Tag: Nigeria

  • When last did you hear from your Governor?

    When last did you hear from your Governor?

    When last did the Governor of your state call a press conference to give an account of the situation of the state, beyond occasional appearances, for example, to address the insecurity situation or launch a project? Has your Governor ever disclosed how much money came into the state treasury from Federal allocations and Internally Generated Revenue the previous month, quarter, or year? In short, how accountable has your state Governor been to the people he was elected to serve?

    There are many factors responsible for the Governors’ lack of accountability. They include (a) lack of an effective system of accountability; (b) illiteracy; and (c) poverty.

    There is no standardised system of evaluating state governments or otherwise hold them accountable. In the absence of such a system, the electorate use elections as a system of evaluation. Those who look promising are voted in, while those who performed are reelected. Not in Nigeria, though, because such evaluation is mitigated by other factors. Governors exploit this lacuna to maximum advantage through deception and other mischievous exploits.

    Take, for example, the case of Governor Simon Lalong of Plateau (2015-2023), who claimed that he bought 400 tractors for N5.6 billion for farmers in his state as part of the state’s agricultural production scheme, even after each participating farmer paid a deposit of N1.5 million to the state for the equipment. However, upon investigation by Premium Times, it was discovered that only about 90 tractors were bought and fewer (just 40) were displayed when President Muhammadu Buhari commissioned the project in 2018. Yet, the unknowing electorate was recruited to sing and dance on the occasion in praise of the Governor (see The true story of ‘400 tractors’ ex-Gov. Lalong claimed his govt bought for Plateau, Premium Times, July 4, 2024).

    Illiteracy prevent the public from pressing for accountability. I use the term illiteracy here in two senses: One, in the sense of stark illiteracy, that is, inability to read and write, which applies to about 40 percent of the Nigerian population, much more so in the North than in the South, and the other in the sense of political illiteracy, despite the dual ability to read and write. Many literate Nigerians are politically illiterate in this sense. Some of them may know that Governors should be accountable, but they will not hold the Governors to account either because they are “eating” or because they hope to “eat” from the Governors’ government or they don’t care at all. Both groups of illiterates take part in singing and dancing in praise of Governors for doing their duty, such as tarring a road or building a public facility, such as a school, hospital, or clinic. This practice has the inverse effect of making the Governors feel they have achieved, and they use the praise singing as a surrogate for accountability.

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    Poverty also prevents voters from holding their Governors to account.  is poverty, which makes them satisfied with tokens, such as rural roads, boreholes, or a poverty alleviation measure, such as N5,000 or a scoop of rice. Many of them have no idea that whatever they get from their state government is their right and that it is the Governor’s duty to provide them. Unfortunately, the illiterate and poor electorate have been led to believe that whatever problems they have are from Abuja, and that their enemy is the federal government and not their Governor or state government. That’s why protests are directed at the Federal Government instead of state governments.

    It is the dual scourge of illiteracy and poverty that makes vote-buying central to our electoral practice. Save for occasional investigative journalism and a few civil society organisations, which demand accountability, sometimes by going to court to demand some records, little or nothing is heard about the performance of state governments.

    Any wonder then that corruption is rampant in the states, and it takes various forms, including bribery, inflated contracts (to disguise cutbacks), and outright embezzlement of public funds, often through diversion into private or business accounts associated with politicians, political appointees, civil servants, and/or their surrogates. To be sure, corruption is not unique to Nigeria. It is everywhere across the globe. What is peculiar about corruption in Nigeria is twofold, namely, the impunity with which corrupt practices thrive and the degree to which the practices are condoned, especially by the respective local communities of the politicians, political appointees, and civil servants in question.

    Most state Governors are corrupt. Once elected, they are either looking for campaign funds for reelection or for running for Senate or for supporting a Presidential candidate for expected reward, such as a Vice-Presidential pick or ministerial nomination. Some even accumulate funds to run for President. For incumbents, the state treasury is often the starting point, using various methods, including the so-called security vote, which, in some states, is as high as N1 billion a month, which the Governor is not bound to account for.

    Some of them may also want to retire from active politics once they feel that they have accumulated enough money to sustain them and their family for the rest of their lives. Remember that, besides their savings, they are treated to a fat severance package and monthly pension, which varies from state to state. In addition, they keep several vehicles, drivers, police escort, kitchen staff, and other assistants for which their states or the relevant government agency, such as the police, allegedly continues to pay.

    It is against the above backgrounds that the Governors’ performances since May 29, 2023, should be assessed. It is pertinent to emphasise that since fuel subsidy was removed by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu at the inception of his administration, state allocations have more than doubled. Yet, there have been no corresponding improvements in people’s lives, despite the distribution of funds and other resources for palliatives, including cash distribution, agricultural development, transport facility, and infrastructural development.

    How will the Governors be made accountable? The answer lies with residents of each state as the Federal Government has no power under the constitution to interfere in the affairs of the states. True, the EFCC and the ICPC are under federal control, but neither institution can act in the absence of credible petitions or prompted enquiries. It is time for citizen action, not necessarily to go to the streets but to seek alternative ways, including litigation, to make their Governors accountable.

    •An earlier version of this essay was published on September 4.

  • Gas central to Nigeria’s economic recovery

    Gas central to Nigeria’s economic recovery

    A group, the Nigeria Liquefied and Compressed Gases Association (NLCGA), has identified the gas sector as a critical economic sector to be developed to facilitate quick recovery of the nation’s economy.

