Tag: leadership

  • Leadership reporters appeal court’s ruling

    Two reporters with Leadership newspapers being tried for alleged forgery have appealed the refusal by an Abuja High Court to stay proceedings in their case.

    The duo-Tony Amokeodo (Group News Editor), Chibuzor Ukaibe (Political Reporter) are facing trial for ‘publishing false information and forging’ a bromide containing a purported presidential directive on some opposition figures.

    They had, in an application, prayed the court to stay proceedings in the case pending when President Goodluck Jonathan could be summoned to testify as defence witness.

    Their lawyer, Femi Falana (SAN) had argued that by virtue of the constitutional provision in Section 308, the President was immune from court cases and could not be invited by the defence, who had planned to make him its witness.

    Justice Usman Musale of the Kubwa division on July 29, refused the defendants’ prayer for an indefinite adjournment pending when President Jonathan would serve out his term.

    In their notice of appeal, the defendants argued that the judge erred in law when he held that the charge/case has no direct attachment to President Jonathan to warrant the adjournment of the case indefinitely, to await the end of the President’s tenure.

    They argued that it was wrong for the trial judge to hold that Section 308 of the Constitution, is subordinate to Section 36 (6)(d) of the same Constitution and thereby reached a perverse decision.

    The appellant claimedthat the judge erred in law when he held that the term “notwithstanding anything to the country in this constitution” employed in Section 308 of the Constitution, as amended is meant to exclude other provisions of the same constitution.

    They argued that the identified errors on the part of the judge has occasioned miscarriage of justice against them.

    The appellants are praying the Court of Appeal, Abuja to determine “whether in view of section 242(1) of the Constitution, the trial court ought not to grant leave to the accused persons/applicants to appeal against the ruling of the court delivered on July 29, 2013.

    They urged the appellate court to allow the appeal and set aside the July 29 and suspend further proceedings indefinitely to await the end of President Jonathan’s tenure.

     

     

     

     

  • Trial of Leadership journalists: Defence urges court to withdraw subpoena on Jonathan

    The Leadership newspapers, whose staff – Tony Amokeodo and Chibuzo Ukaibe – were charged with alleged forgery yesterday applied to an Abuja High Court for withdrawal of a subpoena issued on President Goodluck Jonathan to appear before the court and testify.

    Amokeodo and Ukaibe are accused of forging a presidential bromade containing the President’s directive on some opposition figures.

    The subpoena was issued recently by the court, upon an application by the defence that it sought to invite President Jonathan as its key witness.

    Yesterday, defence lawyer, Femi Falana told the court presided over by Justice Usman Musale that he applied for the subpoena in error.

    He said the court, having issued the subpoena in error, should set it aside.

    “We pray the court to set aside the subpoena while we wait the end of the tenure of President Jonathan to enable him come and testify in this case.

    “We urged the court to grant our application in the interest of justice and fair hearing.”

    Falana argued that by virtue of Section 308 of the Constitution, the President could not be summoned to court to testify.

    He asked the court to suspend further proceedings in the matter indefinitely (sine die) to await the end of the term of the President, so that he could be called as a witness.

    Falana hinged his request on the grounds that the accused persons’ fundamental right to fair hearing would be denied because the President was excluded by Section 308 of the Constitution from attending court to testify.

    “By virtue of section 308 of the 1999 constitution as amended, this honourable court lacks the vires (powers) to issue and cause to be served, a subpoena ad testificandum (summons to testify) on the President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan, GCFR to testify as a witness for the accused persons in this case.

    .Justice Musale has adjourned to July 26, 2013 for ruling.

     

  • Court to rule today on Leadership reporters’ application

    Justice Usman Musale of the Abuja High Court, Kubwa, will today rule on whether or not to hear a motion seeking a stay of proceedings in the trial of two journalists with the Abuja-based Leadership newspapers.

    The judge delayed ruling till today after hearing arguments from lawyers representing parties in the case of forgery against the paper’s Group News Editor, Tony Amokeodo and Correspondent, Chibuzo Ukaibe.

    By the ruling, the judge is expected to decide whether or not it was proper to hear the motion for a stay of proceedings because of a subpoena ad testificandum (summons to testify) issued on behalf of the defence on President Goodluck Jonathan.

    Prosecution lawyer, Adegboyega Awomolo (SAN), yesterday told the court that he was ready to proceed with the trial.

    But the lead defence lawyer, Femi Falana (SAN), informed the court that a subpoena personally signed by the trial judge was served on the Presidency via the Ministry of Justice.

    The lawyer said he had filed a motion on notice seeking an order for an indefinite suspension of proceedings in the case, pending the end of Jonathan’s tenure to enable him obey the subpoena and testify as a defence witness.

    He said the motion was informed by the fact that the accused persons’ fundamental right to fair hearing would not be observed by the court because their application for the issuance and service of subpoena on the President had not been granted by the court.

    Falana said: “By virtue of Section 308 of the Constitution (as amended), this honourable court lacks the vires (powers) to issue and cause to be served a subpoena ad testificandum on the President …to testify as a witness for the accused in this case.

    “The accused persons are inhibited from obtaining the attendance of the President …to testify as a witness for the accused persons in this case.”

    The lawyer cited Section 36 (b) of the Constitution to show the need for the accused to have sufficient time and materials for their defence.

    He said there should be a level-playing field before the court…”

     

  • ‘Nigeria political leadership is oppressive’

    The former Archbishop and Primate of Church of Nigeria (Anglican Communion), Most Rev. Peter Akinola, has said Nigerian lawmakers are lawless and unofficial bureau de change.

    In a lecture titled: The Cost of Corruption, the cleric said the lawmakers have bartered public interest in the course of discharging their official responsibilities.

    Akinola noted that Nigeria’s political leadership has become a revolving gateway for selfish, self-seeking and self-serving elected officials.

