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Tag: politics

  • Politics in the work-place: Are you an owl or a fox?

    To be effective and to survive, managers require leadership competencies which include envisioning, mental energy and stamina, a sense of purpose, ability to continue learning, ability to handle organisational politics, understanding and managing teams, facilitative in approach, being intuitive, change management, communication, stress management, balancing ambition and integrity, etc.

    Countless hours of training, books upon books, academic and non-academic papers and vital units of business education curriculum have been devoted to one of the above competencies/skills or the other.

    However, little has been written about organisational politics, either because many find the subject distasteful or perhaps because it is deemed to be worthy of study. Neither is it found in the syllabus of any management programme of MBA course that I have come across. What a waste! It is possible that more people’s careers flounder on the rocks of organisational politics than for many other reasons. Yet it is an area of great interest to practising managers. An exceedingly high proportion of the extra-curricular questions (i.e. those asked in the bar at the end of the day) in most out-of-site training programmes centre on this thorny area.

    Whether we want to admit it or not, the stark reality is that there is heavy, sometimes dangerous politicks, is going on in our establishments and corporations. While it may not be surprising to find it in government institutions and corporations, the academia is not left out. Even the so-called blue chip companies are not left out, including the local subsidiaries of trans-national corporations. In our environment, the basis of the politicking is a little more complex and the instrument of practice can be scary.

    Organisation politics here is complicated by unbridled nepotism, ethnicity and corruption. It is not unusual for promotions, appointments and postings to be done on one or more of the above considerations rather than merit and competence. And the instrument ranges from the absurd to the macabre-juju, assault, arson and, even, assassination!

     

    So, how can politics be defined and, more importantly, how can it be survived?

    If company politics can be described as ‘the way we do things around here’, then surely it can also be described as ‘the way that we do things to people around here’. It is sad truism that whatever people gather to tackle a task, there will be tension, rivalries, jealousies, hidden agendas and plain old-fashion mischief. Not only do people want to achieve the task their own way, they also want the way that the task is approached to reflect glory in certain specific directions and to help the careers of specific individuals or groups. It may not be pleasant, but, whether your place of work is a merchant bank or a monastery, it is unavoidable. Indeed, there is evidence to show that the more senior and better educated the participants, the more prevalent and unpleasant will be the politics. At Marks & Spencer’s Head Office in London in the 70s, a number of highly qualified, talented individuals played fast and furious political games. The reasons? The awesome organisation in its retail stores did not extend to Head Office, where many senior professionals were somewhat under-employed. As the saying goes, ‘the devil makes work for idle hands’, and the spare hours were filled with all sorts of intrigue.

    The concept of political animals is a popular one, and the University of Birmingham has conducted intriguing studies on the nature of these beasts in organisations.  Researchers identified two axes behaviour:

    • That of being ‘well-read’ in what was going on politically within the organisation: having an interest in the different factions’ power camps and power plays. The degree to which one was well-read could be high or low

    • That of having an interest in self and the promotion of one’s own aims versus that of having a prime interest in the fortunes and welfare of the organisation.

    With these axes in mind, it then became possible to identify four discrete orientations and to label each with the name of the animal most representative.

     

    Orientation 1:  Here the individual was politically well-read and had a high interest in the fortunes of the organisation rather than self. This individual they labelled the Wise Owl. Owls are both liked and respected; furthermore, they are seldom hunted and usually survive. There is one downside, however: they do not often get to the head of the forest.

     

    Orientation 2: In this box the individual was well-read and took an active interest in the politics; moreover, the individual promoted him- or herself actively within the organisation. Here we have the Crafty Fox. The fox is not always popular, for it hunts and it can create mayhem, but usually it is a survivor. Occasionally, it oversteps the mark and is hunted down, but even fox hunt in the area of southern England where I live are anything to go by, I’m glad to say!)

     

    Orientation 3: In the first of the lower boxes is found the person who is politically ill-read, but who on the other hand has a high degree of self-interest.

    The researchers contemptuously label this individual as the Donkey – both stubborn and stupid. The donkey is used as a beast of burden, resents it and is seldom thanked. It never reached the top.

    Orientation 4: The final box contains those who are badly read politically, who have no interest in improving their knowledge or skills and yet who continually put the organisation before self, Loyalty, blind loyalty, is the name of the game, and these people are labelled Sheep, unquestioning naive. It often happens that the sheep end up in the slaughterhouse.

    So, where is the best position to be politically? Having put this question to a wide variety of executives from different countries and cultures, the answer is invariably ‘just to the right of the Fox/Owl divide (i.e. a combination of both, but being slightly more of a Fox). In other words, they were saying that you have to know the political forces at work and have to keep up to date with the trends and development here. In addition, you have to know how to play the game in order to appreciate the games was not worth the sacrifice or one’s own personal integrity and self-respect. So, to survive, the effective leader must be ‘aware’ and must learn to apply this awareness in ethical ways that reinforce the leader’s credibility rather than detract from it. All the essential skills of questioning, listening and above all intuition must be used to the full. Having the antennae out of all times is not being manipulative and does not sacrifice integrity. It is simply being smart.

    Acknowledgement: we have relied heavily on John Maurik, Management Consultant and author, Discovering The Leader in You (McGraw-Hill, 1994) and The Portable Leader (McGraw-Hill, 1997).

     

     

    Olu Oyeniran is the Managing Partner/CEO, EkiniConsult & Associates, Job Search

    And Career Management Consultants and publishers of www.jobsearchskill.com

    Email: oluoye@jobsearchskill.com, jobsearchskill@yahoo. co.uk

     

     

  • The politics and legal implications of troops’ deployment for polls

    The politics and legal implications of troops’ deployment for polls

    The shocking revelations from Ekiti pollgate have provoked debate on the legality, desirability or otherwise of deploying troops for the general elections. YUSUF ALLI, MANAGING EDITOR, NORTHERN OPERATION takes a second look at the issues at stake

    he politics and legal implications of troops’ deployment for polls

    The startling revelations on the Ekiti State governorship election in June last year are creating ripples and provoking serious debate on the legality of deployment of troops for the forthcoming general elections.  Some weeks ago, Nigerians woke up to hear the testimony of an Army Captain, Sagir Koli, who released the audio and video tape  on how the military allegedly played a background role in tampering with the process in favour of the ‘winner’, Governor Ayo Fayose. While the Ekiti drama of the absurd is being investigated, the debate has shifted to the constitutionality or otherwise of deploying troops for polls.