    Speaking at the just concluded 14th Annual Conference & Exhibition of the group in Lagos, NLCGA President Felix Ekundayo said the transformative role of gas in Nigeria’s economic growth cannot be over-emphasised and commended the support and participation of delegates, partners, and exhibitors at the conference.

    While reflecting on the achievement of conference with the theme: “Gas: The Road to Economic Recovery,” he said: “This year’s conference was a powerful reminder of the potential within our gas industry to drive Nigeria’s economic recovery.

    “We are energized by the ideas exchanged, collaborations formed, and insights shared, all of which set a clear path for our industry’s continued impact.”

    Diring the two-day conference, discussions highlighted gas as a vital force in revitalizing Nigeria’s economy, generating jobs and providing sustainable energy solutions.

    Delegates emphasized Federal Government’s initiatives such as the removal of Value Added Tax (VAT) and import duties on gas and the Presidential CNG Initiative.

    “The government’s support shows that gas is viewed as more than an energy choice—it’s a key driver for Nigeria’s journey to economic recovery,” the NLCGA boss remarked.

    This year’s conference also marked the official rebranding of the association from the Nigeria Liquefied Petroleum Gas Association (NLPGA), to the Nigeria Liquefied and Compressed Gases Association (NLCGA), signaling an expanded mission that includes compressed natural gas (CNG), liquefied natural gas (LNG), hydrogen, and biogases.

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    “Our rebranding is more than a name change; it reflects our commitment to meeting Nigeria’s diverse energy needs with a range of gas solutions”.

    “We are positioning NLCGA to lead Nigeria’s energy transition, fostering inclusive growth and economic resilience,” Ekundayo said.

    The conference sessions covered essential topics in production, policy, technology and socio-economic impact, focusing on how gas can drive economic recovery, support women-led businesses and create job opportunities.

    The NLCGA President also noted that “these discussions provided a roadmap for leveraging gas to create wealth, jobs, and energy resilience for all Nigerians.”

    The exhibition showcased cutting-edge technologies and global solutions designed to advance Nigeria’s gas sector.

    Ekundayo encouraged participants to explore these developments, emphasizing that “the partnerships formed and innovations highlighted here are crucial to Nigeria’s energy future”.

    He stated that going forward NLCGA remains dedicated to supporting Nigeria’s energy sector through advocacy, innovations, and collaborations.

    “This conference has reinvigorated our vision for a resilient, dynamic gas industry that will drive Nigeria’s economic growth.

    “We extend our heartfelt thanks to our delegates, sponsors and partners for their unwavering support and we look forward to building on this momentum,” Ekundayo concluded.

    He summed up his review declaring that the 14th NLCGA Annual Conference & Exhibition has laid the groundwork for impactful partnerships, transformative strategies, and actionable solutions to propel Nigeria’s economic recovery and sustainable energy future.

  • Cleric: Nigeria can overcome current challenges with faith

    Cleric: Nigeria can overcome current challenges with faith

    A pastor with Good Tidings Bible Church International (GTBCI), Mike Ogoro, has urged Nigerians to place their trust in God to help the country navigate its challenges.

     Speaking during the church’s 20th Anniversary Thanksgiving celebration in Abuja, with the theme:  “Feast of Favour,” led by GTBCI’s head pastor, Dayo Olutayo, Ogoro emphasised importance of faith in overcoming adversity.

    Ogoro, who serves as the coordinating pastor, highlighted the church’s mission to connect people with God.

    He acknowledged the difficulties faced by the church and the nation, noting opposition and contention are common in the journey of faith.

    However, he reassured the congregation of God’s ability to guide and protect his church.

    “Challenges are inevitable, especially when it comes to matters of faith,” Ogoro said. “Despite the obstacles, God has been with us, and the church continues to grow because it is open to everyone. We should not judge the church based on a few bad examples.

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    ‘‘God established the church, and no force can prevail against it. Nigerians should turn to God and believe in His power to overcome challenges.”

    Chair of the Church Council, Jide Adeniyi,  noted challenges GTBCI has faced but credited divine intervention for its perseverance and growth.

     He described the celebration as a new beginning, a period of strength and renewal.

    “The church plays significant role by praying for the country,” Adeniyi noted. “The Bible teaches that when the righteous lead, the people rejoice. It is essential Christians participate in governance to bring about positive change, as we are called to be the light in the darkness”.

  • Report: Nigeria, others require $213.4b for climate financing

    Report: Nigeria, others require $213.4b for climate financing

    The private sector is increasingly becoming the main driver of climate action, the Climate Policy Initiative (CPI) research group has said, noting that in 2022, about 51 per cent of the global climate financing was provided by the private sector.

     CPI which mission is to support governments, businesses, and financial institutions in driving economic growth while addressing climate change, however, said in Africa and other developing nations, private sector contribution to climate financing is quite low.

    CPI, in its latest report titled ‘Africa’s Carbon Market: Paving the Way to a Sustainable Future,’ said in Nigeria for instance, only 23 per cent of the total climate finance committed in 2020 was from the private sector.

     “This level of investment is not enough,” the report, which was accessed by The Nation said, pointing out, however, that the public sector alone cannot meet the continent’s climate financing needs.