    He said: “A politician may be clueless, as regards what direction to take his or her life before assuming office. But once the jackpot of an elected or appointed position has been made, it is a turning point to prosperity and life in abundance.”

    The cleric said politicians could walk into public office empty-handed and smile out with stupendous wealth.

    “The barefoot political hustlers of yesterday ride out tomorrow, commanding a fleet of state-of-the-art cars that are enough to start a small vehicle selling business,” Rev. Akinola said.

    According to him, the situation is worsened by politicians’ uncontrollable desires to undermine the constitution.

    The cleric said several politicians hold on to power by transiting to the next level when the situation demands it.

    He said: “Some governors see no limit to powers, nor exercise powers within the limit of the law. Governors can even rule from abroad with indeterminate period. They say it is all in the service of the people when governors acquire aircraft while the ordinary people they govern can barely make ends meet.”

    He adjourned the matter till today.

     

    Rev Akinola said the situation was not different at the grassroots, where local government chairmen have become what he called lords of the rings.

    The primate said council chairmen and councillors were obsessed with a lifestyle that has separated them from the people who elected them.

    He added that grassroots politician “brazenly flaunt” their wealth with impunity.

    Rev. Akionola said: “Chairmen and their councillors may complain of paucity of fund to execute basic projects that can alleviate the suffering of the people. Yet, there is always enough to indulge themselves in extravagant lifestyle.”

    The cleric said the political anomaly could no longer be overlooked, if the country must overcome its underdevelopment, which was caused by corruption and unserious attitude of the leaders to tackle it.

    “The implication is that any democratic leadership, which does not meet the needs and aspirations of the people, cannot lay claim to being legitimate. Such a government has the high probability of being an oppressive tool,” he said.

     

  • Gana orientates youths on good leadership

    Gana orientates youths on good leadership

    Nigerian youths have been advised to believe in themselves and work towards improving themselves, rather than depending on a meritocratic leadership.

    Prof. Jerry Gana, who gave the advice during his keynote address at the 15th anniversary and public lecture of the Peace Corps of Nigeria, said that any society which does not raise quality youths is doomed.

    He further stressed the fact by referring to Dr. Myles Monroe’s definition of leadership which says: “Leadership is the capacity to influence others through inspiration motivated by passion, generated by vision, produced by a conviction, ignited by a purpose.”

    Prof. Gana Stressed the fact that good leaders must always stay connected with the people and since leaders must lead and people follow, then it is necessary for the leader to know the way he is leading and be trustworthy, which comes from character, competence and courage.

    He said, “A leader must have the iron will to set priorities because a leader cannot do everything but must have the will-power to be able to stick to priorities and not deviate from them.

    “A leader should be able to take a few things and excel in it because the society will not remember you for what you say you will do but your achievements.”

    He concluded by saying that the youths in Nigeria make up about 60% of the population and that they are the ones that can change the mistakes of the past and bring back the much needed peace and unity that Nigerian presently longs for.

    The founder and national commandant of the Nigerian Peace Corps, Amb Dickson Aboh said that he had started the group 15 years ago, as a way of preaching peace, unity amongst Nigerians and the group which now has more than 70,000 members remains the most organised youth organisation in the whole of Nigeria and Africa.

  • On ethics and leadership  in Africa (II)

    On ethics and leadership in Africa (II)

    General Ibrahim Babangida’s SAP which has since become entrenched as the country’s unofficial directive principles of state policy – the management of our political-economy since the return of civilian rule in 1999 with its ideology of deregulation, privatisation, liberalisation, retrenchment of the public sector, removal of subsidies, etc, is SAP in all but name – may have unleashed the entrepreneurial spirit of Nigerians but by the time he left office in August 1993 it had failed to deliver the goods.

    To make matter worse, General Sani Abacha, his minister of defence whom he had left behind in the interim government he set up under Chief Ernest Sonekan, following his inexplicable annulment of the presidential election of June 12 which was widely adjudged as free and fair, overthrew Sonekan in November 1993 and brought the military fully back into power once again. Ironically, Babangida had said he had left Abacha behind to rein in the soldiers and give Sonekan’s administration some teeth.

    For the next five years Abacha ruled the country with an iron-fist and headed what arguably became the most venal administration since independence – until President Olusegun Obasanjo came along in May 1999.

    When Abacha seized power in November 1993, he promised to be “brief” but, instructively, refused to be drawn on how brief. Five years later, he seemed to have eliminated, compromised or neutralised all opposition to what became his obvious agenda of transforming himself from a military dictator into an “elected” civilian president.

    In June 1998, he died a sudden and mysterious death. He was quickly succeeded by his Chief of Defence Staff, General Abdulsalami Abubakar. Abubakar promised a quick transition to civilian rule and kept his word; in May 1999 he handed over to General Obasanjo who had been released from a life sentence for his alleged involvement in a coup attempt against Abacha after which he was “persuaded” to become the presidential candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), the largest of the three parties registered by the Abubakar regime. He handily won the election.

    As a critic of every administration since 1979 when he handed over power to President Shehu Shagari following his succession of General Murtala Muhammed who was assassinated in February 1976, Nigerians came to expect much from a civilianised President Obasanjo.

    Eight years and a failed attempt to extend his tenure beyond the two term limit later, Obasanjo dashed those expectations. Worse, he seemed to have surpassed those he had criticised in the venality his administration engaged in, as has been exposed by several National Assembly investigations of many of his policies and decisions.

    In those eight years his regime collected far more revenues, mostly oil, than all the regimes before his second coming combined. Yet the country’s decayed infrastructure – roads, electricity, schools, water, etc – over which he excoriated previous regimes, got worse. Meanwhile, a few Nigerians, including himself, had become stupendously rich.

    To appreciate the size of the gap between Obasanjo’s rhetoric and his deeds one needs only examine why the “African Renaissance” the great Nelson Mandela predicted in 1994 following the collapse of Apartheid in his native South Africa has failed to take off nearly twenty years hence.

