Tag: Nyesom Wike

  • Nigeria’s civil–military friction and the fragile art of legitimacy

    Nigeria’s civil–military friction and the fragile art of legitimacy

    By Lekan Olayiwola

    The recent encounter between FCT Minister Nyesom Wike and Lieutenant Yerima revealed more than tempers; it exposed a system still learning how authority and legitimacy coexist. It was an uneasy dance between civilian command and military professionalism, between the habit of control and the discipline of restraint.

    Nigeria’s institutions often fracture at the fault lines of personality. When the minister invoked executive power and the officer held to procedure, both acted within traditions that shape our history: one of political urgency, the other of military order. Yet when these traditions collide without respect or clear boundaries, gridlock ensues and public trust is the casualty.

    In a state built on civil authority and military legacy this was no clash of individuals, but a signal that blurred mandates, political impatience, and historical suspicion continue to undermine the quiet strength of legitimacy.

    Civil–military relations as a mirror of political culture

    Civil–military relations are not simply about subordination or command; they are a barometer of political culture. The health of this relationship shows how a state negotiates authority without resorting to domination. Where civilian officials depend on personal force to assert their mandates, and where military officers step into civic space to protect institutional pride, democracy becomes performative rather than procedural.

    Nigeria’s enduring dilemma between the military and political class is a shared inheritance of command logic. Both systems (the barracks and the bureaucracy) were shaped by control, not collaboration. The military learned to equate loyalty with silence; the political class learned to equate leadership with fear. In this sense, what played out between Wike and Yerima was not an anomaly but a grammar of control speaking its native tongue.

    Psychology of legitimacy and the economy of respect

    Every society runs on an implicit economy of respect: who must defer, who may question, and who may act autonomously. In fragile democracies, respect is often purchased through intimidation, not earned through institutional design. Lt. Yerima’s restraint disrupted that expectation. His calm refusal was not rebellion; it was discipline performed as moral clarity. It represented a psychological inversion, the idea that legitimacy derives from coherence with rule and process.

    From a conflict perspective, where control logic produces escalation, clarity logic produces de-escalation. Had Yerima shouted back or Wike invoked coercive instruments, the event might have devolved into open confrontation. His silence was not weakness; it was the discipline that prevented institutional humiliation.

    This is precisely what peace studies call negative capability — the ability to hold power without performing it. The soldier’s discipline became a peace act, an embodied restraint that stabilised an otherwise combustible situation.

    The hidden conflict: institutional ambiguity

    Beyond being a struggle over incompatible goals, the more dangerous conflicts are those rooted in ambiguous systems where boundaries of role and mandate are unclear. Nigeria’s civil–military tension persists precisely because of this ambiguity: when the state deploys soldiers for civic tasks, it blurs the psychological contract that defines their loyalty.

    This lack of clarity breeds calls structural insecurity, a state where every institution must defend its dignity through self-assertion, rather than through the legitimacy of law. It is why officers guard private property; why ministers personally supervise demolitions; why command must constantly be performed to be believed.

    The Wike–Yerima clash thus becomes a metaphor for the absence of trust architecture in Nigerian governance. When roles are not clearly codified or strictly adhered to, every encounter becomes a test of dominance. Peace becomes episodic, dependent on the character of actors rather than the strength of systems.

    Conflict transformation and the ethics of role

    In peacebuilding, resolution is temporary; transformation is permanent. Transformation occurs when systems evolve beyond their old habits of conflict. For Nigeria, the task is not to punish a minister or praise a soldier, but to transform the operational ethics of both the civil and military spheres.

    This means building procedural empathy, an institutional practice where each side recognises the other’s legitimacy without surrendering its autonomy. Civilian authorities must understand that to command effectively, they must institutionalise respect, not perform it. The military must ensure its professionalism never mutates into moral aloofness; clarity must never become quiet contempt.

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    The equilibrium is delicate but achievable. Many democracies have faced it. the United States after Vietnam, Turkey after the 1980 coup, Ghana after Rawlings. What separates progress from paralysis is the ability to learn institutionally from moments of tension.

    The opportunity for reform

    Conflicts are a form of data, raw intelligence about how systems behave under stress. The data here revealed a minister’s authority contested not through rebellion but through procedure. The military defended one of its own not through denial but through affirmation of discipline. The public sided overwhelmingly with restraint over rage.