    The report cited International Renewable Energy Agency (IRENA) estimates that Africa requires about $213.4 billion from the private sector to close its climate financing gap by 2030.

    IRENA, an inter-governmental organisation that promotes the adoption and sustainable use of renewable, headquartered in Abu Dhabi, also said conventional financial instruments, like concessional debt and grants, are not enough, especially at the scale needed.

    “While the continent’s more mature markets, like South Africa and Kenya, have established and utilised complex capital market instruments like green bonds and asset securities, less developed financial markets have trouble attracting private sector capital.

    “There is a need for innovative financial structures and instruments that can attract and mobilise private sector financing,” the CPI report said.

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     It, however, noted that the demand for carbon credits to offset carbon emissions by large firms is expected to increase globally, and that companies will need carbon credits to meet their ambitious net-zero targets and pledges.

    The report said Voluntary Carbon Markets (VCMs) will help to directly drive private capital flow into Africa, adding that VCMs are also an opportunity for clean energy and climate action projects in Africa to generate additional income.

    “This additional revenue increases profitability and can help de-risk projects, allowing developers to raise much-needed private-sector financing.

    “As VCMs grow to include more corporations, the price of carbon credit would also rise, improving the feasibility of clean energy projects and allowing developers to attract more private capital,” the report said.

    CPI further stated that the development of carbon markets also helps countries to establish and strengthen their local monitoring, reporting and verification frameworks and regulations.

    It added that this enabling environment reduces the risk of doing business and can help lower the cost of private sector financing.

    According to McKinsey, Africa currently generates only about two per cent of its maximum annual carbon credit potential.

    Sustainable Energy for All notes that only five countries—Kenya, Zimbabwe, DRC, Ethiopia, and Uganda—account for about 65 per cent of all of the continent’s carbon credit issuance over the past half-decade.

    “More countries need to realise their potential and fully take advantage of carbon pricing mechanisms. To do so, countries must establish adequate frameworks needed.

    “VCMs on the continent face significant challenges including the lack of standardisation on emissions quantifying and reporting which can lead to a risk of double counting credits.

    “These challenges affect the quality and reliability of carbon credits sold in these markets, significantly hampering their sale,” the report said.

    According to the report, carbon pricing mechanisms have the potential to catalyse private sector investment on the continent.

    “Carbon pricing mechanisms provide a financial incentive for reducing greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions.

    “Carbon pricing mechanisms like Emissions Trading Systems (ETS) and crediting mechanisms such as VCMs provide new sources of revenue for clean energy project developers, forestry conservative efforts and governments,” it said.

    The report said the global VCM in 2021 was valued at $2 billion, but in Africa the value of retired carbon credits that year was less than two per cent of the global market —$123 million.

    “This is changing as more African countries increase their participation in the global carbon market. Last June, at an auction in Kenya, Saudi Arabian corporations purchased over 2.2 million tonnes of carbon credits (at $6.27 per metric tonne of carbon credits).

    International companies including Netflix, Apple, Air France-KLM, and Delta Air Lines are also participants in Kenya’s voluntary carbon market,”

    CPI, therefore, said “African governments need to create an enabling environment for carbon markets to thrive. Governments should standardise carbon verification methodologies and build the capacity of project stakeholders.

    “This ensures that local developers and companies can participate in the global VCM. There is also a need to train and support companies to understand the appropriate legal resources required to enter into global carbon crediting agreements and partnerships.

    “Governments concerned about projects’ sustainability can incentivise companies by providing subsidies based on participation in carbon markets.”

    IT also stated that for markets to scale and perform much larger carbon credit transactions, especially at the scale needed for African nations, the challenges highlighted need to be resolved.

    “African governments must be innovative in leveraging carbon credits. However, countries should also do so quickly to ensure that they can take advantage of the global private sector drive to net zero,” the report said.

  • Firm reaffirms commitment to Nigeria

    Firm reaffirms commitment to Nigeria

    Chief Executive Officer, Africa and Middle East, Pernod Ricard, Selcuk Tumay, has reaffirmed his company’s commitment to Nigeria’s thriving market, amidst the prevailing dynamic landscape.

    Tumay reinforced this commitment when he visited Pernod Ricard’s Lagos office, recently, accompanied by the company’s Chief Financial Officer Africa, Nevzat Akkiz, and Managing Director Africa, Sola Oke.

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    “Despite Nigeria’s complexities, especially foreign exchange volatility, we are optimistic. Adapting strategies will drive growth, support local partners and deliver exceptional consumer experiences,” Tumay stated.

    He said building on success in Turkey and the Middle East, where innovative marketing and strategic partnerships fuelled double-digit growth, Pernod Ricard will apply these learning to Nigeria.

  • Nigeria, Ghana, Guinea most targeted for cyber attacks

    Nigeria, Ghana, Guinea most targeted for cyber attacks

    Nigeria, a major digital hub in Africa, has one of the highest volume of cyberattacks in West Africa, coming in at 2,721 for the first half of 2024. Attacks on the computer-related services field were prevalent, as in Ghana, with 867 incidents, but local beauty salons were second on the list for Nigeria, enduring 206 incidents, followed by data processing hosting companies at 116.