    To give this “African Renaissance” a concrete form, Thabo Mbeki, South Africa’s second black president after Mandela, along with Obasanjo, Algeria’s Abdelaziz Bouteflika, Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak, and Senegal’s Abdoulaye Wade, initiated a New Partnership for African Development in 2001 which was supposed to engage Europe and America in a partnership that would jump-start Africa’s economic development.

    On its part, the rich world was to increase its aid to Africa and open up its borders for a more equitable trade with the continent. In return Africa was to eschew its dictatorial past and become more market-oriented.

    One of the things Africa did to prove its goodwill was to establish a Peer Review Mechanism in 2001 through which Africa leaders would subject each other to peer pressure to fight corruption and waste and tyranny on the continent. Obasanjo was a key figure in setting up the mechanism.

    Another thing the continent did in the same year was replace the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) which had degenerated into a mutual back-slapping talking shop, into African Union (AU) with a mandate to intervene in the affairs of its member states anytime the need arose. This was a critical break from OAU’s hitherto sacrosanct principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of member states by outsiders – a principle which allowed African leaders to treat their countries as private chattels. Again Obasanjo was a key player in this transformation.

    However, while he preached all these virtues abroad back home the man practised the opposite. For example, he set up various institutions to fight corruption and waste, but corruption only thrived because he used the institutions in a selective way to fight his perceived enemies, especially anyone who opposed his agenda of self-entrenchment, while simultaneously rewarding his supporters whatever their misdeeds.

    Again, while he preached democracy abroad, he eliminated internal democracy in his own party and tried to neutralise the opposition parties by planting fifth columnists in the ranks of their leadership to undermine their viability. Nationwide he installed what one of the many PDP party chairmen he whimsically hired and fired called “garrison democracy,” a democracy where dissent was regarded as treason.

    Tragically, Obasanjo was merely typical of the continental leaders in their attitude of preaching virtues abroad but mostly practicing vices at home.

    With such an attitude it is not surprising that Africa has remained the most backward region in the world. Obviously, if it is to have any hope of catching up with the rest of the world its leaders must learn to practice what they preach.

    Of course, this is easier said than done. For one thing, even though ethics, at least some, may be universal, they are open to interpretations. One man’s loyalty, for example, may be another’s disloyalty. Second, ethics may sometimes be in conflict with one another and one may have to choose one over another. Third, all too often we view leadership too narrowly through political prism as the man on top, whereas each one of us, as both the Qur’an and the Bible say, is a shepherd and we will have to account for our responsibilities in whatever role we play in society and at whatever level.

    All this notwithstanding, we simply have to make choices. And the mark of leadership is the ability to choose well in the most difficult times based on what is in the greatest interest of the greatest number.

    Personally given a choice among the many virtues leaders should posses, I will pick five as the most important. These are honesty, transparency, equity, justice and fairness, not necessarily in that order.

    In politics and economics, I will definitely put equity on top because inequity wastes talent and undermines social cohesion which in turn easily leads to, among other vices, the violent crimes and ethnic and religious conflicts that have bedevilled society every where on the continent.

    Inequity is when our “elected” leaders spend more money on their creature comforts than on the necessities of life in a country, like Nigeria, where more than half the population live on less than a dollar a day. Inequity, in a more concrete way, is when, for example, senior officials of a ministry spend over N2.7 billion in one year globe-trotting and the minister feels absolutely no remorse when confronted by the legislators that exercise oversight over his ministry. Instead, the minister, Chief Ojo Maduekwe, in charge of foreign affairs, would counter the legislators’ criticism by arguing that “diplomacy is all about visibility”.

    In short, unless Africa’s leaders eschew the vices of corruption, tyranny, waste, etc, and imbibe the virtues of honesty, transparency, equity, fairness, justice, etc, Africa will continue to remain the proverbial “dark continent,” literally as well as figuratively.

     

  • NGF and NBA leadership

    The National Executive Committee of the Nigerian Bar Association held its last bi-monthly meeting from July 5-7, at Yenogoa, Bayelsa State. At the end of the meeting the NBA President, Okey Wali SAN was reported to have called for the proscription of the Nigeria Governors Forum (NGF) in view of the controversy which had trailed the outcome of the re-election of Governor Rotimi Amaechi as its chairman. Wali, SAN must have forgotten that his own election was serioulsly contested by his major opponent, Emeka Ngige SAN. In spite of the fact that the allegations of malpractice (including the fact that some lawyers who died several years ago voted from the grave!) were proved beyond reasonable doubt no one ever suggested that the NBA be proscribed. However, while I reject the insinuation in certain legal circles that the call for the proscription of the NGF was influenced by the fund collected from the government to host the last NBA NEC meeting, I am of the strong view that the liquidationist call should not go unchallenged.

    In his characteristic forthright manner, the Edo State governor, Comrade Adams Oshiomole exposed the NBA leadership to ridicule when he maintained that “the environment and the overall circumstance known and unknown that led the NBA president to call for the freezing of the right of Governors to associate borders on corrupt practice.” Although another governor has joined issues with Wali, SAN, I deem it pertinent to challenge his reactionary call before it is adopted by the forces of annulment in the country. More so that the call is a sad reminder of the fate that befell some progressive professional bodies and trade unions which were either corruptly taken over or decimated by the Ibrahim Babangida junta. It would be recalled that in February 1984, the candidate backed by the junta had failed woefully to win election as the president of the Nigeria Labour Congress at its delegates conference held in Benin, Edo State. The government reacted by promulgating a decree which sacked the NLC leadership and appointed a sole administrator to run its affairs.

