengage and institute a return to democracy on August 27, 1993.

     Yet, in spite of the uniqueness and peculiarities of Nigeria, there are certain prerequisites which constitute an irreducible minimum for democracy. Such essential factors include: A. Free and fair elections; B. Uncoerced expression of voters preference in election; C. Respect for electorate as unfettered final arbiter on elections; D. Decorum and fairness on the part of the electoral umpires; E. Absolute respect for the rule of law.

    Fellow Nigerians, you would recall that it was precisely because the presidential primaries of last year did not meet the basic requirements of free and fair election that the Armed Forces Ruling Council had good reason to cancel those primaries.

    The recently annulled presidential election was similarly afflicted by these problems. Even before the presidential election, and indeed at the party conventions, we had full knowledge of the bad signals pertaining to the enormous breach of the rules and regulations of democratic elections.

    Read Also: Dignitaries, lavish donations mark IBB’s autobiography, library launch

    But because we were determined to keep faith with the deadline of 27th August, 1993 for the return to civil rule, we overlooked the reported breaches. Unfortunately, these breaches continued into the presidential election of June 12, 1993, on an even greater proportion.

    There were allegations of irregularities and other acts of bad conduct leveled against the presidential candidates but NEC went ahead and cleared them. There were proofs as well as documented evidence of widespread use of money during the party primaries as well as the presidential election.

    These were the same bad conduct for which the party presidential primaries of 1992 were cancelled. Evidence available to government put the total amount of money spent by the presidential candidates at over two billion, one hundred million naira (N2.1 billion).

    The use of money was again the major source of undermining the electoral process. Both these allegations and evidence were known to the National Defence and Security Council before the holding of the June 12, 1993 election, the National Defence and Security Council overlooked these areas of problems in its determination to fulfill the promise to hand over to an elected president on due date.

    Apart from the tremendous negative use of money during the party primaries and presidential election, there were moral issues which were also overlooked by the Defence and National Security Council.

    There were cases of documented and confirmed conflict of interest between the government and both presidential candidates which would compromise their positions and responsibilities were they to become president.

    We believe that politics and government are not ends in themselves. Rather, service and effective amelioration of the condition of our people must remain the true purpose of politics. It is true that the presidential election was generally seen to be free, fair and peaceful.

    However, there was in fact a huge array of electoral malpractices virtually in all the states of the federation before the actual voting began. There were authenticated reports of the electoral malpractices against party agents, officials of the National Electoral Commission and also some members of the electorate.

    If all of these were clear violations of the electoral law, there were proofs of manipulations through offer and acceptance of money and other forms of inducement against officials of the National Electoral Commission and members of the electorate. There were also evidence of conflict in the process of authentication and clearance of credentials of the presidential candidates.

    Indeed, up to the last few hours of the election, we continued, in our earnest steadfastness with our transition deadline, to overlook vital facts. For example, following the Council’s deliberation which followed the court injunction suspending the election, majority of members of the National Defence and Security Council supported postponement of the election by one week.

    This was to allow NEC enough time to reach all the voters, especially in the rural areas, about the postponement. But persuaded by NEC that it was capable of relaying the information to the entire electorate within the few hours left before the election, the Council, unfortunately, dropped the idea of shifting the voting day.

    Now, we know better. The conduct of the election, the behaviour of the candidates and post-election responses continued to elicit signals which the nation can only ignore at its peril.

    It is against the foregoing background that the administration became highly concerned when these political conflicts and breaches were carried to the court. It must be acknowledged that the performance of the judiciary on this occasion was less than satisfactory.

    The judiciary has been the bastion of the hopes and liberties of our citizens. Therefore, when it became clear that the courts had become intimidated and subjected to the manipulation of the political process, and vested interests, then the entire political system was in clear dangers.

    This administration could not continue to watch the various high courts carry on their long drawn out processes and contradictory decisions while the nation slides into chaos. It was under this circumstance that the National Defence and Security Council decided that it is in the supreme interest of law and order, political stability and peace that the presidential election be annulled.

  • IBB and the ghost of June 12

    IBB and the ghost of June 12

    As events memorializing June 12, 1993, the day of promise he turned into a nightmare unfold each year, I find myself wondering:  What are former military president Ibrahim Babangida’s thoughts and preoccupations?

    Remorse? Contrition? Vindication?  Fulfillment?  Triumph?  Defiance? All of the above?

    We may never know until he releases his much-postponed memoirs.  We may not know even then.  He glories in duplicity and makes a virtue of inconstancy. 

    Why, in any case, did Babangida annul the 1993 Presidential election, the anniversary of which was marked last week with greater pomp and circumstance than in previous years, under the rubric of Democracy Day – an election that would have secured his place in the national pantheon?

    Thirty-one years later, he has not been able to give a coherent answer. Rather, he has been fudging and dissembling as is his wont.  He has said, among other things, that he annulled the election as a favour to Abiola, because Abiola would have been overthrown and probably killed, if Abiola was allowed to take office.

    Colonel (as he then was) David B. Mark, is on the public record as having stated that he would personally shoot – and presumably kill — Abiola if Abiola was installed president.