     “The growing complexity of distributed denial of service (DDoS) threats seen worldwide, including a notable increase in both attack frequency and sophistication, is clearly reflected in Nigeria. The country experienced more complex attacks than others within the region, with 23 different attacks vendors seen in one single attack, from TCP and CLDAP (Connection-less Lightweight Directory Access Protocol) attacks to Domain Name System (DNS) amplification and many more,” Regional Director for Africa at NETSCOUT, Bryan Hamman, adding that the country stood out third on the list.

    Ghana, however, led the region in both the frequency and diversity of cyber threats for the first half of 2024, facing a high volume of DDoS attacks directed at industries including computer services and telecommunications.

    In fact, according to NETSCOUT’s 1H2024 DDoS Threat Intelligence Report (TIR), the country was subjected to a total of 4,753 attacks over the six months, of which 2,759 were aimed at computer-related services businesses. Wireless telecommunications carriers (except satellite) received the second highest number of attacks, at 110, with full-service restaurants also noted as another vertical industry under fire. Furthermore, Ghana experienced by far the highest volume attack in West Africa, with the maximum bandwidth of its largest DDoS attack measuring 314.25 Mbps.

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    Known for an economic resilience that is driven by agriculture and mining, Guinea surprisingly took second spot in the NETSCOUT results for West Africa in terms of attack frequency, with 2,918 incidents listed. Wireless telecommunications carriers bore the brunt of these strikes, which were mostly TCP-type attacks.

    Côte d’Ivoire and Liberia both faced similar attack frequencies, with 1,598 and 1,515 incidents noted respectively. The two countries also experienced similarities in the types of attacks vectors used – mostly TCP-related – as well as the sector that was hardest hit, which was wireless telecommunications for both.

    Again, wireless telecommunications carriers were identified as the prime targets for threat actors in Benin (196 incidents), Senegal (107), Mali (32) and Cameroon (16).

     “This is in line with NETSCOUT’s global Threat Intelligence Report figures, which measured attacks on the sector at 834,471 for the first part of 2024, a substantial 34 per cent increase on the figures seen for 2H 2023, which was calculated at 622,295. We believe this points to an objective by cybercriminals to disrupt critical communication infrastructure,” Hamman said.

  • Trade relations between Nigeria, Korea increased by 50% in Q3–Envoy

    Trade relations between Nigeria, Korea increased by 50% in Q3–Envoy

    The Ambassador of the Republic of Korea to Nigeria, Kim Pankyu, has said the trade relations between Nigeria and his country recorded a 50 per cent increase in the third quarter of 2024.

    Pankyu said the rate of import between both countries has increased by 91 per cent with possibilities of more investments opening up to further boost trade relations.

    The ambassador said this during the 2024 Korea National Day reception in Abuja.

    He expressed optimism that the partnership between Nigeria and Korea would not only witness a massive boost but would be one of the most vibrant partnerships in Africa in the near future.

    The ambassador expressed confidence that engagements between Nigerian officials during the Korea-Africa Summit in Seoul would lead to further increase in economic exchanges between Korea and Nigeria.

    He said: “In June this year, my President hosted the first Korea-Africa Summit in Seoul. Honourable Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ambassador Yusuf Maitama Tuggar, and then Honourable Minister of Industry, Trade and Investment, Dr. Doris Uzoka-Anite, visited Seoul for this important event.

    “In Seoul, they had multiple meetings not only with Korean government officials, but also with many Korean businessmen and development experts. I am confident that these engagements will lead to further increase in economic exchanges between Korea and Nigeria.

    “During the Korea-Africa Summit, my President announced that Korea would continue to expand official development assistance up to $10 billion by 2030, as a catalyst for project cooperation with Africa. In addition, he committed to providing $14 billion to Korean companies by 2030 to encourage their activities in Africa.

    “I am happy to share the news that recently, an intra-governmental task force team has been composed to follow up on the economic partnership agreements made on the occasion of the Korea-Africa Summit. Since Nigeria is a leading economy and the biggest market in Africa, I believe that the partnership between Korea and Nigeria will be one of the most vibrant ones in the years to come.

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    “In fact, we are already witnessing meaningful progress. During the third quarter of this year, the trade between Korea and Nigeria increased by 55 per cent. In particular, I would like to point out the fact that the import from Nigeria to Korea increased by 91 per cent. I believe that this positive development will continue as more and more Koreans are interested in Nigeria and more and more Nigerians are interested in Korea.”

    The Ambassador said he was excited with the level of acceptance of Korean culture, especially its music by Nigerians.

    According to him, there was a huge potential for cooperation between the two countries in the creative economy.

    Pankyu said: “When I first came to Abuja earlier this year, I was pleasantly surprised by Nigerian people’s high interest in Korean culture, such as Korean language, K-drama, K-pop and K-food.

    “I had an opportunity to observe a K-food contest in Abuja and was deeply impressed by the Korean foods made by Nigerian chefs. When I observed the Taekwondo championship in Abuja recently, I had a feeling that in a few years, the number of gold medals that Korean athletes win at the Olympics may decrease due to brilliant Nigerian athletes.

    “My fellow Koreans may be disappointed but as a former Korean ambassador to Nigeria, I will be happy to watch that. I believe these kinds of cultural exchanges between our two countries will strengthen our bonds of friendship and mutual understanding”, he said. 

    On the Republic of Korea’s vision of advancing freedom, peace and prosperity globally, the envoy sought the support of Nigeria, given her expertise in promoting peace and stability.