    The next target of the junta was the NBA which had under the leadership of the Late Mr. Alao Aka-Bashorun (1987-1989) been in the fore-front of the struggle for the observance of the rule of law and the restoration of democratic governance in the country. The junta did not disguise its plot to hijack the leadership of the Bar at the 1992 Annual Bar Conference which held in Port Harcourt, Rivers State. But some of us successfully frustrated the imposition of the official candidate as the leader of the NBA. A few months later, the Legal Practitioners (Amendment) of 1993 was enacted and backdated to 1992. In the main, the decree sacked the National Executive Committee members of the NBA led by Chief Priscilla Kuye and replaced them with a caretaker committee headed by the Late Chief FRA Williams SAN to manage the affairs of Nigerian lawyers. Although the decree ousted the jurisdiction of the courts and criminalised the institution of any suit which might question “anything done or purported to be done” under it, I was prepared to challenge it. But the Ikeja branch of the NBA instructed me to file the suit on behalf of all its members. I did.

    In the suit we challenged the legal validity of the proscription decree. the Lagos High Court presided over by Obadina J (as he then was) granted an injunction against the caretaker committee. Dissatisfied with the injunction the defendants rushed to the Court of Appeal. Owing to the constitutional significance of the case, the request of the appellants’ counsel, Chief Williams SAN, for a special panel of five Justices of the Court of Appeal to hear the appeal was granted. However the appeal was dismissed. In upholding our submissions their lordships unanimously declared the amendment decree illegal and struck it down for violating the fundamental right of Nigerian lawyers to associate freely and assemble without interference. See FRA Williams & Ors V Akintunde & Ors(1995) 3 NWLR (PT 381) 101. In the same vein, the complaint filed by Olisa Agbakoba SAN at the African Commission on Human and Peoples Rights at Banjul, The Gambia on the proscription was equally determined in favour of Nigerian lawyers. Thus, in Civil Liberties Organisation (in respect of the Nigerian Bar Association) v Nigeria (2000) AHRLR 186, the African Commission found that the official interference “with the free association of the Nigerian Bar Association is inconsistent with the preamble of the African Charter in conjunction with UN Basic Principles on the independence of the Judiciary and thereby constitutes a violation of article 10 of the African Charter”. Both decisions have confirmed that some Nigerian lawyers went all out to defend the autonomy of the NBA and resisted the official imposition of leaders on it, even under a fascistic military dictatorship. It is therefore ironical that the current leadership of the NBA has, for some inexplicable reasons, colluded with the forces of retrogression to constrict the democratic space in Nigeria.

    It is particularly sad to note that the NBA which used to be the defender of the fundamental rights of the Nigerian people has thrown up leaders who are campaigning for the proscription of friendly societies and clubs. Even if Mr Wali does not like the NGF, he is duty bound, as a lawyer, to respect the right of the members to associate without external interference. I personally, opposed the acquisition of jets by a few state governors in view of the excruciating poverty in the land. But I had to condemn the decision of the aviation authorities to ground the Rivers State owned bombardier plane while a couple of other governors are allowed to ride theirs. Since there is equality before the law it is illegal to restrict the movement of Comrade Adams Oshiomhole of Edo State, for political reasons, while others are allowed to enjoy their freedom of movement, without let or hindrance.

    Regrettably, the NBA appears to be encouraging impunity on the part of certain public officers. Otherwise its leadership should have called the Rivers State Commissioner of Police, Joseph Mbu to order for banning demonstrations and rallies convened in Rivers State without police permit. More so, that the order of Mbu is totally contemptuous of the verdict of the Court of Appeal in the case of the Inspector-General of Police v All Nigeria People Party (2008) 12 WRN 65 wherein it was held that seeking police permit for public protest is violative of the right of Nigerian citizens to freedom of expression. In that appeal which I also had the privilege of handling for the respondents, the Court of Appeal agreed with me that police permit was illegal in a democratic society. It was the view of the court that: “In present day Nigeria, clearly, police permit has outlived its usefulness. Certainly in a democracy, it is the right of citizens to conduct peaceful processions, rallies or demonstrations without seeking and obtaining permission from anybody. It is a law guaranteed by the 1999 Constitution and any law that attempts to curtail such right is null and void and of no consequence.” Pursuant to the epochal verdict, the Nigeria Police Code of Conduct recently launched by the Inspector-General of Police, M. D. Abubakar, has directed all police officers to “maintain a neutral position without regard to the merits of any labour dispute, political protest, or other public demonstration while acting in an official capacity; nor make endorsement of candidates, while on duty, or in official uniform.”

    Incidentally, the honourable Justice Olufumilayo Adekeye JSC (rtd) who read the leading judgment in the case of IGP v ANPP (supra) is now a member of the newly inaugurated Police Service Commission. It is hoped that the police authorities will muster the courage to sanction the Rivers State police commissioner for violating the Police Code which has mandated all police officers to “perform all duties impartially without favour or affection or ill will and without regard to status, sex, race, religion, political belief or aspiration. All citizens will be treated equally with courtesy, consideration and dignity. Officers will never allow personal feelings, animosities or friendships to influence official conduct. …”

    In the light of the foregoing it is hoped that concerned lawyers will urgently adopt decisive measures to free the NBA from the grip of anti-democratic forces and reposition it to resume its traditional role of defending the rule of law and the expansion of the democratic space in the country.

     

  • Tinubu a model of leadership, democracy, says Aregbesola

    Osun State Governor Rauf Aregbesola yesterday described the National Leader of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, as a model democrat and a leader bubbling with progressive vision and ideas.

    Describing the former Lagos State governor as a special gift “to this generation”, he hailed the move by the younger generation to sustain his legacies by forming the Asiwaju Grassroots Foundation.

    Aregbesola urged members of the organisation to emulate the great leader.

    He spoke at the launch of the organisation at the Teslim Balogun Stadium, Surulere, Lagos where the House of Representatives Minority Leader, Femi Gbajabiamila, enjoined Nigerians to defend democracy and the rule of law.