    Taken together, these signals show an appetite for a new civic contract where the dignity of process outweighs the drama of personality. Peacebuilding institutions, from the Ministry of Defence to the Federal Civil Service Commission, can use this moment to create a Dignity Index for Governance: a measure of how public institutions manage conflict, authority, and respect without coercion. That is how adversarial data becomes design intelligence.

    Reclaiming legitimacy as the foundation of peace

    The heart of peacebuilding is not the absence of conflict but the presence of justice, the moral and procedural balance that allows power to operate without humiliation. The Wike–Yerima episode, if read structurally, is not a story of confrontation but of civic calibration: a society testing whether it can evolve from obedience to legitimacy. The question is not who commanded or obeyed, but whether the architecture of dignity held. It did barely, and that is progress.

    Nigeria’s peace challenge is not insurgency alone; it is the everyday insecurity of authority, a condition where people do not trust institutions to act without bias or coercion. The peace that lasts is not secured by weapons or decrees, but by clarity; every actor knowing their role, every citizen knowing their rights, every leader knowing their limits.

    The limits of restraint

    Yerima’s restraint, whether deliberate or instinctive, embodied institutional clarity; Minister Wike’s reaction, whether emotional or political, revealed how fragile that clarity remains. The lesson is simple: a society at peace is one where dignity needs no defence.

    The officer’s brief remark to the police, viewed by some as dismissive, momentarily dimmed the composure that earned him respect. Professionalism demands not only vertical discipline but horizontal regard; every uniform, civil or military, upholds the same web of authority. When respect falters, legitimacy weakens. The task is to stand not with personalities, but with legitimacy itself.

    •Olayiwola is a peace & conflict researcher/policy analyst. He can be reached via lekanolayiwola@gmail.com

  • Land Dispute: Wike insists on rule of law, denies rift with Military

    Land Dispute: Wike insists on rule of law, denies rift with Military

    Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, has debunked social media claims suggesting a personal conflict with the military, following a disagreement with a naval officer over a disputed land in Abuja, reportedly linked to a retired naval chief.

    Speaking with journalists on Thursday in Abuja, Wike emphasised that the FCT Administration will not tolerate intimidation or allow any individual, regardless of status, to violate land use regulations or obstruct government officials performing lawful duties.

    He stated that his actions have always been guided by law and not sentiment or emotion.

    “You are told to obey legal things. So, if, because you are a security aide, to say, a former president, or whatever, and then you shoot at someone, you think you will not be charged for murder, because it is a former president that gave you the order?

    “When people have problems, we try to resolve them, but don’t use intimidation, don’t try to weaken government. You cannot weaken the government. Because when we allow this now, others will follow suit. And then they will say, when it happened to this and that, what did you do?

    “So, gentlemen, I have respect for the military. I will continue to respect them because I know what they stand for. So anybody trying to bring collision there, to say, oh, he is having a problem with the military, it is not correct. I don’t have a problem with the military, and I will not have a problem.”

    Wike further clarified his stance, “If we are having a problem with the military, I know where to run to. If I go to the Chief of Defence Staff, I will go to the Chief of Army Staff, or Chief of Naval Staff, or Air Force, or Chief of Defence Intelligence, etc. I could go to the president. I could do that.

    “But as a private individual, how many people would I run to? If you have a problem with us, I will run to the president. Who does that? So, all I will be telling them every day is, ‘This individual is having a problem with us, this individual is having problems?’ So I don’t have a problem with the military.”

    The minister noted that the issue had been blown out of proportion by those attempting to portray him as being at odds with the military. He stressed that the FCT Administration’s role is to protect the integrity of Abuja’s master plan and ensure all developments comply with approved land use provisions.

    “Government cannot function in a lawless society. If we allow one person to violate the rules because of who he is, others will follow. That is how impunity begins. We must learn to obey the law irrespective of who is involved,” he said.

    Wike highlighted past engagements with the military hierarchy on land disputes, describing them as always handled with mutual respect and institutional protocols.

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    “Whenever there is a matter that concerns the military, I know who to talk to – the Chief of Defence Staff, the Service Chiefs or even the President. We resolve issues institutionally, not through confrontation,” he said.

    He also criticized media reports that misrepresented his comments, urging journalists to verify information and avoid sensationalism.