    He said: “As one of the 10 elected members of the UN Security Council, Korea is stepping up its efforts to address these kinds of challenges in cooperation with global partners. I believe Nigeria, a leader in promoting peace and stability in this region, is an important partner for Korea in this aspect as well, and look forward to closer coordination.”

  • Nigeria and the Botswana elections

    Nigeria and the Botswana elections

    On 30 October, 2024, the opposition Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC) led by Duma Boko defeated the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) which had been the ruling party since 1966 when the country gained independence. The incumbent President Mokgweetsi Masisi of the BDP who was seeking a second term in office, having first assumed office in 2018, conceded defeat before the vote count was completed, and called and congratulated the winner, Duma Boko.

    On 1 November, 2024, Masisi said: “For now, the evidence is overwhelming. We lost this election massively … And we need to come to terms with it, and make space and give opportunity to the newly elected leaders, and respect them and support them, so that they can succeed, because it’s Botswana’s success that’s most important.” He also declared: “Starting from tomorrow or, as in my discussion with the President-Elect, at a time convenient to him, we will begin all administrative work to facilitate the transition and I assure you that I will not take any actions to hinder or slow down this process.”

    Interestingly, it was former Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan who was appointed as the African Union Election Observation Mission (AUEOM) for the Botswana elections, and Masisi’s experience must have resonated with him. In 2015, President Jonathan had himself lost a presidential election, in Nigeria, to a new party, the All Progressives Congress (APC), that was formed from a fusion of some opposition parties and elements. Like Masisi, he had conceded defeat before the completion of the tallying of votes, and had congratulated Muhammadu Buhari, the candidate of the APC.

    In President Duma Boko’s first public speech on 1 November, 2024, he said that he was not just the President of UDC, but of the whole of Botswana. He also remarked: “I pledge with every fiber of my being that I will do everything I can not to fail, not to disappoint, appreciating always the enormity of the responsibility bestowed upon me by the people of this republic. It is their government … and I approach it with all the humility I can muster. And so, that is why I lay myself open to criticism. Even if it is acerbic and fierce and vicious, I’ll listen and heed and try always to do what is right for the people, by them and for their country.”   

    At a meeting he and Masisi held with senior government officials on 5 November, 2024, the new President also said: “Botswana has demonstrated to the whole world that the accolades that we’ve enjoyed as a shining example of democracy were more than well-deserved. … [If] I had respect, and I did, for the former President, my respect for him reached the stratosphere. … We may not appreciate the seriousness, the enormity and the profundity of what he has done.” He noted that if it had been in some other countries, they would have been “embroiled in conflict, civil strife, because an incumbent refuses to accept an outcome.” He then remarked with adulation: “Not in Botswana. Not with this former President. And for that we are eternally grateful.”

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    Three noteworthy features of the Botswana elections are Diaspora Voting, Early Voting and Independent Candidacy. Diaspora voting allowed registered citizens of Botswana to vote in their countries of residence outside Botswana. Early voting was limited to and allowed election and police officers (who are normally on duty on election day) and Diaspora voters to cast their votes before 30 October, 2024. Independent candidacy allowed citizens who did not wish to be affiliated with any political party to contest elections, and one independent candidate actually won in last week’s national assembly elections. Nigeria has lessons to learn from Botswana, which is a country of 2.7 million people, with respect to these admirable features of multi-party politics.

    It would be highly beneficial for Nigeria, like Botswana, to adopt the advance voting system and expand its beneficiaries to include election officials, security personnel, local observers, transporters, journalists (who are often posted outside their registration areas or constituencies during elections), and just about any eligible voter who, for one reason or the other, may prefer the option. Moreover, introducing Diaspora Voting into the Nigerian system would be of immense value, especially if the opportunities for it to be abused, manipulated or undermined could be curtailed. Furthermore, making provision for independent candidacy in the Nigerian electoral system, as is the case in Botswana, would expand the democratic space.

    On 30 October, 2024 in Botswana, local government elections were held concurrently with the parliamentary and presidential elections, indicating a mainstreaming of the local government elections and administration, and leaving little room for the kind of obscene manipulation of local elections by state governments that is being witnessed now in Nigeria. If there’s still merit in having elections on two days, Nigeria should consider having local government, State Houses of Assembly and governorship elections on the same day, subsequent to making the tenure of local government administrations four years.

    In Botswana, as pointed out in the South African Development Commission (SADC) Electoral Observation Mission (SEOM) report on last week’s election, voter accreditation was done manually, thereby elongating the process. This is unlike Nigeria’s electronic voter accreditation system which reduces accreditation time considerably. Moreover, in Botswana, as SEOM noted, votes were not counted at the respective polling stations where the votes were cast, but were conveyed to designated counting/collation centres. This exposes the votes cast to sundry risks including ballot box snatching, ballot box stuffing and malicious votes destruction. In the Nigerian system, these risks are minimised, because votes are counted and the results are announced at the polling stations, and party agents are issued official copies of the results instantly.

    From the official results issued after counting votes at a polling station, as happens in Nigeria, a party has a fair chance of knowing its relative overall performance, even before the official declaration of final results. Moreover, counting votes at polling stations reduces the risk of results alteration or falsification; and where such electoral fraud occurs, and the victims choose to challenge the fraud at an election tribunal or court, the official results issued at the polling stations come in handy as significant evidence. It would therefore be beneficial for Botswana to adopt this time-tested system.