    The closest Babangida ever came to laying out his regime’s case for the annulment was his June 23, 1993 broadcast.  But as I will try to show presently, it is a threadbare case that falls apart when examined with the care reserved for archaeological specimens.

    Those, it is necessary to recall, were desperate days in Abuja – days of wild improvisation and frenzied experimentation.  The scheduling of the broadcast reflected that much.

    It was to be made at midday, according to an official statement.  It did not take place.  It was rescheduled for an hour later.  Still no broadcast.  The broadcast would now take place at 7 p.m, they said.  That hour came and passed, without the broadcast.

    It took place, finally, two hours later, at 9 pm.

    It was a sprawling, laboured speech, some 2,700 words long.

    The first part was an exercise in self-glorification.  Babangida said that the policies and programmes he had pursued — SAP, for example? — were sound “in understanding, conception, formulation and articulation,” and “comparatively unassailable,” and that history would certainly score the administration high in its governance of Nigeria.

    So much for the testimonial he issued himself. Thirty-one years later, the widely-held verdict is that Babangida was, and remains, the prime architect of the nation’s woes.

    The concern here is with the rest of the broadcast, in which Babangida laid out his reasons for annulling the election.

    In implementing its reforms, he said, the regime had to contend with social forces that had in the past impeded national growth and development, as well as new social forces that the programmes spawned. To resolve matters, he said, the regime was constrained to tamper with the rules governing the transition.

    Here, one positively must interject: Whatever happened to the “in-built” corrective mechanism that the regime and its palace intellectuals had forever advertised as a unique feature of the transition design?

    To return to the speech:  Tampering with the rules out of sheer necessity unwittingly attracted “enormous public suspicions” of the regime’s “intentions and policies.” Translation:  The attentive public concluded that Babangida was nursing a hidden agenda, the object being to perpetuate himself in office and in power.

    The transition Babangida continued, was about building a lasting foundation for democracy.  But “lasting democracy,” is not a temporary show of excitement and manipulation by an over-articulate section (the Lagos and Southwest media?) of the elite of the whole nation and the political process; lasting democracy is a permanent diet to nurture the soul of the whole nation and the political process.”

    Read Also: Young Farmers’ Club to be launched in public schools – First Lady Tinubu

    A further interjection, the last.  Democracy as “soul food?” As “stomach infrastructure,” in other words?  Shades of Ayo Fayose.

    The June 12 election, like the presidential primaries that were cancelled the previous year, Babangida said, did not meet the basic requirements of democracy:  free and fair elections, un-coerced expression of voters’ preference, respect for the electorate as the

    Final arbiter in elections, decorum and fairness on the part of electoral umpires, and absolute respect for the rule of law.

    But because the administration was determined to keep faith with the deadline of 27th August, 1993 for the return to civil rule, it over-looked the reported breaches. The breaches continued into the June 12, 1993 election on an even greater scale, but Humphrey Nwosu’s National Electoral Commission went ahead and cleared the candidates.

    There was also, Babangida continued, “a conflict of interest” between the government and both presidential candidates that would have compromised their positions and responsibilities were they to become president.

    The courts had been intimidated and had been subjected to “the manipulation of the political process by vested interests, to the point that the entire political system was endangered.  Under these circumstances, the National Defence and Security Council (NDSC) decided to annul the election in the supreme interest of law and order, political stability and peace.” (emphasis added.)

    Resting his case, Babangida declared: “To continue action on the basis of the June 12, 1993 election, and to proclaim and swear in a president who encouraged a campaign of divide-and-rule among our ethnic groups would have been detrimental to the survival of the Third Republic.” (my emphasis.)

    Everyone was to blame for the annulment: His colleagues, his advisers, the candidates the media, civil society, the courts, the election umpires, and the international observers.

    Everyone – except Babangida.

    Despite all the fudging, it is beyond dispute that the NDSC approved holding the election. Babangida admitted that much in the broadcast, perhaps unwittingly. In any case, the NDSC in whose name he claimed to have acted was for all practical purposes a phantom of his own making, whose authority he invoked only whenever it suited him.

    Was it not Babangida’s proxy, Arthur Nzeribe, and his so-called Association for a Better Nigeria that, to use Babangida’s own words, “intimidated and manipulated” the courts?

    In that subversive undertaking, were they not aided and sheltered by the regime’s Attorney-General and Minister of Justice, Clement Akpamgbo, and by Babangida’s retinue of kept judges, shysters,and forensic cardsharpers?

    The alleged breaches of the electoral laws that vitiated the election, as Babangida claims, furnished an opportunity to disqualify and prosecute the perpetrators and clean up the process.  Why did he put up with them for so long?

    The public was primed to vote on June 12.  That date had been seared into its consciousness.  It was Babangida’s regime, not NEC, that created a climate of uncertainty around it.  Even so, 15 million Nigerians came out to vote.

    To invoke the “rule of law” to justify the annulment is to stand that concept on its head.  How can a regime that enacted retroactive laws not subject to judicial review claim credit for unwavering adherence to the rule of law with a straight face?