    Howtroops deployment started

    In spite of the controversy trailing its adoption, troops’ deployment has been with the nation in the last 16 years but it assumed an embarrassing proportion in the last 12 years.  In its report on the 2003 general election, as collated by its 30,000 observers, the Justice, Development and Peace Committee(JDPC) said: “Their(troops) presence helped to maintain law and order in some parts of the country where there had been high rate of violence resulting in deaths. Their presence however dampened the spirit and confidence of voters in many other parts of the country. The ruling party in each of the two geopolitical zones(South-South and South-East), with the connivance of some INEC officials and the security officers unleashed fearsome intimidation against opponents and succeeded in carrying out massive rigging of elections in a manner that was reminiscent of the dark ages.” The same scenarios were replicated in 2007 and 2011.

    But the   case in 2007 was peculiar as a PDP National Chairman described one of its then chieftains in Oyo State, the late Lamidi Ariyibi Adedibu as a “Garrison Commander.” Some strange Direct Data Capturing Machines allegedly strayed into Adedibu’s vast compound during the registration of voters. Some General Officers Commanding were  subsequently at the beck and call of the late strong man of Ibadan politics, and they carried out his instructions during the election.  This was why ex-President Umaru Yar’Adua described the 2007 poll as “largely flawed” despite being the ultimate beneficiary.

    As for the Jonathan era, the 2011 poll also witnessed troops deployment but not on a massive scale . Troops were restricted largely to highways leading to areas considered volatile. But this  may change now , if the People’s Democratic Party had its way.  Like it was during the Ekiti polls, the military may be physically present at polling stations  as well as collation centres . They may also be used to intimidate the opposition, arrest leading politicians opposed to the ruling party, the PDP . The snag thus far is the inability of the PDP to penetrate INEC headed by an “uncompromising chairman”.  Unknown to many, those behind full scale involvement of troops in the polls have perfected their plans like long distance runners. They are taking advantage of the increasing insecurity in the country to set the stage for the full involvement of the military in elections.  Prior to the Ekiti governorship poll, the Federal Government had deployed troops in 32 of the 36 states of the federation to check ‘security challenges’ or in ‘aid of civil authority.’ As the deployment of troops was spreading, the Nigeria Police Force, which is constitutionally empowered for internal security, lost out.

         How Jega’s initiative is being abused

    When the INEC chairman, Prof. Attahiru Jega came on board, the electoral agency opted for a working relationship with all security agencies including the military. Worried by security challenges in some parts of the country, Jega came up with an initiative tagged Inter-Agency Consultative Committee on Election Security (ICCES). A source in INEC said:  “The ICCES is chaired by the National Security Adviser with Jega as co-chair. Others are representatives of the DHQ, the Nigerian Army, Air Force, Navy, Department of State Security Service(DSS), National Intelligence Agency(NIA),  FRSC, NSCDC, Customs Service, Immigration Service, Fire Service and NDLEA.

    “The implication is that INEC, a supposedly independent agency, now subjugates itself to the whims and caprices of security chiefs. Beyond the issue of protection for the election, INEC chairman now briefs the security chiefs on the distribution of Permanent Voters Cards, Card Readers and other electoral matters.”

    Armed with a cosy relationship with the electoral body, the military high command acting on the directive of the President deployed troops for the 2011  general election won by President Jonathan and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). As a political scientist, desirous of improving the electoral process, Jega might have meant well but his gesture is now being abused by a party and its candidate desperate to win the  March 26 and April 11 elections.

       What does the law say?

    According to findings, the deployment of troops in “aid” of civil authority is legal and constitutional but such a deployment must be approved or regulated by the National Assembly. Save for interpretive factor to suit the imperial ego of the executive arm, there is nowhere in the constitution where deployment of troops for election purpose is guaranteed. With this in mind,  some judges  have made pronouncements declaring troops-for-poll illegal. The bone of contention lies in the interpretation of sections 217 and 218 of our Constitution.   Section217(1) says: ” There shall be an armed forces for the Federation which shall consist of an army, a navy, an air force and such other branches of the armed forces of the Federation as may be established by an Act of the National Assembly. (2) The Federation shall, subject to an Act of the National Assembly made in that behalf, equip and maintain the armed forces as may be considered adequate and effective for the purpose of –

    ( a) defending Nigeria from external aggression;  (b) maintaining its territorial integrity and securing its borders from violation on land, sea, or air;  (c) suppressing insurrection and acting in aid of civil authorities to restore order when called upon to do so by the President, but subject to such conditions as may be prescribed by an Act of the National Assembly; and  (d) performance of such other functions as may be prescribed by an Act of the National Assembly.”

    Section 218(1) reads: “The powers of the President as the Commissioner-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federation shall include power to determine the operational use of the armed Forces of the Federation. (2) (3) (4) The National Assembly shall have power to make laws for the regulation of –  (a) the powers exercisable by the President as Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federation; and  (b) the appointment, promotion and disciplinary control of members of the armed forces of the Federation.”

    Besides approaching the National Assembly for Emergency Rule in Adamawa, Borno and Yobe states, there is no record to show that the President has approached the legislature for legal instrument to deploy troops-for-poll in any part of the country. While the illegality persists nationwide, some judges have come out openly to deride the recourse to the abuse of the military for election duties.

    A former President of the Court of Appeal, Hon. Justice Umar Abdullahi, JCA (as he then was) in Buhari vs. Obasanjo (2005) I WRN 2000), said: “In spite of non-tolerant nature of our political class in this country, we should by all means try to keep armed personnel of whatever status or nature from being part and parcel of the election process. The civilian authorities should be left to conduct and carry out fully the electoral processes at all levels.

    On his part, another President of the Court of Appeal,  Hon. Justice Ayo Salami, JCA (as he then was) in Yusuf vs. Obasanjo (2005) 18 NWLR Part 956 p.96 said: “It is up to the Police to protect our nascent democracy and not the military, otherwise the democracy might be wittingly or unwittingly militarized.”

    In a courageous pronouncement on Monday, 16th Feb 2015, Hon. Justice Aboki, JCA, (Chairman, Ekiti State Governorship Election Appeal Tribunal), who was a bit worried d by the roles of Armed Forces personnel during the Ekiti State Governorship Election, said: “Even the President of Nigeria has no powers to call on the Nigerian Armed Forces to unleash them on peaceful citizenry who are exercising their franchise to elect their leaders.”

    “In the event of insurrection or insurgency, the call on the Armed Forces to restore order must be with approval of the National Assembly —–as provided in sections 217(2) and 218(4 of the Constitution as amended.”

    In Suit No. FHC/S/CS/29/2014 (Hon. B. M. Goronyo & Anor vs. the Attorney-General of the Federation & Independent National Electoral Commission), Hon. Justice R. M. Aikawa, of the Federal High Court, Sokoto put the question of deployment of troops in a clearer legal perspective with a historic judgment which will serve as template for the March 28 general election.

    He made the following orders: 1. I hereby declare that in view of the combined provisions of sections 217 (2) and 218(1) and (4) of the Constitution … any person holding the office of the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria cannot, in the absence of an Act of the National Assembly …, unilaterally order the engagement of the armed forces in the security supervision of elections in Nigeria.

