Tag: Nigeria

  • Save Nigeria: Cut governance; Cholera

    Save Nigeria: Cut governance; Cholera

    The Abuja and State Caucus Club of Political Parties, ASCCPP 1999-2024, including the Presidency and ministers and state governors, is in deep trouble entirely of its own making. Its deliberate strategy of greed-driven laws is enriching the ASCCPP in super-salaries, Allowances, Perks & Pensions, SAPPing the country dry but leaving a legacy of poverty pauperising the citizenry.

    Citizens know the law of action and reaction. Remember the N100m kidnapping demand a week after the insulting and inflationary N100million Presidential Form – a fee bringing N3+billion, super-inflating the cost of governance as every kobo ‘invested in politics’  is automatically ‘stolen back’ by budget padding and other forms of corruption with huge interest.

    So, sadly, there is a direct negative relationship between ASCCPP actions and inaction and the citizens’ condition. The ASCCPP acts out of step with the needs of the suffering citizenry, 80% underfed.

    The disease of poverty easily diagnosed as the disease of eating one meal a day, 0-1-0, ignored by ASCCPP, 1999-2024, was rampant for years throughout the tertiary education life of Nigerian youth. Now it has spread from the student population nationwide.  Many millions eat less than 0-1-0. Why cannot the ASCCPP change ‘This Nigerian world’?

    But we know that the APPCC, 1999-2024, has, from day one, 1999 done everything possible to establish itself financially and power-wise above everyone else and everything else in Nigeria.

    Read Also: Minister tasks primary healthcare board to guard against outbreak of Cholera

    We, the people are daily insulted and derided by the visual excesses of the ASCCPP 1999-2024. We the ‘masses’, know this to be true because ‘we have watched the infrequent whistleblowing sickening video’ over the 1999-2024 years.

    During that time the media videos have shown too few, less than 0.2% of members of ASCCPP, who have objected to wallowing in misappropriated luxury actually the property of the hungry masses. Those few politicians of moral conscience, stood against the profligacy of their co-politicians. The apparently greed-driven political majority in ASCCPP have developed a habit of ganging up like conspirators against fellow ASCCPP199-2024 whistle-blowers and the country. What fate awaits the three who refused jeeps? The citizens should protect them, not watch the video of bullying them.  

    As a result, the few politicians who have called out the ASCCPP for greedy practices,  are shouted down, disgraced, ostracised and even suspended the other ASCCPP members. This bullying causes embarrassment and shame to their families. The heavy hammer majority ASCCPP backlash against moral opposition silences internal ASCCPP dissent.

    Nigerians are familiar with ‘shouting down’, ‘OFF THE MIC’ and ‘ORDERS FROM ABOVE’ and ‘OGA AT THE TOP’. To this end APPCC members appear to put in place ‘illegally legal’ or ‘legally illegal’ and certainly morally reprehensible wrong laws designed to enrich themselves members beyond wildest expectations.

    The APPCC must put aside its political infighting and meet about redirecting the dangerously terminal fate of the country still struggling to be a nation according to the tenets of all three national anthems – the old, the new and the old new. The ASCCPP can decide to ignore the obvious woes, financial and security, plaguing the country but wisdom suggests it needs to extricate itself from its long-standing reputation for profligacy, political high horse trading with the poor population and living above the means of its Fellow Nigerian citizens.

     The budget-padded walls of Abuja, the gilded cage of  ‘N160m jeeps’, the bloated gowns and garb of ‘always’ imported maxi-costing garments of ‘dignified dress code’, are a fake public stage life and  must not immune the political class especially the leadership to the desperate and unwarranted plight of the citizenry. If you think the citizenry is lazy and undeserving, I recommend that every serving politician spends a day with a market load carrier, or policeman at a junction, or doctor in the hospital. It is the belief of many that every serving politician and indeed senior civil service should spend compulsory hours in a police cell, a court and a hospital clinic.    

    So, we have complex problems visited upon us by a complex corruption prone political system which has so far consumed almost all the good work done by so many of our forebears and even current hard workers and which is consuming an unacceptable number of lives in kidnapping and terrorism activities. 

    But now, our ASCCPP-led exorbitant borrowing, misuse of funds, serial budget padding, and an unreasonable financially demanding, greedy political class are the burden of the poor.

    Nigerians expect that ASCCPP would have surveyed the political, economic and security terrain and by now aligned itself with international political office holders’ emoluments  and slashed by 70% the ridiculous ASCCPP Salaries, Allowances, Perks and Pensions to reflect the suffering of the masses in keeping with the principle that politics is a sacrificial service not a blank corruption cheque. 

    Saving Nigeria requires sacrifice which means ASCCPP must urgently cut its crushing economic burden signposted by an unaffordable two-house NASS, extravagant  governance, constitutional projects,  presidential jet(??), a huge VP palace monstrosity, superhighways, corrupt distribution of financial handouts instead of speedy electricity and water provision to prevent cholera and create jobs.

    Nigerians want one NASS house but if two houses greedily insist on staying, then urgently cut their budgets by 75%.    

    Congratulations to the team who traced the source of the Lagos cholera outbreak. Political failures, law breaking, poor water supply, poor hygiene conspire to kill, like typhoid simple requiring potable water and electricity countrywide – denied by politics but not nuclear physics.  

  • Omotoyossi prays Benin  beat Nigeria to World Cup ticket

    Omotoyossi prays Benin  beat Nigeria to World Cup ticket

    Former Metz and Al-Nassr forward Rasak Omotoyossi is hopeful that his beloved Benin Republic can beat Nigeria to the 2026 FIFA World Cup ticket.