    Who among the candidates, by the way, encouraged “a campaign of divide-and-rule” among Nigeria’s ethnic groups, as Babangida claimed?   A candidate for national office employing such tactics would have known that he was committing electoral suicide.  The public would have rejected him emphatically.

    The resident palace intellectuals never missed an opportunity to tell the public that Babangida’s “place in history” was assured.  They pontificated that Nigeria’s history would be divided into two epochs:  the pre-IBB Era when all was dark and void and formless, and the IBB Era, when light and progress supervened and reigned.

    Recognising at last that his case for the annulment was porous through and through, and seeing June 12’s salience wax year after year even as whatever was left of his reputation waned and waned, Babangida changed tack.

    Since then, Babangida has been claiming that he presided over the “freest and fairest” election ever held in Nigeria, and should be accorded the fullest credit for that distinction.

    This schizophrenic claim does not square with his sweeping rejection, nay demonization, of the June 12 election.  Rarely do men and women in public life set out to quarrel with and reject their own signal achievements so viscerally, even if it was unwitting.

    The legal titan Professor Ben Nwabueze, who served as Secretary for Education in Babangida’s ineffectual Transitional Council, while doubling as a strategist in the evisceration of the June 12 election that was supposed to be the culmination of the transition, provides an important clue to Babangida’s disposition at that critical time.

    “His behaviour in the last days of his regime,“ Nwabueze wrote in the inelegantly titled June 12, 1993 Election:  Problems and Solutions, “left a rather strong impression of a man forced to quit against his will, of one un-reconciled to quitting in the last days of his rule and in the face of defeat, he cut a figure of someone unwilling to reconcile himself with composure to the adverse torrent of events, of an angry and bitterly disappointed man.”

    More tellingly, Nwabueze wrote of Babangida: “His mind, his motions and his actions seemed to have become somewhat disoriented, and no longer governed by disinterested, patriotic considerations. . .”

    Holed up these days in the opulent sterility of his Minna Hilltop mansion, Babangida has to lived with the misfortune of witnessing and contending with the day he had sought to eviscerate with manic desperation, become a potent national symbol, a point of reference, and a goal of our collective aspiration.

    He must be thankful for the occasional visitor, who is more often than not a political straggler or voyeur concerned not to pay homage but to take the measure of the much-diminished “evil genius,” and enduring lesson in the delusions of grandeur and the instability of human greatness.

    His confederates and enablers are gone for the most part.  Sani Abacha is gone,  So is Ernest Shonekan.  So is Arthur Nzeribe.  So is Clement Akpamgbo.  So is Uche Chukwumerije. So is Ben Nwabueze. So is Bassey Ikpeme.  So is Samuel Ikoku. So is Abimbola Davies (or Davis).  So is Hammed Kusamotu. So is Dahiru Saleh.  And so are many others of lesser specific gravity who willingly lent a hand or were suborned to turn what promised to be a great dawn into a nightmare.

    History has largely forgotten the bit players in the June 12 saga, condemned to live in its afterglow; and entertaining no compunction in gorging on its promise that they had tried to snuff out.

    Today, Babangida stands almost alone as the arch-villain of the piece, condemned to absorb the barbs, the arrows, and the jeers of those who stood resolutely at home and abroad for the right of the public to choose their rulers.

  • June 12: 31 years after

    June 12: 31 years after

    It has been 31 years since June 12, 1993, a day, the people of Nigeria will recall as one of its glorious moments as a nation; a day Nigerians went to the polls to elect their president. A day filled with hope and anticipation, as the country was supposed to transform from military rule to a civilian government as the elections were seen as a crucial step towards democracy and a brighter future for.

    However, to the chagrin of millions of Nigerians and the world, General Ibrahim Badamos Babaginda on the 24th of June, following a series of rumors about a possible annulment of what has been ajudged as the freest and fairest election ever held in the annals of the country went ahead to annul the election citing a litany of reasons for the annulment and in turn sparking an outrage across the country and led to a period of political turmoil and instability, as the country grappled with the aftermath of the controversial decision.

    Rather than the stability that Nigerians craved for, the country was thrown into the darkness as first an interim administration headed by Ernest Shonekan came onboard before it was toppled by General Sani Abacha who was originally one of the masterminds of the annulment. Abiola who has returned from a short exile was to naively enter an agreement of sorts with Abacha on the restoration of the mandate, when Abiola realized that Abacha never intended to relinquish power to him, he took the gauntlet and declared himself as President. The rest is history and Abiola began his journey towards paying the supreme price.

    It is a truth that it was the June 12th struggle that forced the military to return to the barracks in 1999. Even after the emergence of civilian rule and the attempts by Abiola’s kinsman in Olusegun Obasanjo to downplay the roles Abiola and a number of other Nigerians played in the struggle to entrench democracy, June 12 continued to be a symbol of the struggle for democracy and political reform in Nigeria, thankfully, though surprising, it took a Muhammadu Buhari to acknowledge the wrongs meted out to Abiola and do some restitution by according June 12 as the nation’s day of democracy. The Buhari administration also posthumously recognized the winner of the annulled election, Chief Moshood Abiola, with the highest national honor, the Grand Commander of the Federal Republic (GCFR).