    2. I hereby declare that any purported engagement of the Nigerian Armed Forces in the security supervision of elections in the Federal Republic of Nigeria by any person holding the office of the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria without an Act of the National Assembly shall be unconstitutional and therefore null and void.

    3. I hereby declare that the use of the word “officers” in section 29(1) of the Electoral Act 2010 (as amended) does not entail the use of officers of the Armed Forces by the 2nd Defendant.

    4. I hereby make an order restraining any person holding the office of the President and Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces … and the 2nd Defendant from engaging or permitting the service of the Nigerian Armed Forces in the security supervision of elections in any manner whatsoever in any part of Nigeria, without an Act of the National Assembly.

    The order has not been reversed by any superior court. Many were therefore taken aback last      Wednesday when some PDP members of the House of Representatives argued that troops deployment for elections by the President without the express approval of the National Assembly  was constitutional.

    Any merit in deployment of troops for election?

    The advocates of troops-for -poll have cited the do-or-die attitude of Nigerian politicians in the past few weeks and the refusal to play by the rules as reasons for backing such a proposal. They believe the police are just incapable of managing the nation’s tense electoral situation. Their worry is compounded by the prediction that Nigeria might be a failed state in 2015. So, a major benefit of deploying troops is anticipated tight security and assumed safety for all the citizenry. But some Nigerians are looking beyond the humongous benefit of security because politicians are usually on fast lane and a step ahead of every opportunity. For about a week now, there had been argument for and against troops-for-poll and it almost snowballed into fisticuffs in the House of Representatives during the week. While the PDP and APC are reaching out to each other’s  jugular on the issue, the support for deployment of troops has come from both the former National President of the Nigerian Bar Association, Mr. J.B. Daudu (SAN) and the Chairman of the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), Prof. Chidi Odinkalu. To Odinkalu, since Nigeria is presently in a “state of war, such action is justified in line with the Geneva Convention Act.”

    INEC is also a die-hard supporter of troops-for-poll but with a caveat. A National Commissioner for INEC said: “The military men have no role in the conduct of the elections; they are only expected to stay at designated checkpoints to make sure people do not traffic arms, ammunition or engage in any conduct that could tamper with the electoral process.

    “They also to stay at these checkpoints in readiness for rapid deployment if there is any security challenge during the elections. No soldiers will be at the Polling Units, Collation Centres or have any direct contact with the conduct of the elections. Even the Mobile Police will only engage in fringe patrols without coming to the Polling Units.”

     Why Nigerians are suspicious of deployment of troops

    Apart from Ekiti pollgate, Nigerians have become skeptical of deployment of troops because of past history, the subtle involvement of the military in politics, the alleged role of service chiefs in poll postponement, and the utterances of some officials of the government and the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

    Past history. The military has always been claiming to be in the vanguard of protecting the nation’s democracy but it has always emerged a vested party too. In the heat of the second term election in the Second Republic in 1983, the late National Chairman of the defunct National Party of Nigeria (NPN), Chief Adisa Akinloye said there can only be two parties in Nigeria—the NPN and the military. Akinloye’s statement, which was made on the  spur of the moment, has turned out to be a prophetic insight into the alleged politicization of the military.

    During the post- June 12, 1993 presidential election crisis, which consumed the acclaimed winner, Chief M.K.O. Abiola, the late Head of State, Gen. Sani Abacha led the military to intervene under the pretence of trying to salvage the situation. He rolled out the tanks, emerged a temporary hero of democracy, played on the intelligence of politicians in the extinct Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the National Republican Convention (NRC) and seized power for a draconian rule for about five years. Most of the politicians and democracy-human rights activists ended up either in jail , exile or in grave. Even, the great Abiola had faith in Abacha’s intent until the maximum dictator bared his fangs.

    The subtle involvement of the military in politics has fueled opposition to the deployment of troops for poll. Ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo  had faulted  the  advisory of Service Chiefs to INEC. He said: “It turned out to be a forced decision on INEC. It was alleged that the security chiefs were unable to provide security and as result, Jega had to postpone in accordance with the dictate of the so called security chiefs. It was a bad precedent for democracy in Nigeria. It means no matter any preparation the nation may make in future for any elections, the final decision lies with the security. This is a sad day for democracy in Nigeria…President Jonathan is up to something and his plan is to scuttle the electoral process and cause chaos in the country as was done by the former President of Ivory Coast, Laurent Gbagbo….it will take only God’s miracle to achieve what the security chiefs said they will do in just six weeks, eradication of the Boko Haram insurgency in the country.”

    But the position of the Defence Headquarters was more damning and unrepentant. The military took on Obasanjo saying: “The Defence Headquarters has noted the remarks of a former President, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo as reported in the media stating his views on perceived state of the armed forces and the roles being allegedly played by the military in the nation’s political process in recent times.

    “The leadership and cross section of the military believes that the former President and retired General has every right to be interested in the actions and fate of the military. Hence, his views like many others will continue to be accorded the well-deserved attention.

    “It is, however, noteworthy that most of his utterances lately indicate an attitude of playing to the gallery or indulging in politicization of serious national security or military affairs.

    “For instance, the comments credited to Chief Obasanjo alleging that the postponement of the General Elections was to enable President Jonathan to use the Service Chiefs to plot a tenure extension is to say the least, very surprising.

    “It is surprising indeed, considering the fact that the retired General chose to ignore the clarification and emphatic assurances of non-partisanship of the military as declared in a DHQ statement on the position of the Armed Forces in the ongoing political activities.”

    The military and Buhari

    Earlier, the same military publicly joined issues with Buhari in an unsparing manner and without regard for the fact that he is an opposing candidate to the C-In-C, President Goodluck Jonathan. With these altercations, it is extremely difficult for Nigerians to have faith in deployment of troops, no matter how well-intended the objective is.

    More importantly, the position of the Nigerian Army in the certificate controversy of the APC Presidential candidate, Gen. Muhammadu Buhari was hasty because it is purely a constitutional matter for the court to resolve. Many were of the opinion that the powers- that- be probably pulled the strings and to demonstrate its loyalty, the Army left one of its credible officers in the lurch. When history beckons on the present key players in the military in the next 10 to 20 years after they have retired, Nigerians will then have the privilege to know what actually transpired. But such a role casts doubt on the rationale behind troops deployment for poll.

    But some analysts pointed to the hitch-free campaign for Buhari in the North-East, especially Maiduguri, as a concrete evidence of the non-partisanship of the military. They claimed that all military and security apparatchik were effectively mobilized for safe passage for APC candidate and chieftains in spite of insurgency.