    According to  Soccernet Nigeria, Benin Republic have never qualified for the World Cup in history but the Cheetahs have ignited the hopes of every Beninese  on earth following their impressive start to the qualifying campaign.

    Initially regarded as one of the underdogs in Group C, Benin currently boast seven points to share top spot with South Africa and Rwanda and stay four points ahead of three-time African champions, Nigeria.

    The Cheetahs have recorded two wins and one draw in their first four games, with their most remarkable victory coming against Nigeria on June 10.

    Raphael Onyedika handed the Super Eagles the lead in that encounter before goals from Jodel Oluwafemi Dossou and Steve Mounié turned the tie in the favour of the Gernot Rohr-tutored side.

    Read Also: NFF  maps out strategies for  Falconets, Flamingos WC campaigns

    With that victory, former Benin forward Rasak Omotoyossi believes the Cheetahs can emulate the heroics of Togo, who stunned illustrious foes to make their first-ever appearance at the Mundial in 2006.

    “Well, let me say history can happen sometimes,” the former Zamalek forward told Brila. “When Togo went to the World Cup, nobody believed. So Benin has the chance now, they just have to use it now. So, the game remains up to them.

     “Nigeria has to work hard if they want to become African giants that they are.”

    The Super Eagles’ next World Cup qualifying games are against Rwanda and Zimbabwe in March 2025.

  • AAC: Nigeria claim record 13th   women’s 4x100m  gold

    AAC: Nigeria claim record 13th   women’s 4x100m  gold

    Nigeria’s quartet of Justina Eyakpobeyan, Tima Godbless, Olayinka Olajide, and Tobi Amusan successfully defended their title in the women’s 4×100m on Day 4 of the 2024 African Athletics Championships(AAC) in Douala, taking Team Nigeria’s tally of victories in the event to an unprecedented 13 wins

    Eyakpobeyan started things off with her bullet start, handing over to Godbless who ran a swift back straight. Olajide attacked the curve brilliantly with a slight lead ahead of Liberia as Amusan extended the lead by over 10m to claim the GOLD with a time of 43.01s. Ghana came  second  with the silver in 43.62 while Liberia bagged bronze in 44.38s.

    This win cemented Nigeria’s status as the most decorated nation in the event by a huge margin, the closest competitor being Ghana with five titles.

    Read Also: NFF dismisses South Africa’s  claims over travel hitches

    Victory in the women’s 4 x 100m  came on te heels of Ese Brume’s  fantastic showing on Day 3 of the even when  she claimed  the gold in the long jump event.

    She  set a unique record as the first long jumper, male or female, to win four titles in the history of the African Athletics Championships as she extended  her dominance on the continent to a decade since winning her maiden title at the 2014 edition in Marrakech.

    Meanwhile,  the men were not that lucky  in the 4 X100m race yesterday  as  the quartet of  Alex Chukwukelu, Emmanuel Ojeli, Alaba Akintola and Usheoritse Itsekiri, finished  second to  clinch the silver medal.

  • Nigeria’s public debt hits N121.67tr, says NBS

    Nigeria’s public debt hits N121.67tr, says NBS

    The National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) said in the first quarter (Q1 2024) Nigeria’s external and domestic debt hit N121.67 trillion.

    This was contained in its document titled: “Nigerian Domestic & Foreign Debt Q1 2024.”

    The Bureau noted that it rose by 24.99% from N97.34 trillion in the Q3 2023.

    NBS said: “Nigeria’s public debt stock which includes external and domestic debt stood at N121.67 trillion (US$91.46 billion) in Q1 2024 from N97.34 trillion (US$ 108.23 billion) in Q4 2023, indicating a growth rate of 24.99% on a quarter-on-quarter basis.”

    The report said the total external debt stood at N56.02 trillion (US$42.12 billion) in Q1 2024, while total domestic debt was N65.65 trillion (US$49.35 billion). 

    Read Also: Forex Trading in Nigeria How to Get Started Successfully

    NBS noted that the share of external debt (in naira value) to total public debt was 46.05% in Q1 2024, while the share of domestic debt (in naira value) to total public debt was 53.95%. 

    Lagos State, said the bureau, recorded the highest domestic debt in Q1 2024 with N929.41 billion, followed by Delta with N334.90 billion.

    It added that Jigawa state recorded the lowest domestic debt with N2.07 billion, followed by Ondo with N16.40 billion.

  • We are not leaving Nigeria, ExxonMobil assures

    We are not leaving Nigeria, ExxonMobil assures

    ExxonMobil has assured the Federal Government it is not exiting Nigeria.

    Its MD/CEO, Mr. Shane Harris made this known when he led his team to meet the  Minister of State for Petroleum Resources (Oil), Sen. Heineken Lokpobiri in Abuja.

    The ExxonMobil boss said: “We are excited about the prospects these new investments bring. 

     “Our partnership with the Nigerian government is crucial for sustainable growth, and we look forward to continuing our collaboration as we have no plan to leave.” 

    The Minister reaffirmed Federal Government’s commitment to enhancing production and fostering a conducive environment for investors in the energy sector. 

    This was contained in a statement byLokpobiri’s Special Adviser on Media and Communication, Nneamaka Okafor issued yesterday.

    The Minister highlighted the ministry’s strategic focus on creating robust collaborations and sharing innovative ideas with International Oil Companies (IOCs).