    Despite, its recognition, the scars of June 12 will remain with us, and the unresolved issues surrounding the annulled election continue to haunt the nation.

    Over the past 31 years, Nigeria has made significant progress in various aspects of its development. The country has witnessed economic growth and infrastructural development even though it has done such in a slow pace. Despite these achievements, however, Nigeria continues to face numerous challenges, including political corruption, ethnic and religious tensions, and insecurity.

    The legacy of June 12 still looms large over Nigeria, serving as a reminder of the importance of democracy, rule of law, and respect for human rights. The events of that day have left an indelible mark on the country’s history, shaping its political landscape and its people’s collective memory

    Despite these symbolic gestures, the legacy of June 12 continues to divide the nation as well as unite it. There are still calls for justice and accountability for the events of that day, as many believe that the full truth behind the annulled election has yet to be revealed.Babaginda, the architect of the June 12 imbroglio has gleefully accepted responsibility for the actions, he is sadly yet to tell Nigerians the complete story of the annulment; who did what, what roles were played by who and what factors forced his hand as a soldier to do the damage he did?

    The events of June 12 have also had a lasting impact on the Nigerian political landscape. The struggle for democracy and good governance in Nigeria has been shaped by the events of that day, with many civil society organizations and movements emerging in response to the annulment of the election. The fight for democracy in Nigeria continues to be a central issue in the country’s political discourse, with many Nigerians demanding greater transparency, accountability, and respect for human rights from their government.

    Read Also:June 12: Mandate group launches membership drive for Tinubu, Shettima

    As Nigeria marks 31 years since June 12, it is important to reflect on the lessons learned from that day and to consider the challenges that still lie ahead. The events of June 12 serve as a reminder of the importance of democracy, the need for transparency and accountability in governance, and the enduring struggle for justice and human rights in Nigeria.

    Despite the progress that has been made in the past 31 years, Nigeria still faces numerous challenges on its path towards democracy and development. The legacy of June 12 continues to shape the country’s political landscape, serving as a reminder of the importance of upholding democratic values and respecting the will of the people.

    As Nigeria looks towards the future, it is crucial that the lessons of June 12 are not forgotten. The events of that day and the aftermath should still serve as a warning to us against the inherent dangers lurking around our democracy

  • Remembering June 12 annullment

    Remembering June 12 annullment

    • By Sunday Olagunju

    Hope’ 93 became thwarted at the altar of exigency and one man’s unbridleness IBB has lived long enough probably to feel the pangs of regret of his whimsical action at the annulment or to realize the temporariness of power and the futility of its ungodly use.

    If given another chance, would he have done the same or would he have acted differently. Every sunrise is a second chance, but unfortunately for Hope’93 it was sunset. It is now left for posterity to judge IBB for such dastardly political action, by which with the stroke of a pen, Nigeria’s road to political destiny and by extension, greatness as a nation, was destroyed and debarred for only God knows when.

    Since the annulment, Nigeria have been grabbling with series of socio – economic and political policy somersaults which seems to render even leaders with the best brains and sagacity as mere Lilliputians, and grossly unfit in the art of nation building and development.

    One of the reasons why IBB annulled the presidential election was MKO recalcitrance and blatant disobedience to accede to his request to take the former NLC leader Pascal Bafyau as his vice presidential candidate. IBB actually warned MKO of the consequences of disobeying his request by failure to accede to it.

    There were also intense pressures from the 14 Northern governors who insisted on MKO choosing Babagana Kingibe as his running mate. There was also MKO’s promise to Atiku who on the heels of Yar Adua, his mentor, stepped down for MKO at the primary election in Jos, Plateau State for him to sail through.

    MKO also promised Atiku the Vice President slot and which he surresptiously jettisoned to pick Kingibe, unwittingly believing that once he picked such a popular and revered Northern political elite, both Yar Adua and IBB would see reason and sheathed their swords, but he was mistaken.

    Read Also: Eternal echoes of June 12: Nigeria’s unfinished symphony

    Yar Adua actually canvassed and spearheaded the call for interim government, with the then garrulous Nzeribe. And they all had their ways, potched the best election ever held and left the country to leak its wounds till date. Enemies did their best to deny MKO his acclaimed honour and glory of becoming Nigeria’s president based on winning the 1993 election.

    MKO could be likened to a tree that was cut down but miraculously sprout up again. Even though MKO did not live to be crowned as Nigeria’s President, yet what looked like a validation of his victory happened on June 6, 2018 when the then President General Mohammadu Buhari post humously honoured MKO with the Grand Commander of the Federal Republic (GCFR), the country’s highest national honour reserved for presidents.

    June 12 of every year was also declared Democracy Day in commemoration of the June 12 presidential election annulment. Buhari also changed the National Stadium, Abuja to Moshood Abiola National Stadium, Abuja.

    MKO’s foray into politics was at the age of 19 when as a youth he joined the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroon (NCNC). However, his major appearance in partisan politics was in 1979 when the military government of Obasanjo handed over power to the civilians led by Alhaji Shehu Shagari as president.