    “Report us accurately. Do investigative journalism. Don’t twist facts or take statements out of context,” Wike said.

    Recalling his tenure as Rivers State governor, Wike said his current actions reflect his long-standing commitment to lawful governance.

    “You can’t make everybody happy, even in your own house. But once your conscience is clear that you are doing the right thing, you stand by it,” he added.

    The minister reaffirmed his commitment to President Bola Tinubu’s vision of restoring order in Abuja, promising that enforcement against illegal developments, land grabbing, and violations of the master plan would continue without compromise.

    “As long as I remain FCT Minister, the law will take its course. Abuja must reflect the image of Nigeria – disciplined, planned and lawful,” Wike declared.

  • How long can Wike walk the tightrope?

    How long can Wike walk the tightrope?

    Former Rivers State governor and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, is not by any stretch of the imagination the friendliest of politicians, but he remains colourful, charismatic and entertaining. His posture on Rivers politics is hard to codify, and even more bizarre is his perspective on opposition politics as defined and executed by the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) of which he is a member. On Monday, he and his co-travellers in the party poured cold water on the new deal reached by the party to conduct its November 15 elective convention, a six-point demand which must be satisfied in order to enable the party legitimise its dealings. Among other demands, the Wike camp of about four former governors insisted that the party must end micro-zoning, retain the chairmanship position in the North Central zone, conduct fresh congresses in Ebonyi and Anambra States, and order a new zonal congress in the Southeast and local government congresses in Ekiti State. Exasperated, their balloons deflated by the fresh scent of discord, some PDP leaders shot back that they would fearlessly confront the Wike camp and not buckle under pressure or allow themselves to be held hostage, while dismissing the complainants as potential ‘blackmailers’ and a ‘camp of fools’.

    For about two years, observers had squirmed over Mr Wike’s politics as a cabinet member of an All Progressives Congress (APC) administration, describing him as an unprincipled politician running with the hare and hunting with the hounds. For the same period, he had managed to maintain a delicate balance between his position as a PDP leader whose choices shook the party to its foundations during the last elections, and as a minister in the Bola Tinubu administration torn between loyalty to his new boss and duty to his party. He has not quite resolved the dilemma, and has consistently and thus far put on a bold face when compelled to take a definitive stand; but as the 2027 elections draw near, his ability to walk a tightrope will be sorely tested. Indeed, it is already being badly tested as the party inches near its elective convention. Party leaders put all their eggs in one basket, believing that the convention would put paid to the shenanigans of ‘fools’ playing ducks and drakes with the affections of party members and leaders. It is not certain whether their hopes are well founded, for the Wike camp is also both strong and sizable, not to say battle-hardened and eager to cross swords with the fiercest and swiftest in the party.

    But Mr Wike is keeping his cards close to his chest. No one is sure what joker his camp holds, but unlike the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), the feisty patrons of the traumatised Labour Party (LP) which embraced strong-arm tactics to enforce obedience to their interpretation of court orders, Mr Wike, a lawyer himself, and his camp may opt for the litigious route. Whether that would be enough to stall the PDP convention will depend on how their unpredictable lordships view the case. PDP leaders had taken care to carry the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) along when they held their National Executive Committee (NEC) meeting in Abuja, and have notified the electoral body about the upcoming national convention. They have also made peace with Iliya Damagum, their former protem chairman whom Mr Wike loved; and pacified the sometimes dithering Samuel Anyanwu whose cause Mr Wike previously advanced tenaciously. Little by little, however, Mr Wike’s men in the PDP National Working Committee (NWC) are either being neutralised or won over. If an irrevocable court order cannot be procured to stymie the convention, Mr Wike will be left with his yesterday men, the former governors of Enugu, Ekiti, Abia, and Benue, to prosecute a war he now increasingly seems fated to lose.