    Read Also: AfDB, InfraCredit seal $15m loan deal for Nigeria’s infrastructure

     “We are dedicated to ramping up production and ensuring a supportive 

    environment for all investors by doing everything possible to maintain investor confidence in our country,” he said. 

     Harris hinted at significant new investments that ExxonMobil is injecting into Nigeria’s energy sector. He expressed confidence in the renewed relationship between ExxonMobil and the Nigerian Government, assuring that the oil giant is not planning to leave Nigeria. 

     Lokpobiri commended ExxonMobil 

    for its commitment, noting that it aligns perfectly with the nation’s objectives. “ExxonMobil’s planned investments are commendable and greatly appreciated. This renewed relationship is a testament to the mutual goals we share for the future of our energy sector,’ he said. 

    The discussions also hinted at the Ministry’s support for the international and independent oil operators. 

    Lokpobiri assured Harris of the Government’s support, emphasizing the importance of creating a thriving environment for all stakeholders.

     “We fully support ExxonMobil and other lOCs, just as we do with independent operators. Our collaborative efforts are key to the sustainable growth of our energy sector,’ he added. 

    He stressed the importance of continued dialogue and partnership between the Government and IOCs to drive innovation and growth in the sector. 

  • LG reaffirms commitment to Nigeria

    LG reaffirms commitment to Nigeria

    LG has reaffirmed its commitment to the Nigerian market despite the harsh operating environment.

    Speaking on the sideline of the launch of LG Wash Tower, one its newest form of laundry products, General Manager, Home Appliances, LG Electronics, Mr. Brian Kang, said the launch is a clear demonstration of its belief and confidence in the Nigerian market.

    He said the launch was also to improve the quality of lives of Nigerians through introducing latest and innovative technological products, adding that the Wash Tower is a perfect fit for the Nigerian market.

    Read Also: Unpacking the logic of labour union activism in Nigeria   

    He said, “Unlike competing stacked washers and dryers, LG’s WashTower is designed from the ground up combined as a “one body” solution.

    “At the beginning of the wash cycle, the integrated unit indicates how long it will take to complete both washing and drying.

    “The washer also shares information with the dryer, which automatically sets the optimal course and preheats the drum, contributing to better results and shorter overall laundry times,” he added.

  • Nigeria, others attracted $69.1b greenfield projects, others in 2023 –Report

    Nigeria, others attracted $69.1b greenfield projects, others in 2023 –Report

    Greenfield and other investment ventures fetched Nigeria and other countries within the continent a whopping $69.1billion in 2023, the World Investment Report 2024 has stated.

    This is just as the value of international project finance deals in African nations plummeted by 50 per cent to $64 billion in 2023, following a 20 per cent decrease in 2022 with the value of announced greenfield projects in Africa dropping from $196 billion in 2022 to $175 billion in 2023.

    Despite these declines, the number of project announcements across the continent rose by 7 per cent, reaching over 800. Africa attracted an increasing share of global greenfield megaprojects, including six projects each valued at over $5 billion.

    Besides, foreign investment in Africa saw a slight decline in 2023, but the clean energy sector stood out as a significant positive, according to a new report from the UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) released at the weekend.

    The largest greenfield announcement in 2023 was a green hydrogen project in Mauritania, which is anticipated to bring in $34 billion in investment. Other significant hydrogen projects were announced in Egypt, totalling $10.8 billion, and in South Africa, where three energy producers announced green hydrogen projects totalling $7.1 billion. Morocco also saw substantial investment in this sector.

    Read Also: Nigerians must stick together, keep hope alive – Tinubu-Ojo

    The electric vehicle value chain is also driving investment in Africa. A notable example is a Chinese manufacturer’s plan to establish a $6.4 billion electric vehicle battery manufacturing facility in Morocco.

    In the renewable energy sector, Africa secured $10.8 billion in project finance for wind and solar power production, with major projects located in Egypt, South Africa, and Zimbabwe.

    Foreign direct investment (FDI) is crucial for funding infrastructure and public services such as power and renewable energy, according to UNCTAD.

    Rebeca Grynspan, Secretary-General of UNCTAD, emphasised that “Investment is not just about capital flows; it is about human potential, environmental stewardship, and the enduring pursuit of a more equitable and sustainable world.”

    Over the past three years, Africa has accounted for about 30 per cent of all investment values relevant to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) in developing countries, with the figure slightly lower at 27 per cent in 2023. However, progress in other SDG-relevant sectors, such as health, telecommunications, and transport, remains limited.

    The African Continental Free Trade Agreement Investment Protocol, adopted in 2023, is expected to boost intra-regional FDI. Additionally, several African countries have introduced national investment policies to attract more investment. Kenya and Nigeria, with assistance from UNCTAD, introduced national investment policies in 2019 and 2023, respectively.

  • End fossil fuel campaign: the good, bad sides for Nigeria

    End fossil fuel campaign: the good, bad sides for Nigeria

    As Nigeria embarks on an energy revolution propelled by the leadership of United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres and the movement to outlaw fossil fuel campaign and advertisement, IBRAHIM ADAM explores the unfolding narrative and progress. What does this ambitious campaign purports for Nigeria, a nation heavily reliant on fossil fuel for revenue?

    In a significant push towards mitigating climate change, the United Nations Secretary-General, António Guterres has called for a global ban on use of fossil-fuel.