    Polls postponement

    INEC’s sole shift of the blame for the postponement of the general election from February 14 to March 28 and  April 11, 2015 rubbed off on the image of  the Service Chiefs and  it has diminished the little faith Nigerians have in the deployment of troops. Although INEC had its own inadequacies which could substantially affect the outcome of the general election, its chairman insisted that except for advisory from the Service Chiefs, the commission was ready for the poll. Jega said: “A day before the Council of State meeting, the office of the National Security Adviser (NSA) wrote a letter to the Commission, drawing attention to recent developments in four Northeast states of Borno, Yobe, Adamawa and Gombe currently experiencing the challenge of insurgency. The letter stated that security could not be guaranteed during the proposed period in February for the general elections.

    “This advisory was reinforced at the Council of State meeting on Thursday where the NSA and all the Armed Services and Intelligence Chiefs unanimously reiterated that the safety and security of our operations cannot be guaranteed and that the Security Services needed at least six weeks within which to conclude a major military operation against the insurgency in the North-East…” Today, the Service Chiefs bear the brunt of the poll shift with one eye closed because it appears Jega has not had the last laugh. Yet the idea of troops-for-poll remains unpopular in the light of the advisory from the Service Chiefs.

    The lessons from Ekiti State Governorship election

    In a petition to the Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Mr. Mohammed Bello Adoke (SAN), the Chairman of the APC in Ekiti State, Chief Jide Awe released some snippets on the Ekiti ‘pollgate’. He said: : “We write to report to you and formally bring to your attention the recent leak of an audio recording by  Capt. Sagir Koli of the 32nd Artillery Brigade in Ekiti State.

    “On February 8, 2015, an audio recording was released to the general public. This recording captured the voices of Ayo Fayose (the Governor of Ekiti State), Brig. Gen. Aliyu Momoh, who was the commanding officer in charge of soldiers deployed to give security cover for the June 21st, 2014 Ekiti State Gubernatorial election, Senator Iyiola Omisore, Jelili Adesiyan who is the Minister of Police Affairs and Musiliu Obanikoro (the Minister of Defence at that time), Caleb Olukolade and others in a meeting wherein these persons conspired and strategized to rig the June 21, 2014 Ekiti State Gubernatorial Election in which Ayo Fayose finally emerged the winner.

    “The import of this audio recording is the revelation of the criminal acts which were planned and perpetrated by these men.

    “The above listed persons conspired to tamper with the constitutionally and statutorily laid down procedures for the conduct of election. Section 1(2) of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended) provides that; “The Federal Republic of Nigeria shall not be governed nor shall any person or group of persons take control of the Government of Nigeria or any part thereof, except in accordance with the provisions of this Constitution.

    “During the meeting, strategies and plans to intimidate voters and perform electoral fraud, and other criminal acts, in a bid to take over the government of Ekiti State in a manner contrary to the provisions of the Constitution and other relevant statues, were discussed.”

    Although investigation is ongoing, the confirmation of attending the said meeting by some PDP chieftains and ministers has given room for some insinuations because most of the key actors implicated are not even from the state. This will affect the overall objective of further deployment of troops during the forthcoming general election except Jonathan wants to become blind to the allegations.

    What a researcher discovered on how troops/ security agents are used during poll

    Writing on “Security forces, electoral conduct and the 2003 General Election”, Kunle Ajayi of the Department of Political Science of the then University of Ado-Ekiti (now Ekiti State University) highlighted what troops and security agents are always used for during election. The highlights are: collusion with politicians to scare opponents from polling centres; receiving bribes from politicians to stuff ballot boxes; collusion with political party agents and thugs to stuff ballot boxes; failing to act in the face of violence and rigging; personally thumb-printing ballot papers; abandonment of /absence from attached polling centres; sporadic shooting in the air to scare away genuine voters and in the process ballot boxes already stuffed are substituted for the empty ones; illegal arrest and detention of political opponents on the eve of election and election days; sporadic shooting into the air at the house of opponents before and during the election days to prevent them from any effective mobilization of supporters and the electorate; and harassing of voters at polling booths including beating and jack-booting thereby infringing on their human rights.

    Can the 2015 poll be conducted without troops?

    Until the return to military rule in 1999, the police had always been in charge of providing security during elections. Notwithstanding a few challenges associated with the police during the 1962 crisis in the defunct Western Region and the ex-IGP Sunday Adewusi’s shoot-on-sight order in 1983 general election war between the NPN and the Unity Party of Nigeria, the police had performed fairly well. Most experts are of the opinion that if the police force is well-equipped, it should be able to provide security nationwide. The NPF has 332,756 policemen, 6,693 Traffic Wardens and 11,999 civilian workers in 3,756 police stations nationwide.  The only challenge with the force is lack of funds. The Inspector General of Police, Suleiman Abba, who was represented by his deputy in-charge of Logistics and Supplies, Mamman Tsafe told the Senate Committee on Police Affairs in Abuja during the week that out of the N56 billion overhead proposed by the police in 2014, only N8 billion was approved out of which N5 billion was released. He said the force required N24 billion for fuelling and maintaining its vehicles instead of N5 billion proposed. For capital budget, he said that of a proposed N218 billion, N7 billion was approved and only N3 billion was released

    What options for Jonathan?

    Will the President comply with the judgment of the Federal High Court, Sokoto on withdrawal of troops or file an appeal against it? There are fears that the government might go to the appellate court. A presidency source said: “You cannot read the constitution in isolation. Go to Section 25, part 1 of the Third Schedule to the 1999 Constitution where it states that the National Security Council shall have power to advise the President on matters relating to public security including matters relating to any organization or agency established by law for ensuring the security of the Federation.”

    He also said the alternative is for the President to “approach the National Assembly for an enabling Act to make deployment of troops for election legal.” The APC through its Director, Legal of the  Presidential Campaign Council, Mr. Chukwuma-Machukwu Ume, (SAN) has however written a letter to President Goodluck Jonathan on why the judgment of the Federal High Court should be respected to leave troops out of the March 28 and April 11 general election. The letter said in part: “Your Excellency, may I add this: the restraining phrase “… security supervision of elections in any manner whatsoever in any part of Nigeria” is all encompassing including absence of armed forces on the roads and streets on the election days and not discriminatory as to be limited to polling booths, as some may expediently want the public to believe.

    “I, therefore, request Your Excellency, to instruct the Service Chiefs and all relevant State officers to diligently comply with the orders of the Court by ensuring that the Armed Forces are never engaged in the security supervision of the forthcoming elections in any manner and in any part of Nigeria whatsoever. It is the statutory duty of the Nigerian Police Force to carry out this function without having the armed forces instil fear in the citizenry during the elections.