    He made desperate attempt to become the NPN Chairman in Ogun State but was thwarted as a result of the December 31, 1983 coup by Buhari. In 1993 the Nigerian electorate did not vote on tribal or religious basis as they did not consider the Muslim – Muslim ticket of Abiola and his running mate Babagana Kingibe as anti Christians.

    MKO’s popularity cut across all stratas of the society such that even his NRC challenger, Alhaji Bashir Tofa, was even defeated in his own Kano base by Abiola. In 1994, almost a year after the annulment and sensing the probable non validation of his election results, Abiola went ahead to declare himself Nigerian President, following a declaration in a speech he declared at the Epetedo playing ground, at the Lagos Island.

    He was promptly arrested and thrown into incarceration by the Abacha military junta. He was charged for treasonable felony Abacha ignored all appeal from world leaders to release Abiola but to no avail and remained in goal till July 7, 1998 when he suddenly died under strange circumstances almost four years in detention at the age of 60years.

    Was Abiola’s decision to become Nigeria’s president a wrong proposition or an effort in vain which he would probably had regretted if he had been alive? Abiola’s daughter, Hafsat Abiola Castello, didn’t think about June 12 and its promises to Nigerians as a vain proposition by her father.

    According to her; ‘‘I can’t help feeling sad that we are yet to say farwell to poverty in Nigeria, and according to studies, expert predict that 90 percent of the world’s extremely poor people will be found in African by 2030’’.

    And Kola, Abiola first child said ‘‘of all the traits I hope Nigerians remember about my father, I hope was his belief in them and it has remained evergreen’’. Kola dismissed as untrue the popular insinuation that the family had warned his father to steer clear of politics but which he refused to heed. According to him, the first wife Simbiat Abiola only advised him to wait until Babangida would leave office to make good his determination to enter into mainstream politics.

    Simbiat was believed to have told Abiola that she was skeptical of IBB’s good intention to hand over power based on suspicion of dishonesty and lack of straight forwardness of purpose. The present Tinubu government has much in common with hope’93 and we only hope and pray that it will fill all hopes and aspirations embedded in the dashed dream.  

    • Olagunju, former General Manager of The Sketch, wrote from Ibadan
  • Eternal echoes of June 12: Nigeria’s unfinished symphony

    Eternal echoes of June 12: Nigeria’s unfinished symphony

    • By Comrade Jude Obuseh

    Sir: Today, Nigerians gather to celebrate Democracy Day, a holiday heavy with history and hope. It was on June 12, 1993, that our nation witnessed an election like no other—a beacon of possibility, where Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola of the Social Democratic Party (SDP), a Muslim from the south, was poised to lead. That moment promised to bridge the divides of ethnicity and religion that had long plagued Nigeria. But this promise was brutally snatched away when the jackboot regime of Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (aka IBB) annulled the results, extinguishing the dreams of the emergence of a truly democratic and united Nigeria in one swift bloody stroke.

    Consequently, June 12 became more than just a date. It morphed into a symbol of a democracy betrayed, igniting years of tireless activism. The struggle to reclaim our nation from the grip of authoritarian rule was long and arduous, eventually leading to the return of civilian governance on May 29, 1999. In 2018, the President Muhammadu Buhari-led civilian government moved Democracy Day from May 29 to June 12, in honour of the spirit of that fateful day and the resilience of Nigerians who fought for their right to self-determination.

    As we stand on the threshold of another Democracy Day, we must ask ourselves: Have we truly embraced the ideals that June 12 represents? Corruption continues to weave its insidious web through the fabric of our society, stealing from the mouths of the hungry and the hands of the industrious. The dream of a prosperous Nigeria feels distant, overshadowed by leaders who were once heralded as champions of democracy but now engage in the very vices they once condemned.

    Ethnic tensions, like dormant embers, flare up into raging fires, threatening to consume the fragile peace we hold. These tensions are stoked by political opportunism and the relentless struggle for resources, leaving communities divided and mistrustful. The vision of a united Nigeria, one where every citizen feels a part of the national tapestry, remains elusive.

    Social injustice casts a long shadow over our nation. Inequality in wealth, education, and healthcare starkly contrasts with the ideals we celebrate. The chasm between the rich and poor grows wider, and the promise of a just and equitable society is a distant echo for many.

    Read Also: Emefiele didn’t produce redesigned notes Buhari approved, says ex-CBN director

    More painful and frustrating is the fact that some lieutenants of the June 12 struggle have abandoned their advocacy and aligned themselves with the oppressors they once fought against.

    June 12 should be more than a remembrance; it should be a day of profound reflection. We must honour those who sacrificed for our democracy, but we must also confront the reality of how far we still have to go. It is within our power, as citizens, to bridge this gap. Let us recommit ourselves to the principles of June 12—free and fair elections, a unified nation, and a government that truly serves its people. Our voices must rise together, demanding accountability, transparency, and justice from our leaders.

    June 12 is not just a celebration; it is a clarion call to action. Together, we can forge the Nigeria we dream of—a Nigeria where democracy is not just an aspiration but a lived reality. As we reflect on the unfulfilled promises of June 12, let us remember that the power to change our nation lies in our hands.