    Liking fossil-fuel companies to “godfathers of climate chaos,” Guterres urged governments worldwide to impose strict advertising restrictions akin to those on tobacco products on these companies.

    This call to action resonates deeply in Nigeria, a country heavily reliant on fossil fuels yet increasingly vulnerable to the impacts of climate change.

    Environmental and Health Consequences

    Nigeria, renowned as Africa’s leading oil producer, has paid a heavy price for its fossil fuel wealth. The toll on the environment has been immense, with the Niger Delta region bearing the brunt of the damage.

    Decades of relentless oil spills have decimated local ecosystems, poisoned water sources, and crippled agricultural productivity, leaving millions of residents struggling to sustain their livelihoods.

    A prominent environmental scientist, Dr. Oludayo Oke, underscored the severity of the situation when he said: “The ecological devastation in the Niger Delta is staggering. Years of oil spills have rendered vast tracts of land infertile and waterways toxic, fundamentally disrupting the lives and economies of the local communities.”

    The health repercussions are equally alarming. A renowned environmental activist, Nnimmo Bassey, highlights the severe human cost of this environmental degradation.

    “The pervasive oil pollution in the Niger Delta has precipitated a surge in respiratory diseases, cancers, and other severe health conditions.

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    “Communities living near oil extraction sites are experiencing unprecedented health crises.”

    Additionally, Dr. Oke notes that the ongoing practice of gas flaring worsens these issues: “Gas flaring releases a substantial amount of greenhouse gases, significantly contributing to global warming. This practice also generates localised health hazards, creating a perilous environment for nearby residents.”

    Economic Dependency on Crude Oil

    However, despite the grave environmental and health repercussions, Nigeria’s economy remains deeply entwined with fossil fuels.

    Oil exports constitute nearly 90 percent of the nation’s export revenues and play a pivotal role in shaping its GDP. In contrast, agriculture accounts for about 25 percent of the GDP, reflecting its significant but comparatively smaller contribution to the country’s economic structure.

    An economist who specialises in Energy Policy, Dr. Ifeanyi Okonkwo, expresses this problem concisely when he said: “Nigeria’s reliance on oil exports is a double-edged sword.”

    He added that: “On one hand, fossil fuels are the backbone of our economic framework. On the other hand, they inflict profound environmental damage and severe health issues, which in turn, perpetuate cycles of poverty and stymie sustainable development.”

    An environmental advocate, Amina Yusuf, echoes these sentiments, emphasising the broader socio-economic impact.

    “The prosperity brought by oil is overshadowed by its adverse consequences. While it bolsters our GDP, the environmental havoc and health crises it spawns erode community well-being and economic stability, creating a precarious balance that ultimately hinders genuine progress,” she explains.

    Implications of Guterres Proposal for Nigeria

    Implementing a ban on fossil-fuel advertising in Nigeria, as urged by Guterres, could have profound implications for the nation. Such a ban would fundamentally alter public perception, challenging the long-standing narrative promoted by fossil fuel companies.

    These companies have extensively used media to highlight their economic contributions while downplaying their environmental impacts. Curtailing their advertising efforts would diminish the visibility of these often misleading messages, fostering a more informed public discourse about the true costs of fossil fuel dependency.

    An environmental communication specialist, Dr. Nkechi Okafor, underscores the potential impact of this shift when she said: “A ban on fossil-fuel advertising would be a game-changer for Nigeria.

    “It would strip away the façade that these companies have maintained for years, allowing the public to see the full extent of the environmental and health damages caused by fossil fuels. This could galvanise support for cleaner, more sustainable energy solutions,” she asserted.

    Energy economist, Dr. Samuel Ajayi echoes this sentiment, highlighting the broader societal benefits like economic diversification.

    He said: “Reducing the influence of fossil-fuel advertising would pave the way for greater public awareness and understanding.

    “When people are more informed about the adverse effects of fossil fuels, they are more likely to support policies and initiatives that promote renewable energy. This, in turn, could drive significant investments in the renewable sector, leading to economic diversification and sustainable growth.”

    Okafor also pointed out that the ban could also counteract the extensive public relations efforts by fossil-fuel companies that have often obscured the true costs of their operations.

    “The current media landscape is heavily influenced by fossil-fuel advertising, which skews public perception. By implementing this ban, we can create a more balanced narrative that highlights the urgent need for environmental conservation and sustainable development.”

    Boosting renewable energy investments

    Guterres’s bold proposal resonates strongly in Nigeria, a country with immense yet largely untapped potential in renewable energy, particularly solar and wind power.

    By curtailing the influence of fossil-fuel advertising, Nigeria could pave the way for significant investments in clean energy, aligning with global trends and fostering economic diversification.

    A leading authority on energy policy, Dr. Sam Amadi, underscores the transformative potential of this transition.

    “Nigeria stands to benefit enormously from investing in renewable energy. It not only reduces our carbon footprint but also provides a sustainable pathway to economic growth and energy security. The move away from fossil fuels can unlock new industries, create jobs, and ensure a healthier environment for future generations.”

    Environmental economist Dr. Chidi Nwaogu emphasises the critical need to align with global trends to attract international investors keen on funding renewable projects, thereby strengthening Nigeria’s green energy sector.

    “The international community is increasingly prioritising renewable energy. By fostering a favourable investment climate through policies that diminish fossil-fuel advertising, Nigeria can attract substantial foreign investments. This not only supports our energy transition but also positions Nigeria as a leader in sustainable development across Africa,”

    Amadi elaborates on this point, saying: “Economic diversification is crucial for Nigeria’s long-term stability. Renewable energy investments can spur new industries, from manufacturing solar panels to developing wind farms. This diversification will create jobs, stimulate local economies, and reduce the nation’s dependency on oil revenues.”