    Members of the association from the 36 states came to Lagos in their green uniform, singing progressive songs. The event was witnessed by the Commissioner for Rural Development, Mr. Cornelius Ojelabi, who represented Lagos State Governor Babatunde Fashola (SAN), House of Representatives member, Alhaji Yakubu Balogun, who represented Gbajabiamila, Remi Adeyemi, who represented Lagos State Special Adviser on Information and Strategy, Alhaji Lateef Raji and Mr. Abiodun Ilori, who stood in for the Provost of Michael Otedola College of Primary Education, Prof. Olu Akewusola.

    At the ceremony, a leadership award was presented to Fashola by the organisation. Ojelabi thanked the members for the honour, assuring that the governor would not relent in his developmental programmes.

    Aregbesola, who enjoined political leaders to defend democracy, noted that Tinubu has been leading the way in the pursuit of good governance and development.

    He advised youths to emulate his courage, push for progressive change and defence of the common good.

    Raji echoed Aregbesola, saying Tinubu is a political warrior and a courageous leader. He said his activities in the Southwest led to the enthronement of the progressive governors, who are implementing people-oriented programmes in the geo-political zone.

  • Sultan: leadership failure responsible for Nigeria’s stagnation

    The Sultan of Sokoto and President-General of the Jama’atu Nasril Islam (JNI), Alhaji Mohammad Sa’ad Abubakar said yesterday Nigeria has stagnated because its leaders have refused to make things work.

    Also, Kaduna State Governor Mukthar Ramalan Yero urged Islamic scholars to refrain from using the Muslim holy month of Ramadan to cast aspersion on people without proper investigation.

    Both personalities spoke at a national conference on the role of Muslim scholars in fostering unity, peace and security in Nigeria. The event was organised by JNI.

    The Sultan said the nation cannot move forward when leaders are made to believe that they are always right.

    He said: “We cannot move forward when we tell a leader that he is always right. No leader is always right in this circumstance. So many things have gone wrong in this country, and they are still going wrong. So many things are not working because the leaders refuse to allow them to work.”

    Abubakar noted that the Muslim world was facing daunting challenges, adding: “We are very aware, just like any other people across the world, of the challenges facing us as Muslims, not only in Nigeria. We believe somebody somewhere is pulling the strings.”

    The Sultan, who is the Co-Chairman of the Nigeria Inter-Religious Council, also said: “We will not allow anybody to stop us from being Muslims because that is what God brought to us; that is what we chose to be. We will not allow anybody to turn our lives upside down…”

  • ‘Leadership, national development and people’

    ‘Leadership, national development and people’

    I am honoured to be with you in the House of Commons for this is a house of democracy. It can be said that modern representative democracy was born inside these walls. Three and one-quarter centuries ago, England underwent the Glorious Revolution.

    The Glorious Revolution was a complex happening, with religious considerations playing as large a role as political factors. The Glorious Revolution permanently shifted the balance of power from the monarch to the elected representatives of the people. In this land, the primacy of the monarchy was altered.

    Over the years, the power of parliament would progressively grow while that of the monarchy would recede. As long as the breath of freedom does not expire from this earth, this house shall be revered as a symbol of progress and of the battle of the rule of law and individual liberty against the menace of unchecked and arbitrary power.

    Today, democracy is the standard. Democracy is the best form of governance because it counters that most dangerous human frailty: the temptation of leaders to accumulate power for the sake of accumulating more power. However, everyone claims to be democratic but not everyone is faithful to his or her word. Herein lies the rub. Illiberal governments have become adept in exploiting the visible procedural and institutional trappings of democracy without adopting the democratic spirit that gives these procedures and institutions their noble meaning.

    We have governments that are democracies on paper but not in function. They are democracies in form but not in substance. We have governments that only know democracy primarily through breaching it. In short, many nations suffer authoritarian governments in democratic clothing.

    Nigeria is a dysfunctional democracy. Our system stands in a dark, uncertain corridor, idling halfway between democracy and its opposite. The way things are going many people believe our best chance for genuine democracy has already escaped from us like dust blown from the hollow of our hand.

    I believe democracy shall prevail in Nigeria in the long run. This belief is not derived from the present facts on the ground. If I limit myself to facts alone, my address to you would be a gloomy one. However, I believe democracy shall win because I hold an undying faith in both justice and the collective wisdom of the people.

    Today, I will examine our topic, Leadership, National Development and the People through the prism of democratic culture and the rights of citizens to elect and vote out leaders at periodic intervals. What kind of legitimacy do the leaders command? What changes are required to bring about free and fair elections and the rule of law? What is the quality of the leadership now in power? What developmental philosophy is best suited to spur national development?

    Under democracy, the concern about the quality of leadership takes on an added dimension. Democracy can only be sustained and improved when the electoral process is such that the people are able to choose leaders who will further nurture the democratic system.

    In the absence of this reinforcing positive dynamics, democracy will weaken and sooner or later implode, if left too long unattended. If democracy is to be sustained it must also elevate the performance level of government and the corresponding rights and privileges enjoyed by the citizens. The success or performance of any leadership is often measured by the extent of national cohesion achieved and the level of national development experienced.

    In the case of Nigeria, the fundamental question to ask as one of our most prominent journalists said in a recent piece is: To what extent has public policy improved the human condition?

    Indeed, according to the late British economist Dudley Seers, the questions to be asked about a country’s development are the following:

    What has become of poverty? What has happened to unemployment? What is the state of socio-economic inequality? “If all three have declined from high levels, then development has occurred. But if one or two of these central problems have grown worse, especially if all three have, it would be wrong to call the result “development” even if GDP has improved.

    Sadly, these problems have grown worse in our land. The concept of national development has been perverted. In Nigeria and most parts of Africa, the three key drivers of development are retrogressing because of the missing link- visionary, disciplined and courageous leadership. The gap between poor and rich widens. There is grinding poverty and people have to work twice as hard each day to make ends meet. There is massive unemployment. Of what use is any leadership that does little to solve these problems?