    “Now, disobedience to court orders is unguided invitation to anarchy. Those that officiate on basis of offices created by the Constitution, have enormous duty to ensure that their actions do not in any way negate the constitutional provisions as well as Court orders. All Nigerians have unalloyed duty to subsume our different expedient dispositions to the intendments of the Constitution as interpreted by the Courts.

    “Nigeria cannot be defined by NOW only. We all, particularly our leaders have the constitutional duty to bequeath to our children a functional and sane future secured through rule of law and absolute deference to court orders.

    “Lamenting on the tendency to ridicule Court order, His lordship, Hon Justice Acholonu, JCA (as he then was) in NDLEA v Okorodudu (1997) 3 NWLR (Pt.492) 221 at 247, held: “I am scandalized at the veiled threat to gag the judiciary. … as long as that order is there, it ought to be obeyed otherwise we would let loose anarchy. …”

    “In the words of the former Chief Justice of Nigeria, Hon. Justice Uwais JSC (as he then was) in Mobil Oil (Nig Ltd v Assan (1991) 8 NWLR (Pt. 412) 129 at 143 declared:

    “… the plain and unqualified obligation of every person against whom or in respect of whom an order of court, is made to obey it ….

    … the uncompromising nature of this obligation is shown by the facts that it extends to even cases where the person affected by the order believes it to be irregular or even void.”

    The ball is certainly in Jonathan’s court as the custodian of the 1999 Constitution.

    Will the President disregard the pronouncements of the courts and deploy troops for the forthcoming elections? If he does, what message would he be sending to Nigerians and the international community? That the courts are irrelevant in the scheme of things in the country? Will he for once rise beyond politics and do what the constitution demands of him? The leading opposition party, The All Progressives Congress (APC), has alleged that some of its leading members have been earmarked for arrest by soldiers before and during the elections. It  has accused the PDP of plotting a repeat of the Ekiti episode in some states of the federation, considered ” crucial” on March 28.

    In such states, the APC says the PDP plans to use soldiers to arrest its influential members, intimidate voters but on the other hand provide security for PDP chieftains , all in a bid to influence the outcome of the election in favour of President Jonathan. Will the PDP and the Commander-in- Chief , who is a candidate in the election, prove the APC right ? Nigerians are waiting, the international community is watching.

  • Ex-Lagos lawmaker advises politics on politics

    A former member of Lagos State House of Assembly,  Abdulhakeem Abdullateef, has advised youths to join politics. He gave the advice at the University of Lagos (UNILAG) at a lecture organised by the institution’s chapter of the Muslim Students’ Society of Nigeria (MSSN).

    Abdullateef, a former Special Adviser to Governor Babatunde Fashola on Politics and Legislative Matters, likened the country to an airplane hovering violently in the sky, saying: “We are all in the plane and this government as the pilot has announced to us that it does not know how to land. So, you must get your PVC to land this plane safely.”

    He said youths must be recruited into politics because they are the leaders of tomorrow, adding: “We must not let these remnants of the colonial masters to prey on us. We must learn to accommodate one another.”

    Abdullateef advised youths to act as sportsmen while seeking positions of authority. He said there was a game of throne in life, noting that the throne was about power and authority.

    “I want you not to show desperation to attain any post, because power is a trial. Politics is not a do-or-die affair. You need to understand all these to chart the way out of this mess we have found ourselves in the country,” he said.

    The ex-legislator urged youths to see power as a trust, adding that when elected into office, they must lead by example and consult people at all times.

     

  • Reps to security agents: don’t take sides in Rivers politics

    Reps to security agents: don’t take sides in Rivers politics

    •Violence major threat to democracy, says Peterside

    A delegation of the House of Representatives on a visit to All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship candidate in Rivers State, Dr. Dakuku Adol Peterside, yesterday, urged security agencies not to take sides in the political contest in the state.

    They also urged politicians to play politics by the rules and campaign on issues.

    The delegation, led by Pally Iriase (Edo State), condemned last Tuesday’s violence in Okrika, the headquarters of Okrika Local Government Area of Rivers State, during Peterside’s campaign, where gunmen killed a police corporal, Ifeanyi Okorie, 33, and injured about 50 people including Channels television reporter Charles Eruka. 

    Peterside described the situation in the state as horrible and terrible, which he said should be unacceptable to well-meaning people. He described it as a major threat to democracy and the electoral process.

    The Rivers APC’s governorship candidate, also a member of the House of Representatives, received the visitors along with his running mate, Okorie Honourable Asita, a lawyer and also a member of the House of Representatives; a member of the Board of Trustees of the APC, Dr. Sam Sam Jaja; the Director-General of Peterside’s Greater Together Campaign Organisation, Chief Victor Giadom; the leader of the APC in Obio/Akpor Local Government, Chief Tony Okocha; and Dr. Dawari George, a member of the House of Representatives from Rivers state, among other eminent personalities.

    The leader of delegation said: “We have come to commiserate with our colleague. We have come to also, by extension, commiserate with the people of Rivers State. We have come to commiserate with the Nigeria Police Force, because apart from the many wounded persons, during the ugly incident in Okrika, a policeman lost his life. We have been watching the events that have culminated in the loss of lives, but now a serving police officer was cut down at the prime of his age. As these events were developing, we had been quietly watching, but seriously disturbed that no serious action had been taken by the law enforcement agencies, to nip the ugly trend in the bud. Had that been done, we will not be here today to be paying condolence on the death of the policeman.

    “It is so painful and we will take it a little further eventually, but this is the first step, to signpost our abhorence for this dastardliness in our body polity. We do not need to waste human lives over political contest. We all are asking to be given the mandate to serve. We are applicants for servanthood. Where is the room for killing and maiming people, if you are genuinely asking to be given the opportunity to serve people?

    “We came in order to let the world know that the House of Representatives, as presently constituted, is totally unhappy with the violent trend that is now unfolding in the political arena. We feel particularly saddened because we know you (Peterside) as a fine gentleman. We have been together for many years. We know your antecedents. We know your Christian inclination. You are a born again Christian and you will not want to be associated with anything devilish. Our hearts bleed, when we know that it is somebody of your standing, who is being prevented from campaigning in your environment and people went to the extent of taking lives.

    “We are using this opportunity to send this message across to every nook and cranny of Nigeria that we should play this game (politics) by the rules. We should campaign based on issues. We should ask people to vote for us, based on what we will want to do, whom we are and there should be no room any further for violence.

    “We are also using this opportunity to call on the security agencies to be up and doing, to be independent and not to take sides in this political contest. Our constitution does not allow them to take sides with any political party whatsoever. That imbues them with the independence and the authority to deal with whoever is attempting to perpetrate violence. From what has happened in Rivers State, it is now obvious that when you fail to do the right thing, you may even be the worst for it.”

    Peterside lauded the lawmakers for finding time to be with Rivers people, in spite their busy schedules, since most of them are busy with campaign programmes.