    Nwaogu aptly puts it that this transition can set the country on a path to sustainable development and economic resilience.

    “The future of energy in Nigeria lies in embracing renewable resources. By reducing the dominance of fossil fuel narratives, we can pave the way for a greener, more prosperous future. It’s a critical step towards ensuring that Nigeria not only meets its energy needs but does so in a way that safeguards the environment and promotes long-term economic growth.”

    Challenges to be considered

    Experts warned that the transition could be fraught with economic, political and social obstacles.

    An energy policy analyst, Dr. Ibrahim Olawale, highlights the immediate economic implications.

    Olawale emphasises Nigeria’s heavy reliance on oil revenues, stating that such a ban could severely impact the financial stability of media outlets and advertising firms that heavily depend on this revenue stream.

    According to Dr. Olawale, this economic ripple effect could result in job losses and decreased advertising budgets across various sectors, further exacerbating the economic challenges already faced by the country.

    “Nigeria’s economy is heavily reliant on oil revenues. Banning fossil fuel advertising could impact the financial stability of media outlets and advertising firms that depend on this revenue stream. This economic ripple effect could lead to job losses and decreased advertising budgets across various sectors,” he explains.

    A political economist, Dr. Ifeanyi Nnaji identifies political resistance as yet another significant hurdle. He points out that fossil fuel companies hold considerable sway in Nigeria, evident in their strong connections with government officials.

    “There is likely to be significant pushback from powerful stakeholders within the oil industry. These companies have substantial clout and may lobby aggressively against any restrictions that threaten their market dominance and profitability.”

    Dr. Olawale points out that the lack of public awareness and support for renewable energy could hinder the effectiveness of the ban.

    “Many Nigerians are not fully aware of the environmental and health impacts of fossil fuels. Without a robust public education campaign, the ban on advertising may not lead to the desired shift in consumer behaviour and attitudes towards renewable energy.”

    Nnaji explained that infrastructure and investment gaps in the renewable energy sector pose additional challenges. He noted that Nigeria’s renewable energy potential remains underdeveloped due to inadequate funding and technical expertise.

    “Transitioning to renewable energy requires significant investments in infrastructure and technology. The current state of Nigeria’s renewable energy sector is not yet equipped to handle a rapid shift from fossil fuels without substantial support and development.”

    Olawale emphasised that the social implications cannot be overlooked as communities and workers dependent on the fossil fuel industry for their livelihoods may resist the ban due to fears of economic displacement.

    “It is crucial to implement social safety nets and retraining programs for those affected by the transition. Without such measures, the ban could exacerbate social inequalities and lead to widespread discontent,”

    Policy Recommendations

    To implement a fossil-fuel advertising ban, Nigeria could take several strategic steps to ensure a smooth and effective transition.

    Experts say the first crucial measure would be enacting legislation that restricts fossil-fuel advertising across all media platforms, similar to existing bans on tobacco advertising.

    This legislative framework, they state, would help curtail the pervasive influence of fossil-fuel companies and promote a healthier, more sustainable energy discourse.

    Nkechi Okafor said: “By implementing strict advertising restrictions, we can diminish the deceptive allure of fossil fuels and pave the way for a greater public understanding of their true environmental and health impacts.”

    Samuel Ajayi added that: “This legislative action is vital. It will strip away the façade maintained by fossil-fuel companies, fostering a more informed public that can support and demand sustainable energy solutions.”

    Adamu warns that the legislative process, however, is not without its challenges. This, he said, is likely to brew considerable resistance from vested interests within the fossil fuel industry.

    He explained that these companies have deep pockets and extensive political connections, which they can leverage to oppose restrictive laws.

    “The fossil fuel lobby is powerful. Crafting and passing effective legislation will require strong political will and public pressure.”

    An environmental policy expert, Dr. Amaka Osei, emphasises the importance of public awareness campaigns as another vital component.

    Osei said launching initiatives to educate the public about the environmental and health impacts of fossil fuels, while simultaneously promoting renewable energy alternatives, can significantly shift public perception.

    “Without public support and understanding, any legislative effort will struggle to achieve its full potential. Education is key to fostering a collective commitment to sustainability. It’s not enough to run a few advertisements or hold a few events. We need a sustained, multi-faceted approach that reaches people through various channels and keeps the message alive.”

    An energy economist, Dr. Ifeanyi Adamu also recommended that providing incentives for businesses and investors to develop renewable energy projects can accelerate the transition. This could include tax breaks, subsidies, and streamlined regulatory processes designed to make it easier and more profitable to invest in clean energy.

    “Economic incentives are crucial for encouraging private sector participation in renewable energy. By making it financially attractive to invest in renewables, we can drive significant growth in this sector.”

  • Nigeria’s secularism bogey

    Nigeria’s secularism bogey

    On page 132 of Stephen Ullmann’s 1977 book titled Semantics: An introduction to the science of meaning, there is the following quite profound quotation credited to a French critic: “At certain moments in the life of a nation or [humankind] at large, there are words in which is concentrated a force of feeling and of will power which makes them singularly beneficial or particularly formidable. A mere mention of them will unleash the anger or enthusiasm of crowds, of parties, of immense groups of people.” These words have value more for the emotions they evoke than for the neutral or concrete meanings they bear. One such word is ‘secularism’.