    Leadership and National development are twin engines. You need good leadership to conceive dynamic policies that will drive development at all levels. It is not rocket science, yet we pretend that our path to national development will be different from that of other countries who paid the price for good leadership, dynamic and result-oriented policies.

    Here I advocate a new thinking and a new direction. Nigeria needs its equivalent of the Glorious Revolution. I use this term knowing critics will complain I advocate overthrow.

    I do no such thing. I do not support the Jonathan government but I oppose anyone seeking its premature, illegal end. Let this government end at the appointed time. But let it end through the ballot box. Then I shall say good riddance.

    The Glorious Nigerian Revolution of which I speak has nothing to do with force of arms. The Revolution of which I speak has two major parts. First, is the peaceful conversion of our quasi-democracy into a full-fledged one. Second, is the implementation of policies turning the political economy away from its retrogressive, elitist bearings. We seek policies pointing in a progressive direction affording the average person a chance at a dignified life. This will be through the provision of gainful employment, quality education and essential social services for those who need the helping hand of government to survive. I see no shame in believing progressive government can improve the political economy and the lives of the people.

    It is quite apparent to me that political leadership serves no useful function if it is unable to address the vital needs of the people. There is no question that the current Federal government has thoroughly failed in that enterprise and this explains the focus of the new opposition the APC.

    As our new coalition, ALL PROGRESSIVES CONGRESS, APC, takes form, we are convinced and determined about the direction we want to take our nation and our people. As leaders of the new party and government in waiting, we intend to pursue dynamic, time-tested and bold policies that will liberate our people by making sure our wealth works for us. Let me put forth a few.

    The Central focus of our efforts in the coming years must be the implementation of the most extensive and aggressive plan to lift as many Nigerians out of poverty as possible. Our desire is to be able to move at least 20% of our people out of poverty (defined as earning less than a dollar a day) in the first 4 years of our administration.

    To do so we begin from the premise that the Washington Consensus and the IMF/Post-Bretton Woods prescriptions for development have served their time and to a large extent have not delivered on their promises. There is a need for what has been described as a THIRD PATH. A Pathway between the pure market-driven, neo-liberal socio-economic policies and the various variants of the command economic models. That Third Path is particularly important for countries such as ours with an incredibly large and growing poor, poor infrastructure and weak financial and social institutions.

    The results of which are the frightening social tensions, terrorist violence and kidnappings. For us that pathway is clear . It means developing our own Marshall Plan resulting in direct intervention of the State, thereby halting the pauperization of our people but simultaneously ensuring that intervention itself spins off jobs and growth. It also means working aggressively to improve infrastructure.

    The immediate priorities will be sorting out the power requirements for all. One of the most important discoveries of humanity today is electricity. Unfortunately, Nigeria’s efforts to provide adequate energy have been an abysmal failure. Yet no nation can develop economically and meet the needs of its people without uninterrupted energy supply. How can any nation think of setting up refineries without constant power supply. Taking crude oil and exporting same cannot result in exponential growth for any country.

    To improve energy supply, we would encourage Independent Power Plants, IPP, in designated industrial zones to reduce the horrendous power component of the cost of local manufacturing.

    Secondly, the construction of Trans- State highways, such as the speed train that will connect the North, South, East and West and move people, fuel, farm produce and goods, cost-efficiently across the country.

    We will emphasize and promote the growth in all sectors in the first 4 years by making small business the engine of growth. Foreign investments will ride on the back of thriving local investments, initiatives and a stable polity.

    Investment in agriculture and agro-allied industry is a must for us. We firmly believe that Agriculture will provide food for subsistence and export. Most importantly, it has the potential to create millions of jobs for both the illiterate and literate population. It is from agriculture that we can fight hunger and process raw materials for the industrial sector. It appears that every government in Nigeria has realized the centrality of agriculture, the problem has always been the absence of a forthright and creative plan, focus and commitment to implementation.

    Again State intervention is the key. When domestic and foreign demand is stimulated, farmers must be assured of minimum prices for their produce. A variant of the commodity boards is the model we are currently working on. The agency will be required to prioritize cash and food crops for which government will guarantee a minimum price. This way the farmer is confident that his investment is protected.

    But it is perhaps the various dimensions of our National Social Security Programme that has occupied the thoughts of our economic team most forcefully. Just to outline the broad themes of the policy : First, we intend to establish a partly contributory National Social Security Scheme. Some categories of the poor and vulnerable will benefit with or without contribution. We believe that every Nigerian over the age of 60 who is not under a pension scheme and also qualifies as poor by a “Means Test” must be given a monthly stipend. Widows and the disabled proved by a “Means Test” to be poor must also be provided a monthly stipend whenever they are unemployed. They become disentitled when they are employed.

    To capture unemployed graduates the Youth Corp scheme will be reviewed for pragmatic implementation for skills development and social services. The scheme may be extended for an optional 18 months within which Youth Corp member is paid and trained. One year of Youth service and six months of training in Entrepreneurial or other useful skills while looking for a job or starting a business. For instance, the CO-CREATION technology and Innovation Centre in Lagos where technology savvy young people are given the space and facilities to develop software and applications of different kinds is an indication of how in a few years with adequate government support we could create thousands of IT related jobs and opportunities throughout the country.

    There must be matching funds between the State and Federal government towards creating business incubators for skilled graduates.

    12. An important component of state intervention to redress poverty is the one meal a day programme for primary and secondary school pupils.

    The Federal government through supplemental funding will support States in providing Primary and Secondary school pupils with at least one meal a day. The immediate twin derivatives of this programme is the design to confront the extremely high incidence of malnutrition and other hunger -induced medical conditions amongst poor children as well as eliminating the recruiting grounds for illegal activities. Also, the program will stimulate demand thereby boosting local businesses in poultry, bakery and juice and packing industries. This will employ millions of graduates and no-graduates. Then, we can start to talk truly about the dividends of not just democracy but of impactful leadership.