    Botswana witnessed a “seismic” election result and a “whirlwind” transition of power. The President-Elect was sworn in in a simple closed-door ceremony in the office of the Chief Justice, a few hours after the concession of defeat. So, as the victor assumed office immediately, the person the people of Botswana knew as President in the morning of 1 November, 2024 had become “former President” a few hours later, on that same day. The public inauguration followed, a week later, on 8 November, 2024.

    President Duma Boko had earlier contested and lost elections for president in 2014 and 2019. After each defeat, he girded his loins and continued the struggle. Neither he nor his supporters marched to the Botswana Defence Force (equivalent of the Nigerian Army) headquarters to incite the army to takeover government. And neither did they set up a global propaganda machinery to defame their country nor set up a complex web of sabotage to bring Botswana down. And they didn’t ascribe all of their troubles to the desire by the ruling party to create and perpetuate a one-party state.

    In the 2009 general elections, the BDP won 45 out of 57 parliamentary seats (where 31 seats were required to be declared winner). The remaining 12 seats were shared among 4 opposition parties. In the 2014 elections in which Duma Boko’s UDC, formed in November 2012, contested for the first time, BDP won 37 seats, UDC came second with 17 seats, and another party won the remaining 3 seats. In the 2019 elections, BDP won 38 seats, UDC again came second with 15 seats, and the remaining 4 seats were shared by 2 other opposition parties. Then came the fateful 2024 elections and, by the morning of 1 November, UDC had won 35 seats, and BDP had won a mere 4 seats, making Duma Boko President. The heroism, tenacity and focus of Duma Boko and the UDC provide a great model for Nigeria’s jumpy and inconstant, nectar-seeking opposition.

    In a congratulatory message, Nigeria said: “As Botswana remains an important ally and partner, Nigeria shares the hopes and aspirations of the brotherly government and people of Botswana, as they delve into the next chapter of their nationhood.” It is hoped that the country would assiduously promote its strategic interests in Botswana, as Nigeria has a lot to learn from it with respect to the protection and management of mineral resources and animal husbandry. The latter is particularly important due to Nigeria’s creation of the new Federal Ministry of Livestock Development.

    As former British Prime Minister Theresa May reminded us, “compromise is not a dirty word.” This is what Botswana’s former President Mokgweetsi Masisi may have realised so clearly now, considering the effect of the very high level of acrimony and mutual grandstanding between him and Ian Khama. Crisis had developed between Masisi and Ian Khama who was his immediate predecessor and whom he had served as Vice-President from 12 November, 2014 to 1 April, 2018. Khama said that the crisis resulted from the disloyal and autocratic tendencies of Masisi, but Masisi said that it resulted from Khama’s attempts to interfere with and undermine Masisi’s government.

    At the peak of the reconciliation-shunning crisis, Khama had to go into exile fearing for his freedom and for his life. He then boasted that having made the big mistake of supporting and handpicking the ‘deceptive’ Masisi as president in 2018, he was going to ensure that Masisi did not get a second term in office in 2024. So, for the 2024 elections, Khama campaigned vigorously around the country, especially in BDP strongholds, not necessarily for his own Botswana Patriotic Front to win, but for Masisi’s BDP to lose. With the loss of Masisi’s second term bid in the elections that held on 30 October, 2024, Khama’s threat has proved to be no mere grandstanding.

    It would be recalled that a 17 December, 2023 article titled “Wike and Khama; Fubara and Masisi,” in this column, highlighted the correspondence between the feud between the former Governor of Nigeria’s Rivers State, Nyesom Wike, and his successor, Siminalayi Fubara, and the one between Botswana’s Ian Khama and Mokgweetsi Masisi. As Khama threatened to stop his successor Masisi from getting a second term of office as president in 2024, Wike boasted that Fubara would not get a second term as governor in 2027. Khama’s threat has proved to be no empty boast. Will Wike’s also be more than huffing and puffing? Time will tell.

  • Nigeria: Three issues to ponder

    Nigeria: Three issues to ponder

    In this piece I shall be drawing my readers’  attention to three critical issues which Nigerians must, henceforth, begin to seriously interrogate as development, in all its ramification, continues to kiss our country bye.

    Granted that none of them concerns the current astronomical cost of living,  they are yet things we can  continue to neglect to our eternal regret, if not ultimate peril since they are that fundamental.

    Writing about how the near total parental neglect of children’s education, especially in Northern Nigeria, is the sole precursor of the recent presentation, in court for trial, of some extremely destructive minors in his column in The Nation of Thursday, 7 November, 2024, under the title ‘Underage rioters and presidential pardon’,

    Emeritus Professor Jide Osuntokun wrote, inter alia:’Why were underage children demonstrating in the first place? Where were their parents? Government should follow their release with knowing what kind of homes they come from. It could be they don’t even have homes they can call their own,  and are perhaps street urchins, as we find in many of our towns today.

    The time has come for our various governments, particularly states, and local governments, to develop policies to face this problem before they get out of hand. This lumpen proletariat are the stuff of violence and revolution in the future”.

    “Why were these children not in school where they should be learning a skill or acquiring knowledge that may be useful to them in the future? Since when has it become the responsibility of children to engage in political action in this country? Who were the people goading them to go to the streets? What kind of legitimate punishment can a society inflict on these errant children without appearing inhuman and harsh”? “We have remand homes for these kinds of children but are they available all over the country?