    What ails Mr Wike more than anything else is his impetuousness and glibness. Indeed, he is not averse to walking a tightrope, whether it casts him as an unscrupulous politician or not. Needled by angry newspapermen besotted to the opposition, whether that opposition is led by Atiku Abubakar or Peter Obi, Mr Wike had responded to the speculation of planning to contest the next presidential election by suggesting that he would commit himself to President Bola Tinubu lock, stock, and barrel. If that is the case, does he not see a contradiction between supporting the ruling party against his own party, the PDP? He waffled some arguments and wished away the dangerous suppositions and inept attempts to corner him. Engaging in two-timing, and dating two ‘ladies’ with aplomb, unfettered by the howls of outrage and disgust by Nigerians who view with dread the contradiction of lying in bed with the APC administration and smooching the disgruntled PDP reclining on the sofa, can be problematic. The outraged spectators have begun to see the FCT minister as deliberately committed to forestalling a return to normality in the PDP, thereby castrating it and deterring it from reclaiming its winning ways.

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    Despite the general outrage, however, Mr Wike has proven adept at wrong-footing his opponents in the PDP generally and in Rivers State in particular. Two qualities stand him out. Though sometimes regarded as a roughneck, his instinct for political strategy has remained well above average, sometimes even seeming to be canonised by the favourable outcomes his style and strategies engender. He is a hard working public officer, unafraid to confront the hobgoblins of Nigerian politics wherever they are. Though his political vision may lack much refinement and depth, he is nevertheless a rarity among his peers. He continues to stand out, and is an asset to any administration. In addition, Mr Wike’s six grievances are germane to the politics and internal dynamics of the PDP. If he heads to court and the temples of justice are inured to the criticism of those who accuse the judiciary of compromise, they will find merit in his complaints and will grant him reliefs of all kinds. What remains for the PDP, therefore, is to appeal to public sentiments and paint the FCT minister as an agent provocateur and a two-timing and unscrupulous politician working for the APC administration. The characterisation will resonate, but it will crumble under legal scrutiny.

    The PDP has become testier and more desperate than ever. Judging from their intemperate responses to Mr Wike’s nimble footwork, they seem willing to go for broke. The FCT minister knows this, or at least senses that the opposition party is spoiling for a fight, a fight that could entail his expulsion. While he will not back down, he appears aware that he does not hold as many aces as he held and played in 2023 when he took the battle to the grumpy Alhaji Atiku and won. Mr Wike may wish to prolong the current fight to as close to the next presidential election as possible, but the PDP bigwigs, who are experts at trench warfare themselves, also know this and are determined that the turf battles be fought now rather than in the future. Even if tightrope walking becomes too demanding for the FCT minister, and he eventually capitulates along the line, it is uncertain that the PDP, as it is currently run and constituted, can profit from the surrender. They don’t have a viable presidential candidate, and, despite casting their net far and wide, are unlikely to find an extraordinary politician in the next six months to put them in good stead to make a great impression in 2027.

  • Can the FCT Minister lawfully repossess UNIABUJA land?

    Can the FCT Minister lawfully repossess UNIABUJA land?

    By Abdulaleem Haruna

    As the nation contemplates the recent reports of alleged land encroachment by the Honourable Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Mr  Nyesom Wike, on the property of the University of Abuja, it becomes imperative not only to condemn the act but also to educate the public on the legal ramifications of such conduct. The law is clear: once land is lawfully allocated, it cannot be reallocated or repossessed arbitrarily, even by the Minister of the FCT.

    The University of Abuja – A Statutory Fortress

    A  fortress is a property that is highly protected and fortified agents any form of attack. And that is exactly what the University of Abuja is: a Statutory Fortress. The university, along with all its properties, including its land, are fully protected by law.

    The University of Abuja Act 2004 (Cap U2, LFN 2004) is a federal law originally enacted as a Decree by the President Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (GCFR) administration in 1988. It became an Act of Parliament in 1999 with the return to democratic rule. On the other hand, the Federal Capital Territory Administration was created by President Olusegun Obasanjo on 31 December 2004 following the scrapping of the Ministry of the Federal Capital Territory (MFCT). This is instructive.

    The University of Abuja Act is unequivocal about the legal status of the University’s land and property. Section 3(h) of the Act vests the Governing Council of the University with powers to “acquire and hold movable and immovable property” and to “deal with the same in such manner as it may think fit for the purposes of the university.” This power is not extended to the FCT Minister or to anyone outside the university.The power is not even available to the Honourable Minister of Education who supervises the university and ensures that the university complies with laws and extant regulations and implements education policies of the Federal Government.

    To be more specific, S. 3 (h) of the University of Abuja Act is made “subject to section 22 of this Act, to acquire, hold, grant, charge or otherwise deal with or dispose of movable and immovable property wherever situate.”