    The Rivers APC’s governorship candidate also expressed displeasure on yesterday’s kidnap of Freddy Ndigbara in his Kaani-Ogoni hometown in Khana LGA of Rivers state, while on ward campaign.

    Peterside said: “Two days ago, a member of the APC was shot in Ogu (headquarters of Ogu/Bolo LGA of Rivers State), a sister community to Okrika. About 8 p.m., he was in his house, two young men just stepped into his house, shot him dead and left, and nothing happened. We have always had military station in Bolo, but about three days ago, the military station was momentarily withdrawn and within that short period they were withdrawn, our people in Bolo were attacked severely. After the attack, the military station was restored.

    “We signed a peace accord in January, facilitated by the American government. US Ambassador was physically present. Shortly after signing the peace accord, APC’s secretariats in Okrika and Andoni, my federal constituency, were bombed. We went further to sign another accord, facilitated by the Inspector-General of Police (Suleiman Abba). He was represented by the AIG, Zone 6, Calabar, Tunde Ogunsakin. After the signing of the second peace accord, APC’s rally venue in Okrika was bombed on January 24, 2015. On a single day, eleven members of APC were killed in Omoku, among other attacks and killings across the 23 LGAs of Rivers State. We have always reported to the police. To our chagrin, till date, not one person has been arrested to our knowledge.

    “We are glad to hear that after the last incident in Okrika, which drew national attention, that the IGP has enpanelled the AIG, Zone 6, to lead investigations to issues of political violence in Rivers State. Like the House of Representatives condemned the development in Rivers State, all men of goodwill must rise up and condemn the emerging trend of political violence in Rivers State. It does no one any good. It is a potential danger to all people and to all Nigerians, but most importantly, to our fledging democracy. Our democracy is still at its fragile stage. It also affects the integrity of the electoral process. In the face of intimidation and harassment, people cannot come out and freely cast their votes. Even when we conduct elections, they will not reflect the will of the people. If results of the elections do not reflect the will of the people, that will be an invitation to anarchy, chaos and crisis. That is not what we are bargaining for. I do not think we are ready for that.”

  • Oyo politics without Adedibu

    Oyo politics without Adedibu

    As political campaigns and related activities peak in Oyo State towards this month’s elections, Correspondent BISI OLADELE weighs the dynamics of the campaigns against the era and style of the late ‘strongman of Ibadan politics, Chief Lamidi Adedibu, and how residents are responding.

    Politicians in Oyo State, like their counterparts in other states, have been on the hustings, trying to convince the electorate to back them.

    From Ogbomoso to Oke-Ogun, Ibarapa to Oyo and all across the length and breadth of Ibadan, the state capital, politics is in the air as candidates and their parties bombard the airwaves with their messages. Billboards and posters adorn strategic places in the towns, cities and even hamlets. Open spaces have been turned into campaign grounds for rallies, drawing people in their hundreds and thousands.

    But hard as the candidates and their supporters try to electrify the crowds at the campaigns, the atmosphere seems to lack drama and razzmatazz associated with such events in Oyo State, especially in Ibadan, the political capital of the Southwest.

    Regarded as the heartbeat of Yoruba politics, Ibadan stands tall in the politics of the Southwest, thanks largely to the number of  colourful politicians who have come out of the ancient city, who in their own unique ways defined politics and politicking in the state.

    From the First Republic through to the present dispensation, the city has thrown up many renowned gladiators, chief among who were Chiefs Adegoke Adelabu (Penkelemesi), Busari Adelakun (Eruobodo) and Lamidi Adedibu, all late. As campaigns and other political activities get hotter for this month’s elections, the flambouyance that marked the approach of the trio of Adelabu, Adelakun and Adedibu (all godfathers of Ibadan/Oyo politics in their time) to politics seems to be gradually fading.

    Political headquarters

    Five major gladiators from different political parties are in the current race to the Agodi Government House. They are Governor Abiola Ajimobi of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Senator Rashidi Ladoja of Accord, Senator Teslim Folarin of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Chief Adebayo Alao-Akala of Labour Party (LP) and Engineer Oluseyi Maknde of the Social Democratic Party (SDP).

    In spite of each of them commanding large followership, no residence of anyone of them or office can be referred to as the headquarters of political activities unlike in the days of Chief Adedibu, the last of the godfathers.

    As the most experienced politician in Ibadan and the state,  during his time, Adedibu’s Molete, Ibadan residence played host to crowds of party faithful, budding politicians, aspirants, candidates and political elders all day long. At the expansive palace, Adedibu also received some of the most notable national political figures, captains of industry, top Islamic clerics, opinion leaders as well as emissaries of traditional rulers.

    Ordinary folks, itinerary drummers, beggars and all sorts also thronged his residence in search of alms and daily bread which they never lacked once they found their way into the compound.

    But the shine is gone in the present time. Though the houses of the four governorship candidates of Ibadan origin also play host to many visitors daily, none presents the strength of Adedibu’s Molete palace, which looked like a market every hour of the day.

    If Adedibu were alive, his Molete residence would have been the first port of call for the presidential candidate of his party, the PDP, President Goodluck Jonathan and other leaders of the party during their recent campaign in Ibadan. They would have also visited the residence regularly to perfect strategies on how to win all the states in Southwest Nigeria.

    Influence/money-for-ticket factor

    Adedibu was a master strategist and consummate politician. In his lifetime, he either played a major role in who became the governor of the state, since the second republic, or singlehandedly chose who occupied the government house at Agodi. Because politicians, particularly members of his own party naturally surrendered leadership to him, he practically decided the party’s candidates in all the previous elections in the state. The major factor in his decision, according to one of his followers, who preferred anonymity, was money and the influence each aspirant wielded.

    This accounted for why, in 2007, Adedibu produced two senators within his large extended family. He played the leading role in the emergence of Senator Rashidi Ladoja as governor in 2003 and singlehandedly produced Chief Alao-Akala as governor in 2007.

    The same cannot be said of any living politician in Oyo State today. In fact, since Ladoja contended with Adedibu, a dispute that led to his illegal impeachment in 2006, Ladoja emerged as a new political bloc in the state but initially struggled to gain acceptance and strength. But today, Ladoja’s bloc is a force to reckon with in Oyo State politics. However, it cannot be safely said that money and political influence determine who picks ticket for offices within Ladoja’s camp.