    It gained particular currency in the mid-1980s, arising from the reported membership of Nigeria in the Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC), now called Organisation of Islamic Cooperation. The Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) opposed the membership, arguing that it violated the secular status of the country. However, the Baraden Sokoto and Secretary-General of the Supreme Council of Islamic Affairs (NSCIA), at the time, Alhaji Ibrahim Dasuki, contended that Nigeria was a multi-religious state and not a secular one. He espoused this position at the fund raising and foundation laying ceremony of the University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University) Central Mosque in Ile-Ife on 1 November, 1986, in his Guest Speech titled, “Religion and the Nigerian State”.

    Dasuki supported his argument by citing section 17(3)(b) of the 1979 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria which declares as follows: “The State shall direct its policy towards ensuring that conditions of work are just and humane, and that there are adequate facilities for leisure and for social, religious and cultural life.” He then argued further that, on the strength of this constitutional provision, government had the duty to provide resources for building mosques, among other religious facilities. Furthermore, he cited the following definition of ‘Secularism’ in the Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English: “a system of social teaching or organisation which allows no part for religion or the Church”.

     In response to the position that Nigeria was a multi-religious state, the Nigerian newspaper, The Guardian, wrote a furious editorial which was captioned “What is a secular state?” in its Friday, 7 November, 1986 edition.  Although The Guardian did not specify or quote exactly what Dasuki’s justification for his claims were, the editorial described his views as “ill-reflected and uncritical.” The editorial also declared acerbically that “the rest of the speech … is a bundle of conceptual cramps.” It further contended as follows: “There is no doubt that Nigeria is a multi-religious society, meaning that we have several religious faiths. But that is different from what Dasuki describes as a ‘multi-religious state.’ His problem is one of failure to distinguish between Society and State.” The editorial then strenuously tried to distinguish between these two concepts.

    Earlier, it had said: “The substance of Dasuki’s speech both on the television and as reported in the print media is not significantly coherent enough to attract comment. It is, however, an open blunder on the issue of theocracy and state secularism.” Advancing its argument further, the editorial said: “Where the laws of a state are derived from some divine scriptures, say the Bible or the Holy Quoran, and they are carried out according to divine injunctions, such a state is theocratic… But where the laws of a state are man-made, where they are enacted through conventional legislative processes with provisions for change, that state is secular.”

    Considering this claim, The Guardian did not seem to be sufficiently cognizant of the Judeo-Christian foundations of common law, which the editorial called “man-made” law. In a 20 March, 2019 article titled “A review of Christian foundations of the common law, 3 volumes, by Augusto Zimmermann”, Bill Muehlenberg states about the 2018 set of books: “In nearly 600 pages the Perth-based academic provides us with a tremendously important overview of how the Judeo-Christian worldview became the major foundational building block of Western law and legal theory.” Quoting the author directly, Muehlenberg notes: “Says Zimmermann: ‘Christian philosophy provided the basic foundation of the common law tradition. … It is impossible to grasp the full development of the common law without first exploring its profound religious dimensions, and its motivating faith.’”

    Fourteen years after the 1986 attack on Dasuki by The Guardian on the issue of ‘secularism’, fresh controversy was generated when, in 2000, some states in Northern Nigeria expanded the application of Sharia (or Islamic law) to cover criminal cases. Those who believed that this expansion of the application of Sharia did not violate the nation’s constitution refer to the following provisions: (1) Section 275: “(1) There shall be for any State that requires it a Sharia Court of Appeal for the State”, and (2) Section 277: “(1) The Sharia Court of Appeal of a State shall, in addition to such other jurisdiction as may be conferred upon it by the law of the State, exercise such appellate and supervisory jurisdiction in civil proceedings involving questions of Islamic personal law which the court is competent to decide in accordance with the provisions of subsection (2) of this section.”

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    The late eminent jurists Justice Akinola Aguda, Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), and Justice Kayode Eso, Retired Supreme Court Judge, were reported to have said that in the light of especially section 10 of the 1999 constitution, the adoption of Sharia was unconstitutional and illegal. Nobel Laureate Professor Wole Soyinka also held the same view, as well as Dr. Anthony Olubunmi Okogie (when he was the Catholic Archbishop of Lagos), and, of course, CAN. However, Chief Bola Ige (SAN), as Minister of Justice and Attorney-General of the Federation, was reported to have said as follows in the 4 March, 2001 issue of the online version of ThisDay: “To tell you the truth, none of the states which have passed what they call Sharia law has violated any part of the Nigerian constitution.”

    Moreover, on the BBC’s interactive phone-in programme, “Talking Point”, then-incumbent President Olusegun Obasanjo, on 18 February, 2002, said as follows, about Nigeria: “We are not a secular state – we are a multi-religious state. That is what we call ourselves in our constitution.” This contradicts the editorial of The Guardian. Similarly, in a 2014 academic paper titled “Is Nigeria a secular state? Law, human rights and religion in context”, by Osita Nnamani Ogbu, the opening sentence is: “Nigeria is a multi-ethnic and multi-religious state.”

    The policy of the Central Bank of Nigeria to expand and diversify the banking system in the country and provide more options, such as Islamic banking, for the banking public also renewed the ‘secularism’ controversy coupled with an attempted ‘Islamisation’ of Nigeria allegation. In a 2021 paper by K. Kewuyemi, titled “Islamic banking and the question of secularism in Nigeria”, the author noted: “Many official practices such as work-free days (Saturdays and Sundays), holidays (on Christmas, Idul fiṭr), churches and mosques in the state government houses and presidential villa clearly show that there is an engagement with religion. Islamic banking is one of the ways by which the economic aspect of Islam is practiced; it does not violate section 10 of the Nigerian Constitution.”