    My church, the Redeemed Christian Church of God, has these kinds of homes in some parts of the country. Government should join such missions to make the system effective and more encompassing.  Is the fact that so many children were involved in these demonstrations not a manifestation of failure of parents and government to have institutions that will prepare our country for the future”?

    “What can we do, going forward in terms of overhauling our educational system so that our children can develop a sense of civic responsibility?”

    Of all these questions, all of which are eloquently germane to the issue Professor Osuntokun was writing about, only the very last one, namely, “what can we do, going forward in terms of overhauling our educational system so that our children can develop a sense of civic responsibility?”, is relevant to the purpose of this piece  and the relevance goes, far and beyond minors, encapsulating our entire educational system which renders even the most educated of us almost completely useless to the needs of our country.

    My job here is simple as all I have to do, is press into service, some individuals, (and a medium) who have, in the past interrogated the issues and left behind for humanity, some seminal thoughts.

    We begin with the highly regarded Professor Sophie Oluwole of the Department of Philosophy, University of Lagos who had a good look at many of the demons tearing at Nigeria’s throat, setting us back in every direction.

    She counselled as follows:”I have BSc, I have Master’s, I have PhD…, I’m a professor. What can you do to make yourself better ?

    This is the bane of the problems we are facing in Nigeria today.We must change the Nigerian Educational Curriculum to include Degrees in Vocational Trades.

    Similar to this is that, there should be a law regulating the number of children a family can have and it should not be more than a maximum  of 2 or 3.

    It is our failure to control our inner minds that makes us bring religion/culture into having many wives and children, especially persons who can not reasonably feed themselves, and are thereby,  causing all manner of nuisance all over Nigeria.

    Governments should also stop increasing retirement age from  60/65 years when  young graduates are roaming the Streets, looking for jobs.

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    25 years is enough for a government worker.

    Let our children/youths breathe.

    They are the future of this country. Failure to obey, and continuing with these self destructive practices will automatically doom Nigeria”.

    In ‘Nigeria: What Manner of Education’, the writer of a recently trending WhatsApp post looked at how beggarly Nigeria has become in respect of literally every aspect of life, but particularly  in matters of infrastructural development and wrote as follows:

    “Russia to build rail tracks for Nigeria.

    “China to build roads and bridges for Nigeria”.

    “India to import rolling stock to Nigeria and help Nigeria with its ICT development”.

    “Germany to build new power plants in Nigeria, US to provide vaccines to Nigeria”.

    “UNDP to provide grants to Nigerian farmers and improved seedlings”.

    “Bill and Melinda Foundation to provide Malaria vaccines to Nigeria”.

    “Turkey to build garment factory in Nigeria”.

    “England to build new oil terminal in the Niger Delta region to help Nigeria mine its oil…etc”.

    He then asks:

    What is the relevance of our education in this country if we cannot use it to solve even the minutest of our problems as we see daily in the meaningless   harangues in the National Assembly, and elsewhere?

    Or when last did any law of beneficit to Nigerians proceed from the National Assembly to the President’s table for his assent?

    All we hear, and see, is the National Assembly mutilating budgets  to make room for some useless, hardly ever executed, constituency projects.

    Finally, happily a timely warning has come but not from any of our several Universities of Agriculture, ministry of Agriculture, or any regulatory organ of government, but from a conscientious citizen who is very knowledgeable in his trade, and believes he owes it a duty to positively impact Nigeria in his own little way.

    I write here of Tunde Fabunmi, Founder/CEO of Bee Conservation  Project, who has counselled as follows regarding the kind of fertilisers being imported into Nigeria.

    In his mail to me titled ‘Can You Help Tell The Federal Government?’, he wrote:

    “What is the message for the Federal Government of Nigeria? The message for the Federal Government is about the kind of fertilisers being imported for Nigerian farmers. What is wrong with fertilizers being used in Nigeria? It contains high level of calcium. What is the health implications of calcium – rich fertilizers? They are: 1. The intake of magnesium is  lowered in our foods due to  calcium – rich fertilisers being used by our farmers;

    2. High calcium fertilizers increase the risk of cardiovascular diseases ( stroke, heart attack & hypertension), all of which were not as prevalent in Nigeria before the craze for chemical fertilizers as input in farming overtook us;

    3. High calcium fertilizers increase the risks of diabetes, a rarity in Nigeria when farming was purely organic.

    Low magnesium, and high calcium not only trigger diabetes, they also make diabetics prone to fatty liver, heart disease, atherosclerosis and retinopathy- which is a major cause of blindness for diabetics.

    In a study in the United States, the death rate due to diabetes was four times higher in areas with low magnesium in water level compared to areas with high level of magnesium in the water.

    4. High calcium fertilizers increase cases of suicide which was rare in Nigeria in the past, compared to what it is today.

    Several studies have shown that the lower the magnesium in both soil and water,  the higher the rate of suicides.

    5. High calcium fertilizers increase the risk of Parkinson disease which is increasing in Nigeria today.

    Incidentally, the countries from which we import these fertilisers are now aggressively campaigning against their use in their own countries, instead clamouring for organic farming.

    The question can then be asked: does farming really need fertilisers?

    Organic – dry leaves and cow dung –  Yes.

    But Chemical fertilisers – capital No.

    The agenda of those selling chemical  fertilisers to Africa is sinister.