    The same development plays out in the camp of the current governor, Abiola Ajimobi, who emerged as another political bloc since 2007. As years roll by, Ajomobi political bloc, formerly dubbed ‘Senator Abiola Ajimobi Campaign Organization’ (SENACO), and which has dissolved into the APC, is unarguably the most popular and strongest political group in Oyo State today. Unlike Adedibu’s style, however, money and influence are not the primary factor determining who becomes what in political schemes. As it happened in the December primaries of the party, only popular aspirants emerged as candidates. In the process, even Farouk Alao, the son of the late Ibadan business mogul and Islamic leader, Aare AbdulAzeez Arisekola Alao, failed to pick the party’s ticket for the Ibadan North Federal Constituency during the popularity test. So were the renowned unionists and pro-democracy crusaders, Hon. Ibrahim Bolomope and Mashood Erubami respectively. In the days of Adedibu’s reign, no one would go against baba’s choice. Losers were also compensated with appointments, however.

    The same can be said of Alao-Akala’s, Teslim Folarin’s and Seyi Makinde’s camps. No aspirant needs to grease the palm of these political leaders to pick the party’s ticket.

    Godfather and defection syndrome

    Because of the improvement in the polity and influx of more educated and middle-class people into partisan politics, Adedibu’s exit marked a watershed in the godfather factor in Oyo State politics.

    Once any budding politician enrolled in his Molete ‘school of politics’, his decision was final on their ambition. Anyone that challenged his verdict risked political persecution, together with members of his household. He also risked political oblivion because Chief Adedibu knew all the tactics and wielded so much influence.

    But in today’s politics in Oyo State the political godfather concept has given way to political leader concept. Followers now tell political leaders to their face that they would rather dump the party than settle for what is on offer – and they do just that! That was a taboo in days of Chief Adedibu. Baba’s was the supreme voice in the party and only top, experienced members could differ with the Ibadan high chief. Even at that, they would only stay away, not fighting from within. Such was too dangerous to dare.

    Campaign: Frivolities against important issues

    In the present dispensation in Oyo State the incumbent governor is being tackled on his policies and projects in the last three and a half years during campagns. He is being criticized on his urban renewal project, infrastructural development initiatives, welfare packages for traders, civil servants and management of followers, among others.

    Ajimobi is also hinging his campaign on his outstanding performance, always emphasizing that he outperformed all his predecessors, two of who are in the 2015 race.

    But in the days of Chief Adedibu, development issues were not the priority in campaigns. The high chief anchored his party’s campaigns on the dirty aspects of the opponent’s life. As he led his party’s campaign across the state, Chief Adedibu, who would have carefully dug out the negative sides of the opponent’s life, rolled them out with glee while the crowd of party supporters hailed him and saw the need to reject the opponent.

    This was an area of Adedibu’s dexterity. People loved to listen to him during campaigns. He was a crowd puller and he could be predicted on the content of his campaign.

    His sophistry, rendered in embellished Ibadan dialect, also made a great difference whenever he mounted the podium. The crowd would be silent to hear him while residents rushed to their television set or radio to listen to what Adedibu said at the campaign. The content of his campaign was usually the talk of town for days, weeks and sometimes for years.

    But today, issues confronting residents, communities and groups are the focus of campaigns. Debates are being organized for candidates where issues of developments are addressed. Party manifestos dominate debates and content of campaigns at rallies.

    Thuggery and the commercial drivers’ factor

    Chief Adedibu was the Grand Patron of the Oyo State chapter of the National Union of Road Transport Workers (NURTW) until his death. His grip on the union was firm and his influence great on commercial drivers. He understood their needs, thinking and he spoke their language. This made him enjoy good followership among them.  The union’s chairmen paid homage at Molete and sought his advice.

    With this huge strength, members of the union were always available tools in Adedbu’s hands during political campaigns and other activities. He used them as party supporters and they followed him to wherever he went for campaign. The presence of the commercial drivers, most of who were thugs, formed a huge part of the crowd of supporters at campaigns and also helped him gain control of the crowd while giving his address. They responded with enthusiasm and were on ground to silence anyone that might want to express a dissenting voice against Baba’s position.

    On the other hand, their presence at campaign grounds made many decent people stay away from such places but they stayed glued to their radio and television later in the day to enjoy all Chief Adedibu said at the campaign.

    But in a recent interview with The Nation, his Personal Assistant, Alhaji Hakeem Gbolarumi, described the hoodlums as members of the party. “Those people were all members of the party. Baba never recruited thugs. They were members and they loved Baba to the core. That was why they could do anything for him.” He said.

    But today, even though some thugs are following politicians to campaign grounds, they do not enjoy such freedom and prominence as in the days of the late Chief Adedibu. In fact, any revelation that a candidate is rearing thugs will make him lose support in the state because people have gone through terrible experiences in the hands of the NURTW members in the build-up to the 2011 elections.

    One big breakthrough for the Ajimobi’s administration was how it succeeded in making NURTW members to conduct their activities peacefully. Since he banned activities of the Union on June 6, 2011 following the gruesome murder of many commuters at Iwo Road interchange, he succeeded in stamping out violence among commercial drivers.

    Again, the ruling APC is always hammering the violence and thuggery that marked the era of Ladoja and Alao-Akala from 2003 to 2007 as a reason voters should reject them again in this month’s election.

    Ajimobi’s campaign is wound around the concept of sustaining the peace and development he started three and a half years ago. The twin evil of violence and thuggery has become an albatross for both Alao-Akala and Ladoja.

    Music and food factor

    While politicians talk about stomach infrastructure today, Adedibu adopted the idea early in his leadership period. One of his popular saying was: “For you to survive as a political leader, three quarter of your income must be spent on your followers.” This was the concept that made him gain fame as an ‘amala politician.’

    Because of the low level of most of his followers, Adedibu understood the need to feed them and meet their other basic needs. He did this with gusto and what he gained in return was an army of loyal followers.

    But today, politicians have made the idea a corporate one, packaging raw food in potable bags and offering a pittance to their supporters. Amala is no longer on offer though supporters and needy people still throng homes of political leaders.

    In the corporate stomach infrastructure, however, some supporters get contract for purchase of raw food, packaging and distribution, giving them a decent income.

    Yet, political loyalty has waned unlike in the days of Adedibu.

    Also, while itinerary drummers led Adedibu’s team to campaign grounds, releasing tunes disparaging and abusing opposition candidates, today’s politicians employ the service of musicians who mount the stage at campaigns grounds.

    The musicians, aside eulogizing the party and the candidate that engage them also sing against their opponents. This has been the experience at at Mapo Hall and stadia in the Ibadan. The parties engage popular Fuji musicians in order to draw huge crowd to their rallies.

    While the APC has King Wasiu Ayinde and Rashidi Ayinde on its side, the PDP and LP have Abass Akande (Obesere) on their list. Saheed Osupa plays for the SDP and Accord.

    But at rallies in other towns, parties employ the services of local fuji musicians who they believe will also pull crowd, foster identity with locals and as well reduce cost.