    Most importantly, S. 22 is an explicit restriction clause which prohibits the alienation, sale, or transfer of university land without due authorisation. For the avoidance of doubt, S. 22 is captioned: Restriction on disposal of land by university and it provides as follows – without prejudice to the provisions of the Land Use Act, the university shall not dispose of or charge any land or an interest in any land (including any land transferred to the university by this Act) except either with the prior written consent, either general or special, of the President; provided that such consent shall not be required in the case of any lease or tenancy at a rack-rent for a term not exceeding 21 years or lease or tenancy to a member of the university for residential purposes.

    The implication of this provision is that land, once granted for the purpose of the university, remains inviolable and cannot be appropriated by any external authority without following lawful procedures. The only officer that is exempted is the President. Even at that, the President can only exercise his authority if the process leading to the alienation of the university land is initiated by the university itself.

     We must not interpret the law out of context.

    Accordingly, to encroach upon the University land without the consent of the University or without compliance with legal processes constitutes a violation of the University’s enabling Statute. Needless to say that the University is a corporate citizen with legal capacity to sue and be sued in its own name as enshrined in S. 1. (1 & 2) UAA.

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    The Land Use Act and Constitutional Implications

    The Land Use Act 1978, incorporated into the 1999 Constitution by virtue of Section 315(5), provides that all land in the FCT is held in trust by the President, and by delegation, the FCT Minister, for the use and common benefit of all Nigerians.

    Section 28 of the Land Use Act allows for the revocation of a right of occupancy only under specific conditions, including “overriding public interest.” Even then, the law mandates the payment of compensation /resettlement and the issuance of formal notice of revocation to the holder of the right.

    There is no record of such revocation procedures being initiated in respect of the University of Abuja land. Therefore, any attempt to allocate or repossess the University of Abuja land without formal revocation and compensation is not only procedurally defective but legally null and void.

    The Minister’s Actions and Legal Culpability

    Barrister Nyesom Wike, a senior legal practitioner and a sitting Minister, ought to be fully aware of the sanctity of statutory and constitutional provisions. The reported act of re-allocating portions of university land to private developers or other agencies, without consultation, compensation, or lawful revocation, is a classic case of administrative impunity and legal overreach.

    Moreover, any private entity that purports to derive title from such unlawful allocation is vulnerable to future revocation, litigation, and financial losses.

    The Principle of Sanctity of Public Institutions

    Universities are not just academic institutions; they are national assets and symbols of societal progress. The land granted to the University of Abuja was intended to provide room for expansion, development, and innovation. Encroaching on this land without due process undermines the vision behind the university’s establishment and the integrity of government institutions.

    It also sends a disturbing signal to the public that even institutions established by federal law are not immune to executive interference.

    Consequences and the Way Forward

    The consequences of this alleged land grabbing by the FCT Minister are far-reaching. If not challenged and reversed: the university will lose the capacity to meet future infrastructural demands; existing collaborative agreements and Memoranda of Understanding with developers, various agencies, corporations and businesses will be frustrated; donor agencies, development partners and the international community may perceive instability in Nigeria’s land tenure system; students and staff will suffer disruption in both academic planning and infrastructural development.

    It is therefore imperative that the minister should immediately cease all encroachments on the University of Abuja land; President Bola Ahmed Tinubu as Visitor to the university, should urgently institute a public investigation to ascertain the legality of the alleged recent land allocations;.the university itself should urgently take steps to seek legal redress in order to enforce its rights because delay defeats equity. In the legal world, we say equity aids the vigilant and not the indolent.

    Conclusion

    In conclusion, it should be noted that the rule of law is the cornerstone of any democratic society. No one, no matter how highly placed, is above the law. The land granted to the University of Abuja is not idle real estate, it is fully occupied. Moreover, it is a trust held for the future of Nigerian education.

    Let it be known that statutory property is not political spoil. Any action contrary to this understanding is an affront to social justice, equity, and the spirit of the Nigerian Constitution.

  • Rivers LG primary: Wike’s loyalists emerge candidates in APC, PDP

    Rivers LG primary: Wike’s loyalists emerge candidates in APC, PDP

    In a unique political alignment, loyalists of the Capital Territory Minister (FCT), Chief Nyesom Wike, at the weekend, emerged candidates for the August 31, local government elections in Rivers State chapters of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC).