    We must not forget the sacrifices of those who fought for democracy, nor the ideals they championed. Each step we take towards a more transparent, equitable, and just Nigeria is a step towards honouring their legacy. Let June 12 be a reminder that our journey is far from over, and it is up to us to ensure that the symphony of our nation reaches its full crescendo.

    Let us rise, united and resolute, to fulfil the promise of June 12. Let our actions speak louder than words, and let our commitment to democracy be unwavering. The future of Nigeria is ours to shape.

    •Comrade Jude Obuseh,

    syncado2006@yahoo.com

  • Culture on display as Ondo honours Abiola

    THE 2019 June 12 celebration in Ondo State was a departure from the past. In place of the expected regular public lectures to discuss issues relating to the historic June 12, 1993 presidential election presumably won by the frontline businessman, the late Chief MKO Abiola, Ondo State opted for a stage drama to drive home the message of the election, globally reputed to be the fairest in the political history of the country.

    Unlike the conventional style of hosting lectures or symposia, the Ondo State government employed the vehicle of popular theatre to  recreate the unforgettable moments of June 12 with its concomitant hopes, betrayals, dictatorship, tragedies and unfathomable cycle of man’s inhumanity to man.

    The special stage drama presentation, entitled JUNE 12: THE STRUGGLE CONTINUES, traces Nigeria’s struggle for democracy from the military coup that toppled the democratically elected government of President Shehu Sagari  in January 1984 by a military cabal led by General Muhammadu Buhari.

    Using music, mime, costumes and mind blowing narrative techniques, the play reminds us of a sad past and uncertain future.

    With an A-list cast that included popular Nollywood acts like Toyin Adegbola, Ebun Oloyede, Taiwo Ibikunle, Potable and a host of others, nothing less was expected. For more than three hours, the crowd that gathered inside the International Culture and Event Centre, Akure, were left in awe of the politics and intrigues of the June 12, 1993 election.

    Joined by the state cultural troupe, the cast did justice to the theme. A giant canoe on the stage (painted in the colour of Nigerian flag), depicted the country, as each successive leader struggled to row the canoe in the troubled waters of corruption, nepotism, violence and division among the ethnic nationalities.

    The drama opened with beautiful drumming, followed by enchanting choruses that soon dovetailed into acrobatic dancing steps that left the crowd asking for more. From the opening stage, it was a matter of you missing an action if you wink. The drama also exposed the roles played by the various actors in the struggle to the attainment of the current democratic dispensation.

    And expectedly, the guests, which included the state deputy governor, Agboola Ajayi, commissioners and other top bureaucrats, were left on the edges of their seats till the curtains were drawn. But importantly, the images left on the minds of the crowd by the drama left everlasting impressions which no lecture could.

    Even the young ones, who were not born when the stories being presented took place, now has better understanding of the tragic events that set the country on the brink of a precipice between 1993 and 1999.

    For the younger generation, it was a great opportunity to know and understand the undercurrents that led to the annulment of the election and the roles played by all the groups and individuals, including the popular National Democratic Coalition, better known as NADECO.

    To drive home the points embedded in the drama, a three-man panellist, which included journalist and social commentator, Lanre Arogundade, and Oba Adedokun Abolarin,  the Orangun of Oke-Ila were unanimous in their commendations for the state for using drama to drive home an important aspect of the nation’s history.

    They explained that the drama captured and chronicled the series of events and activities that gave birth to the democracy Nigerians are enjoying today, and advised that the drama be packaged into a documentary to further educate Nigerians and future generations on the roles played by the individual heroes of the June 12 struggle.

  • The soul of June 12, 1993 election

    The ghost of June 12, 1993 elections continues to loom large and we may never do enough to atone for the annulment.  It goes beyond MKO Abiola, the winner of that election and any piecemeal pacification and posthumous awards.  It was an injustice to the soul of the nation that robbed us the opportunity of the benefit and promise of good life for the ordinary Nigerian.  It was the treachery and schism of Ibrahim Babangida, the self-styled military president that birthed June 12, 1993 elections’ abortion.  Not many politically conscious Nigerians of age at the time ever trusted Babangida’s transitional programme.  While he commissioned some of his lieutenants to understudy the history of some past military leaders that perpetuated themselves and reigned supreme in their countries with the aim of self-succession, he also was selling the dummy of transitional programme and hand over of government to civilian government.

    He turned Nigeria into a guinea pig with his political experimentation and a promise to expel the corrupt old breed politician from further participation in politics.  His first test of five political parties was likened to five fingers of a leprous person by late Bola Ige.  In all the tests, the ghost of the corrupt old breed politicians ruled the country from their graves as they became mafia-like godfathers that partitioned and carved the country into their fiefdom till date.

    When he eventually imposed two political parties on the nation, the presidential candidates of the parties turned out to be his personal friends and associates who were more of businessmen than the professional hard nut Nigerian politicians.  Babangida deliberately laced the transition programme with booby trap for self-succession.  He hired some political jobbers and intellectual merchants as his ideologues who engaged members of the public with lies and deceit.  He bribed everyone that came his way because to him everybody had a price; he institutionalized corruption and destroyed the integrity of every institution.