    Becoming a full democracy

    Now, we know that by themselves, elections do not constitute democracy. Yet, a nation cannot be a democracy without genuine elections.

    If Nigeria is to mature as a democracy, we must improve our electoral system. Today, those who control the system manipulate elections with such impunity that they now see misconduct without sanction as a normal way of life.

    Look at the recent controversy surrounding election of the Nigerian Governors Forum (NGF) chairman. Thirty-five state governors assembled to vote for the chairmanship. They did this among themselves by secret ballot. One contestant earned 19 votes. The other attracted 16. In a place where honesty matters, the result would be clear and undisputed.

    But not in today’s Nigeria under the current leadership. The chap who earned fewer votes was declared the winner by those who backed him. In Nigeria, the tenets of basic arithmetic have little application concerning elections. Votes do not count, they are concocted.

    Elections are not necessarily won by the candidate with the highest votes. Elections are won by the candidate of the powerful and mighty. Consequently, a group comprising all the nations’ governors could not even conduct a simple 35-person election without a disputed outcome.

    This little episode would be laughable if it were an isolated incident. However, it is emblematic of a larger, more troubling pattern that portends calamity if not arrested. With this recent experience, I fear the length those in power would go and the means they would employ to manipulate results when the battleground is the entire nation and the stakes are the general elections in 2015.The NGF debacle symbolizes a disdain for democracy and the popular will. If we are to save Nigeria, we must rescue the electoral process from its abusers.

    In the main, elections during the current Fourth Republic have been substandard. They remind us that though democratic governance is inherently civilian, civilian government is not necessarily democratic.

    Our system is constructed to preserve the unjust gains of electoral misconduct and presents steep evidentiary and other legal challenges to those whose mandates have been pilfered by rigging and the strange arithmetic of vote counting in Nigeria. We have had too many false winners who were true losers.

    Another very grievous example of this perversion is the 180-day limit in judicial intervention in disputed election outcome. This fails to meet the grund norms of the rule of law. In this case, the right of the citizen is abridged through the backdoor. I Insist, this is an unconstitutional amendment. It is illegal for only 2/3rd of the National Parliament to pass such an amendment, affecting the rigths of an individual. The constitution to which we subscribe and equally that of developed democracies we emulate requires four-fifth of the Nation’s Parliament to pass such amendment. What we have should be thrown out or challenged in court.

    The Electoral Reform Committee chaired by former Chief Justice Uwais was established to end our unique electoral anomaly. The panel recommended a blue print for sanitising our electoral system. Some of the key points include the need for INEC budgetary and administrative independence. INEC must emerge from under the clutch of the presidency. Under the current situation, the President can intimidate and steamroll INEC.

    Again, one of the most important recommendations of the Uwais Committee was that of employing modern technology for registration and voting. This is to improve the integrity of our elections. We must embrace that technology now. We need a fully bio-metric voter registration and balloting system.

    Let me repeat – we need a fully biometric voter registration and balloting system.

    The lack of a functional Biometric Voters Registration (BVR) System accounts for much of the abuse of the current process. The debate over BVR goes to the fundamental quality of our elections. With BVR we have a chance at honest elections. Without it, we are doomed to repeat past failures.

    This system was applied in Ghana. It worked. Other African countries – Burkina Faso, Sierra Leone, Kenya and Tanzania – used biometric registers and validation system for their general elections. It worked. If Nigeria truly is the leader and giant of Africa, let us act like it.

    If smaller nations can take this step to assume the continental lead in the quality and integrity of their electoral processes, let us regain the leadership role by taking the necessary step to embrace this system as well.

    The objective of the data capture and finger printing is to eliminate multiple voting. However, INEC’s present system negates this. Why take fingerprints, capture biometric data and then discard the information on the all-important voting day by resorting to manual accreditation? Unless INEC embraces biometric verification and revalidation during the exercise, our elections will remain more an exercise in deception and subterfuge than in democracy and probity.

    Why the struggle?

    I am a Nigerian patriot and a Nigerian progressive. These are not facile labels to be easily used and discarded. I consider both as badges of honor. Proudly, I wear each of them. As progressives, we fight for free and fair elections to accomplish a purpose much loftier than the elections themselves.

    We do not seek fair elections so that our members may enter office and behave the same way as the ruling party. We seek not to remove the ruling party from power so that we might imitate them. We seek their removal because we intend to provide a strongly more progressive, forward looking, visionary leadership.

    They are the prison guards of an unjust status quo holding the people captive. We have nothing less in mind than to change the face of our political economy for the benefit of our people and our country, Nigeria.

    It had been said that Nigerian politicians all believe in the same thing: themselves.

    This has never been true. Today its falsity is even more glaring. When the current administration sought to abolish the fuel subsidy under cover of darkness last year, we opposed it by offering an approach that would increase government spending in favour of the people. We insisted that if it must be done, such funds must be dedicated to programmes of vital social services in proportion to the amount of the subsidy removed.

    We seek fiscal federalism where state and local governments are more empowered to spur development at the grassroots level. Those in power use unconstitutional means, such as the illegal Excess Crude Account and the Sovereign Wealth Fund, to retain central government control over funds belonging to the States. They also weaken the states by imposing a variety of unfunded federal mandates that stress and strain already tight state budgets. By these measures, they make States more subservient to central government. Also, the people are punished through the denial of needed resources to improve the quality of life.

    The official youth unemployment rate approaches a frightening 60 percent, while the rate of graduate unemployment hovers around 30 and 35 per cent. No scenario can be more frightening. However, the present government is promoting statistical growth without evidence of its corresponding impact on the people. If this is growth, we want no part of it.

    20.On provision of energy, billions have been spent on power, but the Power Holding Company of Nigeria remains powerless. Meanwhile, the people grope in darkness. Industries are collapsing and manufacturing base goes into extinction. Again, this government praises its artificial solutions to real actual problems. For them, this is enough. For the people, it is a bleak house. My Goodness, if this is growth, we want no part of it!