    It was gathered that loyalists of Wike in PDP and APC had already been named chairmanship candidates in about 15 local government areas of the state.

    Out of the 15 candidates so far, 11 were reportedly produced by the Chief Tony Okocha-led APC in alliance with Wike and the leadership of the state PDP.

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    Among those emerged from the APC as local government chairmanship candidates from the APC are Asari Toru, Onengiyeofori George, Ikwerre, Charles Wobodo; Khana, Thomas Bariere Ariar;

    Tai, Mbakpone Okpe; Okrika, Akuro Tobin; Omuma, Uchechukwu Obasi; 

    Degema, Michael Williams; Ogu/Bolo, Vincent Nemioboka; Abua/Odual, Owolobi Ofori; Etche, Chima Njoku and 

    Gokana, Confidence Dekor.

    In PDP, candidates who emerged through the political family of Wike are Emohua, Chidi Llyod; Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni, Shedrack Chukwu; Port Harcourt, Allwell Ihunda and Obio/Akpor, Gift Worlu.

  • Ireti Kingibe blinded by spirit of impending defeat – Wike’s Aide

    Ireti Kingibe blinded by spirit of impending defeat – Wike’s Aide

    Lere Olayinka, Senior Special Assistant (SSA), on Public Communications and Social Media to the FCT Minister, Nyesom Wike, has said that the Senator representing the FCT, Ireti Kingibe, is already blinded by the spirit of her impending electoral woe, and can never see the positive transformation going on in Abuja and the FCT satellite towns. 

    Olayinka said; “it is funny that someone who is using the name of Ambassador Baba Gana Kingibe, that is no longer her husband, believes that jumping from one television station to the other to disparage the FCT Minister will revive her dead political career.”

    The Senator had said on Friday on a television programme that President Bola Tinubu’s biggest mistake was making Wike Minister of FCT.

    Responding, the FCT Minister’s spokesperson challenged Ireti to go to communities like Saburi, Dei Dei, Kabusa, Ketti, Yangoji, Pai, Gomani, Gishiri, Kwaita, Yebu, Yangoji, Sukuku, Ebo, Ushafa and others that now have good roads, to mount the rostrum and tell the people that Tinubu made a mistake by appointing Wike as FCT Minister. 

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    “Most importantly, she can also visit traders in the Apo Mechanic Village, whose dream of being relocated to a permanent site is being fulfilled more than 15 years after, as well as those residing along Apo-Wasa road, and tell them it was a mistake that Wike was appointment as FCT Minister.

    “In Abaji, Federal Capital Territory University, Abaji (FCTU), a university established close to 15 years ago, but was abandoned, is now witnessing a massive infrastructural development. Also, general renovation of 22 schools have been done in the last 12 months while renovation of more 40 others is ongoing.

    “As expected of someone already blinded by the spirit of a coming defeat, Ireti, alias Kingibe won’t see all these. Reason is, she knows that in 2027, she won’t be able to retain the Senate seat she accidentally got in 2023. She knows that the factor that got her to the Senate is no longer available and she is desperate to use attacks on Wike to gain political leverage.

    “Unfortunately, Wike is not in the comity of frustrated politicians like Ireti ‘Kingibe’ who is treating her aides like slaves, refusing to pay their wages and entitlements for months,” Olayinka said. 

  • Wike to Okpebholo: Forget Obaseki’s probe, focus on Edo’s development

    Wike to Okpebholo: Forget Obaseki’s probe, focus on Edo’s development

    The Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, has urged the governor of Edo State, Senator Monday Okpebholo, to focus on developing the state, rather than dissipating his energy and resources on to probe of his immediate predecessor, Godwin Obaseki.

    Wike, who was speaking in Benin, Edo State, on Sunday evening, said probing the former governor will achieve no meaningful results, adding that it was better for Governor Okpebholo to deploy his time and the State resources towards achieving his developmental goals in Edo State and its people.

    According to a statement issued on Monday by his Senior Special Assistant (SSA) on Public Communications and Social Media, Lere Olayinka, the FCT Minister Wike said, “If there is someone who would have encouraged Okpebholo to probe and prosecute Obaseki, that person should be me, but what I suffered in ensuring that he returned for a second term and how he paid me back is now in the past.