    Thirty-eight years after The Guardian’s furious editorial reaction to Dasuki’s claim that Nigeria is a multi-religious state and not a secular one, Reuben Abati, who happens to have been the Chairman of the Editorial Board of The Guardian, from 2001 to 2011, said, in an Arise News analysis, on 17 May, 2024: “The constitution of Nigeria at section 10 thereof is very clear. It says the Federation or a State in any part of the Federation shall not adopt any religion as state religion. The operative word here is ‘shall’; it’s a command; it’s not an advice … But in spite of this, you’ll find government at Federal level and State levels … sponsoring pilgrimages either to Jerusalem or Mecca. … [G]overnment tells you Nigeria is a secular State and yet they are devoting 90 billion to send people to Mecca.”

    Abati then continued: “Maybe the time has come when we should begin to advocate for … the repeal of the sections of the laws creating the National Hajj Commission … creating the National Christian Commission act. Maybe if there’s no legal backing, maybe then nobody will be able to say we want to support pilgrims. Politicians do it for political reasons as a way of settling people who support them, and that is the hypocrisy. The state should have no business with religion.”

    These impassioned views of Reuben Abati seem to discountenance section 17(3)(b) of the 1999 constitution which expressly makes it the duty of the State to provide facilities for religious life. Would stopping the subsidy for or sponsorship of Hajj therefore not be unconstitutional? He also seemingly unwittingly admitted that the establishment of Pilgrims Welfare Boards has legal backing. Would the advocacy for the repeal of the laws not, as such, be in bad faith, considering the fact that the Pilgrims Welfare Boards are instruments for performing the State’s duty of facilitating religious life? 

    The current debate on whether it is right or wrong to sponsor pilgrims to Hajj or subsidise the pilgrimage or scrap Pilgrims Welfare Boards altogether raises the question of how much some of the analysts know about the history of government intervention in Hajj funding. Iheanyi M. Enwerem, for example, notes as follows in his 1995 book titled A Dangerous Awakening. The Politicization of Religion in Nigeria: “confronted by the possibility of religious strife in the old Western Region, where Muslims accounted for about half of the population, and as a measure of precaution, Awolowo statutorily established in May 1958, a Pilgrims Welfare Board for Muslims.” A more precise account is that Awolowo established the Muslim Pilgrims Welfare Board, the first in the country, as a political card, to assuage the feelings of the Muslims of Western Region who felt they were being marginalised in governance and denied government educational benefits such as foreign scholarships, and were therefore making moves to establish a Muslim political party of their own in Yorubaland.

    Those who claim that Nigeria is a secular state are often quick to cite section 10 of the constitution, but avert their eyes from section 17(3)(b), among other provisions. ‘Secularism’ in Nigeria is therefore becoming increasingly semantically vacuous or extremely multi-interpretational. It seems to be, essentially, a space-filler for people who don’t have much to say or a cover for those who wish to make claims without having to bear the burden of logicality or proof. Calling the country a secular State is a means of frightening, distracting or hamstringing governments which don’t know their onions. It seems to play to the gallery, and amounts to a strategy for attracting attention. 

  • Professor Tunji Olaopa and there form struggle in Nigeria (3)

    Professor Tunji Olaopa and there form struggle in Nigeria (3)

    Even though he is evidently of a very serious cast of mind, Professor Tunji Olaopa is a captivating and arresting story teller who delicately and intricately weaves his personal narratives of his childhood experiences, educational career and intensive, continual quest for spiritual insight and philosophical self-discovery with his evolution as an eminent reform thinker, scholar and bureaucrat. His narrative throughout the book is gripping even when he is applying his mind to seemingly arcane subjects or writing at a relatively high level of abstraction.

    Born into a polygamous home, the author dilates incisively as regards his perceptions of the strengths and Weaknesses as well as challenges of polygamy. The author writes of his personal experience of the Yoruba adage that “only the parents give birth to a baby, but it takes the entire community to raise a child”. He states that “Indeed, the more my father married new wives, the more the family grew into a small community of its own in a larger community, especially at Aawe”. Even though he admires his father’s adroitness in managing his large polygamous family, Professor Olaopa notes the suspicion, thinly disguised hostility and emotional unpredictability that are often negative experiences of polygamy.

    Thus, he writes of his deep commitment to monogamy in his family life and narrates the story of a loving home predicated on firm shared commitment with his wife and children and informed by strongly held Christian values. His reflections on ‘Christianity and the Spiritual’ as well as ‘Further Philosophical Reflection on my Spiritual Journey So Far’ in chapters six and seven are further portrayals of the author’s practical adherence to the Socratic admonition that “the unexamined life is not worth living”. His meditations on the essence of existence and the meaning or meaninglessness of life would cause many a reader to ponder and evaluate the philosophies and values on which their lives are predicated.

    If all that exists is matter which decomposes and disintegrates at death, after which there is purportedly no after life or spiritual reality, does it then matter how we live or what we do? Do we then have any right to ask moral questions or give value judgements on the lives of others?