    Quite unlike our forefathers, many younger Nigerians now contend with low quality health status and a shorter life span.

    At the moment, there are about 300 children currently battling with cancer in a hospital in Lagos. The question can then be legitimately asked:

    do we have  universities, properly so called,  or  mere POS in Nigeria?

    I ask this question because integral to the presence of  universities in any country is the need to conduct researches that will guide positive human development in all its ramification.

    Nigerians must now clamour for a ban on the importation of chemical fertilisers which not only  drains our foreign reserve but causes an epidemic of chronic diseases.

  • Future of USA-Nigeria relations post 2024 elections

    Future of USA-Nigeria relations post 2024 elections

    • By Ademola Oshodi

    As a global power, the United States of America significantly influences global affairs. Thus, as US citizens troop to the poll, citizens and governments worldwide are keen on the outcome, as much as Americans. For instance, while the Nigerian government has never endorsed any US election presidential candidate, many Nigerians draw correlations between US political parties and theirs. Nigerians are thus divided between Kamala Harris (Democratic Party) and Donald Trump (Republican Party), as questions arise as to what the outcomes could mean for USA-Nigeria relations.

    US-Nigeria relations have fluctuated over the years, since the ruling party and its ideology mostly dictate governance. Many Nigerians believe that Democrat presidents are accommodating of immigrants and supportive of Africa’s interests, much more than Republican presidents who are more supportive of trade and investment. Although lacking data, these perspectives are widely held. A historical analysis from 1981 helps to situate this argument.

    Republican-led US-Nigerian relations were a mix of targeted engagement and interests. Under President Ronald Reagan (1981-1989), relations were cordial, although the administration focused more on global anti-communism than specific bilateral relations with Nigeria. President George Bush (1989-1993) increased engagement with Africa and supported Nigeria’s democratic transition. President George Bush (Jnr)’s (2001-2009) engagement with Africa, through the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) and the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC), benefitted Nigeria’s health and development sectors. The administration increased the US aid to Africa by over 600%, of which a significant portion came to Nigeria. In 2003, he also became the first Republican President to visit Nigeria.

    The Donald Trump (2017-2021) administration’s anti-immigration policies made him unpopular among Nigerians. His reference to Haiti and African countries as ‘shithole countries’ offended many. Nevertheless, Trump recognized Nigeria’s significance in Africa. His first conversation as president with an African leader was a telephone call to President Muhammadu Buhari in 2017. Buhari was also the first African leader invited to the White House by Trump, but this was marred by Trump’s leaked reference to Buhari as ‘lifeless’. Although the USA tried, unsuccessfully, to deter the emergence of Nigeria’s Akinwunmi Adeshina and Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala as president of the Africa Development Bank and Director-General of World Trade Organization, respectively, it also removed Nigeria’s blockade to acquiring military hardware against insurgency.

    The Nigerian government maintained a less combative relationship with the USA on human rights issues, as Trump’s administration either deliberately or coincidentally refrained from interfering in Nigeria’s internal affairs despite negative reports. Also, the State Department and the USAID allocated $450 million in bilateral support for Nigeria in 2020.

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    Under Democrats, there were significant US-Nigeria engagements too. The Clinton administration (1993-2001) supported Nigeria’s transition to democracy but failed to defend it when the 1993 presidential election was annulled. Also, while the African Growth and Opportunity Act was established to promote preferential trade between the US and Africa, Nigeria barely felt the economic impact. Obama’s presidency (2009-2017), focussed on economic and security cooperation and promoting democratic governance in Africa. His Power Africa Initiative experienced limited success. Obama’s highlight was his approval to remove the Libyan leader, Muammar Gadhafi, and his visit to Ghana. Nigerians remember Obama for blocking Nigeria’s quest to purchase high-grade military hardware needed to stem insurgency under the pretext that the arms may be used against civilians.

    The Biden administration has supported Nigeria, committing over $1.2 billion in economic development, humanitarian assistance, health, education, and social services in 2022. It also supports Nigeria’s security and climate efforts through military-security training and partnering to reduce carbon emissions.

    What would the presidency of either Donald Trump or Kamal Harris mean for Nigeria?

    Foreign relations during Trump’s first presidency were transactional, and Nigeria may benefit more from this at this point. If Nigeria aligns with the US’ economic interests, it could benefit from increased trade or investment in sectors like oil and gas. Also, Trump has a record of providing military and counter-terrorism support to Nigeria, which, if prioritized, could further West Africa’s regional security.

    Conversely, a Harris presidency, judging from her history, could prioritize democracy and human rights. This might mean putting conditions on military assistance to Nigeria under the guise of promoting human rights. Support toward anti-corruption, economic development, climate change, and global health may benefit Nigeria through increased development aid and trade partnerships. Harris’ balanced approach to immigration could positively impact the Nigerian Diaspora and youths seeking to study or work in the USA. However, the Democrats’ recent shift to the right on immigration may see Harris adopting a less-than-traditional immigration approach. Biden’s support for the bi-partisan immigration deal aimed at tightening border controls indicates that possibility.

    In summary, a Harris presidency might foster long-term development and systemic change in Nigeria, while Trump may prioritize security and economic transactions. Their impacts depend on evolving global dynamics and how each integrates Nigeria into broader foreign policy priorities.

    •Oshodi is a political analyst. He is currently Senior Special Assistant (Protocol) to President Bola Tinubu