     “We must pass through this process in life, move on for the development of Edo State. Don’t do it, I’m the one who should have told you to pursue this man, I know what I’ve gone through.

    “I should be the one to prosecute Obaseki, but what is it in life when God has given you your position? If it were to be his power, you wouldn’t be here, but God has told him, you don’t have it, and I have given it to whom I want to give.”

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    Wike also told the former governor of Edo State, Senator Adams Oshiomhole, “Leader, I know how pained you are and what you passed through, I know the sufferings you suffered, and it was like a humiliation to you. I was part of it because I humiliated you.

    “I apologised on national TV to you, sorry for what I did to you, leave it and let them carry their wahala and go, focus on the development of Edo and you will see what you will achieve at the end of the day”.

    Wike was in Benin, Edo State, on Sunday to commission the New Edo Line terminal, which is the second phase of the Edo State Benin Central Bus Terminal, today.

    The event was, however, cancelled owing to the death of former President Muhammadu Buhari.

  • Wike’s aide Olayinka slams Abati over comment on FCT minister

    Wike’s aide Olayinka slams Abati over comment on FCT minister

    …says ex-presidential aide failed as media adviser to Jonathan

    Lere Olayinka, the media aide to the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, has re-examined the role of popular journalist, Reuben Abati, as the media adviser to former President Goodluck Jonathan.

    Olayinka said Jonathan was pushed out of office by his opponents due to the failure of Reuben Abati. 

    He said the game of politics ‘is not a gentleman’s game’, saying that it’s tit for tat, and that the response to any attack from an opponent should be in higher proportion.

    Abati had on Monday criticised Wike for organising a church thanksgiving service to mark the completion of some projects in Abuja.

    The Thanksgiving took place at St. James Anglican Church in Asokoro, Abuja, on Sunday, July 6.

    Abati condemned the thanksgiving, describing it as a display of self-praise rather than a sincere act of gratitude.

    The ex-presidential spokesperson argued that the event turned into a personal celebration disguised as a public event.

    He questioned why a government official would use a religious setting to promote achievements tied to his public office.

    Reacting, Olayinka on his Facebook page on Tuesday morning criticised Abati, who is now a member of the anchor team of the popular breakfast show on Arise News Channel – ‘The Morning Show’.

    Olayinka accused Abati of feeding fat in office while his principal was being demonised by political opponents at that time.

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    Olayinka wrote, “In this game, when someone throws one pebble at you, look for a very big mud (Ògúlùtu) and throw it at the person.

    “This is not a gentleman’s game. It is ‘gbas gbos’. You will be abused, you will be insulted, never mind.

    “One of the reasons President Goodluck Jonathan was demonised successfully was his weak media, led by that garrulous and arrogant Reuben Abati.

    “Reuben Abati was just doing big man while President Jonathan was being rubbished in the media. He failed as President Jonathan’s media adviser”.

  • FCT primary teachers call off strike following Wike’s intervention

    FCT primary teachers call off strike following Wike’s intervention

    The Nigeria Union of Teachers (NUT), Federal Capital Territory (FCT), may soon call off the three-month primary school teachers’ strike, following the intervention of the FCT Minister Nyesom Wike.

    Chief of Staff to the minister, Mr Chidi Amadi disclosed this in Abuja on Tuesday, after a closed-door meeting with the area council chairmen, leadership of the NUT, and representatives of the FCT Administration.

    Other participants at the meeting, he said, included representatives of the National Association of Nigerian Students (NANs) and the National Assembly.

    Amadi explained that the meeting was convened by the minister, in addition to previous interventions to find a lasting solution to the prolonged teachers’ strike.

    According to him, after extensive deliberation, a decision was reached to put the issues to rest.

    He announced that part of the resolution was to withhold the 10 per cent accrued Internally Generated Revenue (IGR) of the area councils for the past six months.

    He explained that the funds would be used to settle 70 per cent of the minimum wage owed the teachers.

    “Although it will not cover 100 per cent of the debt for now, it will cover about 70 per cent. This is a laudable move towards addressing the fracas once and for all.

    The chief of staff added that the minister had also directed that a Special Committee be constituted, composed of three members of NUT, two members from FCTA, one of the area council chairmen and representative of NANs.