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    Of course, Professor Olaopa’s life has naturally had its own fair share of adversities, vicissitudes and challenges. At about the age of five or six, for instance, he encountered political thugs of the bloody operation wetie era in the Southwest in Ibadan who gruffly pushed him aside and proceeded to douse a vehicle in petrol and set it ablaze with its unfortunate passengers trapped inside. This traumatic imagery remained in the mind of the young boy and it was years later as a student of political science at the University of Ibadan that he was able to come to grips analytically with the dynamics of bitter political competition, and the crisis of violence and instability in post-colonial Nigeria.

    In another narration, the author relates his near-death experience with a protracted brain ailment of indeterminate provenance which lasted for ten years well into his undergraduate years in the university. This, in addition to his foray into distracting students union politics at the University of Ibadan affected his grades during his first degree where, to his utter discomfiture, he graduated with a second class lower division degree in political science. The unrelenting fighter that he is, Olaopa was to make up for what he perceived was a lapse in his first degree that he made up for by performing brilliantly at the postgraduate level and going on to become one of Nigeria’s most accomplished bureaucrats and public administration scholars.

    According to the author, “the master’s programne was a most intense period for me. As I had earlier narrated, I was motivated by my initial undergraduate failing to overreach myself. And I did. One of the remarkable recognitions of my frenetic intellectual restlessness was the call I got from one of my highly-Rev-erred teachers, Professor Femi Otubanjo, as regards an interview for a position as research assistant. It was later I got the scintillating news that it was the sage himself, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, who was looking for a replacement for his personal political Secretary, the inimitable Odia Ofeimun”. Although he eventually got the job, Olaopa was unable to resume following the passage of Awolowo on May 9, 1987.

    A seminar paper titled “Potentials for Revolutionary Change in Nigeria” which he wrote and presented during the late Professor Peter Ekeh’s ‘Marxism’ class at the masters level at UI sought to interrogate Ekeh’s theory of the two publics and Ali Mazrui’s thesis on Africa’s triple spiritual heritage “to explore possibilities that could hinder coalition-building for revolutionary change in Nigeria”. Fascinated by the theoretical weight of his submissions and insights, Ekeh encouraged Olaopa to build on this study with an in-depth examination of the issue of people-centered and grassroots social mobilization for development. One wonders at this point, why Olaopa was more attracted and influenced by scholars of a rather conservative orientation like Plato and not scholars of a more radical persuasion like Marx, Lenin, Nkrumah, Franz Fanon, Walter Rodney or Claude Ake.

    Ake in a piece on Marx’s continued appeal to African intelligentsia had reasoned that Marx’s political theory had the liberation from oppression at its core and was concerned with the imperative of social change in sharp contrast to bourgeois social scientists who are more preoccupied with preserving and ensuring the stability of an oppressive and repressive status quo. Ake also opined, however, that Marxist theory was grounded in the context of the unfolding capitalist system at the centre when he wrote; was fixated with the challenges of capitalism and its inherent cyclical crises in Europe and hardly addressed his mind to the challenges of largely underdeveloped and still essentially feudal societies in confronting their desperate existential conditions.

    Particularly intriguing is Professor Olaopa’s discourse on his encounter with various dimensions of spirituality in his characteristic exhaustive and rigorous search for a religious belief system that offered a coherent and credible system for making sense of reality and ordering one’s existence in an often bewildering human universe. He thus reports in graphic detail his intellectual adventures with Lobsang Rampa’s writings and the mysticism of the Far East, the spiritual meditations of the gnostics, the phenomenal intellect of the fathers of the Catholic Church, the mysteries of the Ifa corpus and his experimentation with the Rosicrucian mystic sect in his student days.

    In his words, “The Ifa corpus also instigated the same interest in me. It encompassed the cumulative philosophy by which the Yoruba have lived for centuries. How then could it be pagan or anti-God? It did not take long for me to realize, first, that a knowledge of the inner workings of Rosicrucianism or Awo (Yoruba cults and their guided knowledge) requires a deeper immersion in certain spiritual frameworks than my intellectual fascination could achieve. There is an extent to which I could excavate the depth of these mystical practices without being a member. And membership was what my intellectual temperament and religious background cautioned against…while my fascination with Ifa cosmology, mysticism and Rosicrucianism satisfied the curiosity of my ever questioning mind, I was always cut short at the point of making a final commitment to the spiritualities”.

    Although he is a Christian of a more moderate Pentecostal persuasion, he abhors what he describes as “the simplistic fixation with the miracle mentality as well as prosperity theology and all its obscene manifestations”. The first part of the book deals with the author’s growing up experiences and the factors such as education, religion and deep immersion in Yoruba cultural and moral ethos that shaped his life values and nourished his underlying passion for personal and institutional reforms in Nigeria.

    From his first job at the Oyo State chapter of the defunct Directorate for Mass Mobilization, Social Justice and Self-Reliance (MAMSER) where his frequent articles on the national condition caught the attention of top functionaries of the military President, General Ibrahim Babangida, Olaopa, before long resumed work at the Speech and Policy Analysis Unit in the Office of the President. In meticulous detail, he writes on his steady rise within the public service hierarchy, the triumphs and failings of his insistent attempts at institutional reforms at his diverse postings, his rise to the apex of the Service as a Permanent Secretary and his unexpected and premature retirement when he still had so much to offer. This book can also be called ‘The Reformist Manifesto’. In chapters thirteen, fourteen and fifteen in particular he enunciates in knowledgeable detail his agenda and reformist philosophy for the emergence of a result-oriented and productive public service in Nigeria as a necessary condition for the country’s liberation.