    National security

    This government promised peace and security but under its unwatchful eye, insecurity has grown. Boko Haram has turned large tracts of northern Nigeria into no man’s land with live and property under severe threat and economic activities have come to a standstill. Yet, this government has not seen the correlation between poverty, injustice and the rule of law. Nigerians have become increasingly divided as a people because government continues to take faulty steps. They have ignored the cause and gone after the symptoms. Yet, the government has the responsibility to end foreign or homegrown terrorism. On this, we are ready to partner with government to end this scourge.

    The current administration should apply a consistent policy of targeted law enforcement operations in conjunction with an active program of economic development, negotiations and potential amnesty for penitent Boko Haram members. Instead, the nation has been treated to series of government inaction, indiscriminate use of force, and now a state of emergency. The Jonathan government set up a special Committee on Boko Haram and Security matters but sadly before they could perform, he declared State of Emergency in three Northern states: Yobe, Borno and Adamawa. This is symptomatic of a confused leadership. If there is security in this jumbled policy, neither I nor the majority of Nigerians can find it!

    On the State emergency declared, we told our National Assembly members to support it so long as it operates without affecting the democratic structure and without the federal government dipping its hands into the treasury of the States concerned.

    Before the end of the State of Emergency, we hope government will enumerate the number of victims including orphans, and the number of churches, mosques and properties of economic value destroyed. Government must them move to compensate the victims.

    There is a great philosophical gulf separating the current government from us progressives. This current Nigerian government is a retrogressive one. Much of what they claim as growth is but the harsh redistribution of wealth from the bottom to the top. The bottom gets squeezed while the top expands. They are serving us the salad of corruption. They consume our today and squander the nation’s tomorrow. For 14 years, the PDP led government cannot turn anything around. A new leadership is required to put a stop to this.

    In more visual terms, the economy is being reconstructed as an oasis for a small few and a stark desert for the many. This government pretends to endorse the same budget-cutting austerity policies that now rend much of Europe. We are not Europe, we are a 3rd World economy. That these policies have failed in European nations with higher standards of living than Nigeria gives our leaders no concern. They rather follow the herd over the cliff than save the nation by standing alone and exercising independent thinking and charting a new economic path.

    It seems our leaders have an abiding faith in the capacity of our people to endure every form of indignity and poverty. They assume that Nigerians are sadistic and enjoy being punished. This is not true. The leaders purport to be democratic but they operate as if in a discriminatory system where there are few escape valves.

    Our people live in dire straits. But this government would rather waste the money than spend it on the public benefit. They do not believe the people are worth it. The money is more important. They claim to be hoarding it for that mythical rainy day, when most Nigerians are drowning in poverty. If that is not troubled waters, I don’t know what new calamity will make this government ever recognize the need to build the new bridges needed for the people to cross over into prosperity.

    I have said this before and I shall say it again. These leaders would rather save the money and spend the people. We progressives would rather spend the money to save the people.

    In essence, that is what this political struggle is about. Do the people want a government that values its accounting ledgers more than the people’s welfare or a government that prudently uses its resources to stimulate economic growth, that will touch every life in every village, city and hamlet of our nation?

    In our approach to the political economy, we do not rely on textbook answers because we do not live in textbooks. We live in the real world and thus seek answers from real world experiences.

    Here is a real world fact: No large nation has ever attained sustained growth without government running budget deficits to build the required infrastructure and without other government policies promoting development of the key industries that would become the spine of national development.

    Here is another such fact: No populous nation ever attains prosperity solely by extracting its raw material to exchange them for the finished goods of other large nations. We must industrialize and diversify our economy so that it provides more employment and that employment creates a virtuous cycle by spurring greater demand that spurs even greater production and employment. This is not theory. It is the pragmatic way to recover from the present depression.

    Unless we do this, the retrogressive elite will continue to sing about how well Nigeria is doing while the rest of the nation becomes engulfed in the tidewaters of consuming poverty.

    It is for this reason — to save the nation from the stranglehold of permanent poverty and poor governance — that the members of the progressive opposition political parties have decided to put aside personal ambition (including my own ambition) to form a new party, the All Progressives Congress, APC. We do this because Nigeria has entered a critical state of economic depression.

    Because of the unfair nature of our electoral processes and of the gross imbalance of our political economy, the people have been props in a drama for which they should have been the main characters. We must change this.

    We must move Nigeria from the place where the whims and narrow wishes of a self-centered reactionary elite dictate the fate of over 150 million people. Let Nigeria enter the place where the people take center stage and their elected leaders cease misbehaving like a modern-day aristocracy and get on with the task of national development in earnest.

    First, we need to sanitize the electoral system. Material reform is needed. Unless reform comes, the next election will be abysmal and the people’s will shall not prevail. And that would be dangerous. Let the next election be a fair and open contest between the PDP power and our progressive vision for change.

    On our side, we will take our chances with a free and fair election. For we shall offer the people an innovative program consisting of a national industrial policy that includes radical infrastructural development and employment targets. It includes revival of agriculture through commodity exchange boards, education reform and of the modernization of essential social services including primary health care, especially for women and children to reduce maternal and infant mortality.

    These and other people-oriented measures we pledge. We look forward to a public comparison of our plans to those of the past 14 years under the current government. This is what democracy is about. Let the people inspect each party’s wares then vote for the package that suits them. In an honest and transparent manner.

    A truly free and fair election is what the Progressives ask for. One man. One vote. If we get this, we shall win because we seek to provide a new leadership that will lead Nigeria to a better place and future. A country where no responsible mother is forced to send her children to bed without food, where no son watches his mother pass away because he can’t afford basic medical care and where every child can taste of a quality education that allows them to dream of being doctors, scientists, farmers, business people, nation builders, and even dream of being the president of our land. A Nigeria where everyday brain drain is converted to brain gain. This is the Nigeria we seek. This is the Nigeria that shall come to pass.