    The inimitable business mogul and philanthropist, MKO Abiola became the candidate of the Social Democratic Party (SDP).  He was an enigma who defied the Nigerian ethno-religious factors to inspire people across every spectrum in the country to vote overwhelmingly for his party.  At the end of the day, he won by a landslide across the country to the chagrin and disappointment of the evil genius himself, Babangida. The ebullient chairman of Independent Electoral Commission, Professor Humphrey Nwosu was determined to declare the result but was commandeered by the goons commissioned by Babangida to stop further announcement and collation of the results. They threw the country into chaos and anarchy reign supreme which made him to step aside.

    The true heroes and heroines of the June 12 election were the masses and protesters on the streets acting as foot-soldiers for democracy at the barricades. They received hot lead with their chest from the guns of the security forces who fired live bullets on peaceful protesters for the actualization of June 12 1993 elections. Whatever pact Babangida had with General Sani Abacha who became the most senior minister in the contraption called Interim National Government, the head threw in the towel and General Abacha took over as maximum ruler and unleashed mayhem on imaginary and perceived opposition to his government fighting for the actualization of June 12.

    The people that came together to campaign and fight for the actualization of June 12 election were not politicians but human right activists,  the radical wing of the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) and the Nigerian students under the umbrella of National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS).

    People like Professors Omotoye Olorode, Idowu Awopetu, Dipo Fashina (Jingo) among others in Obafemi Awolowo University Ile Ife mobilized market men, women, and artisans to demand for the restoration of June 12 election. The Campaign for Democracy and Committee for the Defence of Human Rights among other organizations made Lagos ungovernable and mobilized nationwide in spite of the vicious method of campaign of terror employed by the government to suppress the protest.

    The security forces used lethal weapons including bombing of journalists and pro-democracy activists.  Some of them were hounded into underground cells in detention facilities across the country while a good number of them voted with their legs and fled abroad. In the face of the onslaught, the masses of the people remained on ground as they had nowhere else to go and of course could not afford the means of leaving the country.

    Today, we watch people re-write history as all manner of charlatans lay claim to the resistance and fight against the military dictatorship and restoration of democracy in Nigeria.  They are succeeding because they have the platform and control the airwaves but history will judge them harshly as they have become the new oppressors and driving the country to a breaking point.   The beneficiaries of June 12 turned out to be those who did not see any need to fight for it because to some of them, MKO Abiola was not the messiah Nigeria was waiting for.  One of the greatest beneficiaries of June 12 was Chief Olusegun Obasanjo.

    It was a political master stroke for President Muhammadu Buhari and the All Progressive Congress (APC) led government to make June 12 to be the Democracy Day.  Recognising June 12 as democracy day is just a beginning of a process to healing Nigeria’s political wounds.  It may as well have been informed by mere political calculation but there is no doubt that it has a sound foundation in our political history as against May 29.  June 12 as Democracy Day will be an empty ritual if the masterminds of the grave injustice done to the nation are left to get away with it; even in death.  When they are identified, they should be stripped off any national honour they may have conferred on themselves including monuments, roads, streets that they have named after themselves with their villainous personalities.  We do not need an oracle to tell us that Ibrahim Babangida was the arrow head; but he could not have done it alone.  He is undeserving of any national honour for sundry injustice he has done to the psyche of this nation.

    By the reason of the annulment of June 12 1993 election, Nigeria was robbed forever of the opportunity of re-engineering our people on a pan Nigerian route that religion and ethnicity did not constitute  rod of division as the MKO Abiola won on a Muslim-Muslim ticket.  We may never get any Nigerian politician today or in the nearest future with the élan of an MKO Abiola’s unifying personality.  Instead, we have intolerant bigots and ethnicists who are taking the country on a road to disaster by their divisive statements and actions. The soul of June 12 belongs to the ordinary Nigerian citizens who have borne the brunt of misrule and pillaging by the politicians.

    During the maiden June 12 celebration, the man on the street, the real Nigerian was completely left out as it was made an urban fiesta at the Eagle Square and other state capitals for select few. The true Nigerian was locked out by heavy security presence around the precinct of the venue and road blocks were erected to barricade people from the satellite towns and other arteries to Abuja city centre.  June 12 can never be actualized if we still have people who see themselves as above the law no matter whatever office they occupy.  June 12 can never be truly actualized if there is no respect for the rule of law.  When there is disobedience to court order by the government and its officials, then we have not achieved anything about June 12.  If we continue to operate on the principle of selective justice, then we have not actualized the June 12.  June 12 remains the soul of the nation and belongs to the masses of the people not for urban elite who are usurpers.

     

    • Kebonkwu Esq, writes from Abuja.

  • Many sides of June 12

    THE June 12 story is well known, but it is a story that cannot be told at a go. It will take ages to tell the story and the accounts will surely differ from one narrator to the other. Those in the thick of it and those who knew next to nothing about it  have today made themselves heroes of June 12.