    He added that the committee would revisit all the other outstanding issues and within the next two weeks, submit a report detailing how the other outstanding issues would be permanently addressed.

    “In addition to addressing the issues of the primary school teachers, Wike had taken a decision to address all outstanding issues of the local government employees.  

    “The minister pledged to personally intervene to ensure that their demands are addressed by the FCTA.

    “This is to ensure that the area councils resume full operations effectively immediately.

    Speaking on behalf of the area council chairmen, Mr Abubakar Abdullahi, acknowledged the resolution, saying “although it was not in favour of the area councils, it was necessary to resolve the issues.

    “Six months of our IGR had been held to settle this issue. Ours at this point is to appeal to NUT to consider our children and call off the strike.

    “Please NUT, we are calling on you to respect the fact that the minister has taken his time to resolve this matter.

    “Wike had clearly stated that by law, he has no right to take the 10 per cent IGR of the area councils to clear the outstanding debt of the teachers.

    “However, the chairmen have all agreed because they also, collectively, want an end to the strike and so we have agreed that the 10 per cent IGR should go to the teachers”.

    He expressed optimism that the strike would be called off before Friday, so that children would go back to school.

    Also, the National President of NANs, Olushola Oladoja, lauded the resolutions and expressed hope that the outcome would finally put the matter to rest and the teachers return to class.

    Oladoja commended the minister for taking the bold step, stressing that any of the council chairmen could take him to court over such a decision.

    “However, I believe because the council chairmen also want the issue resolved, they have no option but to concede the IGR for six months,” he said.

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    On his part, the NUT Chairman, Mohammed Shafa, acknowledged the deliberation, but said he would get back to the NUT State Executive Council, where the final decision would be taken.

    The news Agency of Nigeria (NAN) reports that the teachers had embarked on the strike in March over non-implementation of minimum wage

    Other issues included non-implementation and payment of 25 per cent and 35 per cent salary increase, and non-implementation and payment of 40 per cent peculiar allowance.

    The union were also demanding the payment of the N35,000 wage award and the implementation of the template on outstanding entitlements of teachers as agreed in 2022.

    (NAN)

  • Lessons from Wike as FCT minister

    Lessons from Wike as FCT minister

    Sir: One of the factors responsible for the success of the primordial Athenian political system was the practice of government of national unity. Such inclusivity involves using the best in terms of capacity building in the running of affairs of government.

    Two years ago when President Tinubu appointed Nyesom Wike into his cabinet as FCT minister, not fewer Nigerians were skeptical about such step. Many regarded it as political foolery.

    Such sceptics branded the president’s decision as political miscalculations, especially given the perceived haughty and braggadocio mannerism of Wike. Moreover, Wike being a PDP chieftain, a virulent APC opponent, tended to dismiss the president large heartedness as buffoonery.

    Two years down the line, Wike has not only proved pessimists wrong, he has risen to be one of the foremost avante – garde of the Tinubu government, based on his sterling performance and unalloyed loyalty to both President Tinubu and the nation.

    Today, Wike has left doubting Thomases dumbfounded, and had disappointed less astute politicians who have earlier dubbed him as a potential and unperceived PDP mole in APC government. The idea of government of national unity was popularized during post-independence era and during the First Republic. Those eras till date remain the best in the history of Nigerian politics and in terms of development.

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    The purpose of government is not just to win election but more importantly to ensure that lives and wellbeing of the people are improved. A reigning political party must see it as its responsibility to identify such capable politicians who will play down politics in order to serve the country.

    Like a midas touch, Wike has changed the landscape of Abuja and his unprecedented performance has so impressed the president who has described him as “a transformational leader”. The 17-day projects commissioning from June 10 to July 13 is a testament to his sterling performance as an FCT Minister. His remarkable milestone of two years in office have transformed the landscape of Abuja into a befitting nation’s capital.

    Wike’s unwavering commitment and dedication to the visionary Renewed Hope Agenda of the APC is both laudable and commendable. The progress the FCT recorded in just two years of Wike’s leadership is a reflection of his vision, capacity and passion for public service, politics apart.

    Wike has aptly shown that it is possible to practice the government of national unity, judging from what he has done as a PDP chieftain working in APC government. Nigerians must commend the sagacity and vision of the president for this break of old political jinx.

    •Sunday Olagunju Ibadan, Oyo State.