    These self-styled heroes are talking and painting a fantastic picture of their roles in the June 12 struggle. Many of the story tellers are deceiving themselves; they are only trying to be clever by half. But Nigerians are wiser than that. They know these people and what they did with June 12.

    Those who traded away June 12, a mandate, which the symbol of the struggle, the late Bashorun M. K. O. Abiola, said was freely given to him by the Nigerian people, are now throwing stones at others. Even, they are not sparing Abiola, who gave his all in his determination to reclaim the mandate, but died in the process. Some people should not be seen talking about June 12 and one of such people, with due respect, is Ambassador Babagana Kingibe.

    Wherever a discussion on June 12 is being held, what such people should do is to excuse themselves and take their leave. But, no, they will not do that. It is not their fault. They are exploiting the opportunity given them by the society, which has decided to let sleeping dogs lie, to spew all kinds of nonsense about June 12. A co-custodian of the mandate,  Kingibe sold his mandate on the altar of ministerial appointment when Abiola, the President-elect, was in detention.

    Did he confer with Abiola before accepting to serve as minister in the Abacha junta.  He did not and he said that much when he visited Borno State Governor Prof Babagana Zulum. It was a visit to, wait for it, thank the governor for celebrating June 12 as Democracy Day following its adoption as such by President Muhammadu Buhari. Today, it is appalling that Kingibe can unabashedly lay claim to being a ‘’critical player’’ of June 12 after flirting with the Abacha junta at a time he should be in the trenches with Abiola. How is he different from say, former President Olusegun Obasanjo, who he accused of being ‘’an architect of the June 12, 1993 presidential election annulment’’?

    What Kingibe and his ilk did not know is that by hobnobbing with Abacha, they further killed any hope of reclaiming June 12 after Abiola declared himself President at Epetedo, Lagos, on June 11, 1994. If only he had stood firm, instead of trading away his joint ticket with Abiola on the crest of the Social Democratic Party to further his selfish interest which he today describes as ‘’national interest’’, Abiola may not have met a fatal end.

    If  Kingibe and his ilk had stood firm, Abacha would not have become so audacious to do all he did. They provided him with the munition to deal with Abiola and today they are reaping from where they did not sow and unfortunately, the sower, who made all these possible, is gone. Thank God for President Buhari, who has done the right thing by honouring Abiola.

    If not for the President, the likes of Kingibe would have made Nigerians to forget all about Abiola and his struggles for reclaiming June 12. Today, Kingibe has benefited most from a mandate which he disowned for a mere ministerial job. How can you equate the position of vice president with that of a minister? There is no basis for comparison at all. Kingibe should please spare us the talk of doing what he did in the ‘national interest’.

    He should just quietly enjoy the gift of the Grand Commander of the Order of the Niger (GCON) and also quietly make peace with his God. Nigerians know the true heroes of June 12 and he is certainly not one of them, not even with his GCON, an award for invaluable vice presidents. The award is not for those who willingly sold off their mandate for a lesser position as they never knew a day like this will come.

     

    Animal Cashdom

    SNAKE. Monkey. Gorilla. What do these animals have in common? Answer : swallowing of money. Mind you, this only happens in our country. Elsewhere, these animals do not swallow money. Snakes go for eggs and other poultry products, monkeys and gorillas like bananas. So, how come, they have suddenly fallen in love with cash here? In Nigeria, anything can happen because it is a society of anything goes. These animals were not just discovered today. They have been in our midst for ages, going about in the wild doing their thing. They do not cohabit with humans. But in exceptional cases, some people keep them as pets. Do those people feed them with money? No. We never knew that these animals feed on money until Prof Ishaq Oloyede began his reforms at the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB).
    Corrupt officials and exam cheats are wondering what hit them since he mounted the saddle there. Philo Chiese, a JAMB official in Benue State, thought she was smart. When called upon to account for money realised from the sale of JAMB forms through scratch card, she could not do so. She claimed the money was kept in the office from where it was swallowed by a ‘spiritual snake’. Is she lying? The court, where she is now standing trial, will decide that. Before you could say ‘’distinguished’’, a monkey jumped into the Red Chamber and allegedly ran away with N70million kept with  Senator Abdullahi Adamu during the Eighth Senate. The money, Senator Shehu Sani said, was handed over to the Northern Senators Forum by its secretary, Ahmad Lawan after he became Senate Leader. Adamu denied that a monkey swallowed any money, saying it was a smear campaign against him because of his stand on certain issues.
    Not to be left out, a gorilla burst onto the scene, with a zookeeper in Kano, claiming that the animal swallowed the N6.8million realised in sales during the Eid-El-Fitri celebrations. How did the gorilla get to the money? Was it left (such huge cash, even if only in N1000 denomination) in the open? But there is a twist to the tale, with Governor Abdullahi Ganduje, saying the zoo does not harbour gorillas. Then where did the cash-swallowing gorilla come from? Was it brought from outside to wreak havoc on the zoo? Was it dressed in human form, among the armed robbers said to have invaded the zoo? The public is eagerly awaiting the outcome of Ganduje’s probe of the matter. Nigeria, Odikwa too much! May God save us from humans who put on animal skin to swallow cash.