    Speaking on the two eras, a chieftain of the PDP in the state and a governorship aspirant, Alhaji Kehinde Olaosebikan said: “Adedibu has come and gone. He was a gem with his own style of politics. The situation today is different. Adedibu would organize elections all by himself. He did everything all alone. He didn’t believe in structures or election process because he set up his own and he controlled it.

    But he was a good planner, energetic and a master strategist. He did everything on his own with the assistance of his supporters.

    “Adedibu knew how to stoop to conquer. He knew how to get aspirants to support certain choices. The vacuum he left is very clear today. We don’t have any strong leadership again. There is nobody to actually look up to in ability to handle all tough political issues. That is why it has become extremely expensive to run campaigns today. In his days, Adedibu used to assess well. He knew how to bring up candidates that are able to defeat the opponent”.

    Gbolarumi, slightly corroborated Olaosebikan’s position on lack of leadership and insisted that PDP campaigns would have been better handled if the high chief was alive. He said: “When Baba was alive, he assigned me to accomplish all the tasks. But those in the saddle now are troubled with ego. They see me as a threat. Leadership is a problem in the state’s politics today. But we will soon work it out. We shall reach an understanding in the process of time.

    “ If Baba was alive, we in the PDP would have gone far into all nooks and crannies of the state for campaign. But today, there is no clear-cut overall leader. Those assuming leadership still have one thing or the other to learn. But there is the question of whether or not they want to learn.”

    Overall, the colour and glamour in Oyo politics have either changed or faded due to exposure, quest for better ways to handle politics and the passage of the late politician.

     

     

  • Ogun: Between politics and personality

    SIR: Two of the major factors that will return the current Ogun State Governor, Senator Ibikunle Amosun, to power on February 28, are his exemplary performance in office and politics of accommodation.

    When former President Olusegun Obasanjo recently endorsed Amosun for second term, he gave his reasons, which, in my reckoning, are the same as those given by former United States’ Secretary of State, Colin Powell, while endorsing President Barack Obama for second term. Just as Obasanjo belongs to a rival party so is Colin Powell.

    The fact is, there comes a time when even politicians must rise above politics and place public interest above political interest.

    There has been a huge deficit in governance in Ogun before 2011, indeed in Nigeria. Citizens had lost hope in the ability of politicians to restore the glory of the state. They seemed to try their luck in 2011 by casting their votes for the opposition candidate, Amosun. Then within three and a half years, the ray of hope has suddenly become full illumination.

    What again does common sense teach us? Does it make sense to leave certainty for uncertainty, judging from where we are coming from? Now that Amosun is in power, all opposition candidates move freely and air their views on the state television station. That was practically impossible in those days.

    So we must all appreciate Obasanjo for doing what is expected of any rational person at this juncture of the history of Ogun.

    Declared the ex-president, “So, my people, I am not talking about other elections. I have come to tell you that in order to appreciate what this personality (Amosun) has been able to do in the last three and a half years, let us give him our votes.”

    Obasanjo  went further, “In 2011, we were not together. We were together before and I did campaign against him. See what he has been able to do in the last three and a half years in the state. I cannot sacrifice performance for party.

    “What happened in 2011 was politics, and we can all see the difference between politics and personality.”

    Therefore, I restate the call made recently that what Ogun needs at this juncture is continuity. Let us ignore the  selfish and opportunistic declamations of the “tried and failed” politicians. Let us reward diligence, integrity, public spiritedness and sterling achievements. Let’s give thumbs up for the personality of Amosun.

     

    • Soyombo Opeyemi

    Abeokuta

  • Cleric warns against religious sentiment in politics

    Cleric warns against religious sentiment in politics

    The Head of Sacred Cherubim and Seraphim Church of Nigeria and Overseas (C&S), His Eminence Adegboyega Alao, has advised Nigerians not to allow religious sentiment to influence their votes in the upcoming general election.

    He charged them to vote wisely for a candidate that they know is ready to serve the country genuinely.

    Speaking at a press conference to herald the Church 85th Annual General Conference held at Sacred C&S Church, Saint Christianah Olatunde Ogo-Olorun Model Parish District in Ondo, Ondo State, Alao said Nigeria is at a critical stage, noting that if the country fails to get it right this time around, it may spell the end for the nation.

    The Cleric cautioned Nigerians not to allow some desperate politicians to mislead them with sentimental issues, saying, “hunger does not know if you are a Christian or Muslim, unemployment does not know if you are Yoruba, Hausa, or Ijaw, insecurity does not know if you are an Igbo or Hausa but what should be in our minds is that we must vote for a President that can provide food for us, give us protection, give us jobs, and someone who is ready to transform the country”.

    Alao, who lamented the high rate of corruption in the country, suggested that Nigeria needs a President, who according to him would restore discipline back to the nation.

    He explained that the country is already decaying because of bad leadership, noting that was why elections are always over heated by politicians who always want to remain or get to power by force.

    His words, “the polity is daily being over heated by politicians especially by those who history would not forgive if things go wrong; those who have been bent on governing at all cost; those who ought not to forget the past mistakes of others; those who ought to forget what could be the consequence of a do or die electoral victory; those who would be most vulnerable for election malpractices and rigging.

     

  • Women still playing second fiddle in politics

    Women still playing second fiddle in politics

    The political climate in Nigeria since 1999 has provided a platform for the Nigerian women to re-assert themselves. They have been active in the political scene, as members of the National Assembly, ministers and as deputy governors. MUSA ODOSHIMOKHE takes a look at the issue.

    Names like Queen Amina of Zaria, the Megira (Queen Mother) in ancient Kanem Borno, Moremi in Ile-Ife and Emotan in Benin Empire readily comes to mind as some of the notable women that were active politically in pre-colonial times. The importance of the role of women in social change was demonstrated in 1929, when the women of Aba in the Southeast stormed the streets to agitate for better living condition. But, with the passage of time, women’s role in the society reduced considerably. This eventually led to calls for enabling laws to put a benchmark for the participation of women in socio-political and economic life of societies. This was the premise upon which the 1985 International Women Conference in Beijing, China took place.

    No one can deny the impact of the Beijing declaration in politics, even in Nigeria. But, in terms of elective positions occupied by women, the progress has been very slow. Going by the number of women at the National Assembly and other elective offices, it is obvious that women still have a long way to go, as far as the 30 per cent benchmark recommended in Beijing is concerned. At the beginning of the current political dispensation in 1999, the percentage of women who vied for elective positions was put at 2.7 per cent in the Senate and about five per cent at the House of Representatives. In 2007, the figure rose to 8.25 per cent for the Senate and 7.22 per cent for the House of Representatives.

    But, the 2007 figure is still a far cry from the 30 per cent recommended by the International Women Conference in Beijing, China in 1985. Even at the Federal Government level, where efforts have been made to achieve the recommendation through appointments in ministerial posts, the courage to contest elective position by women has been minimal.

    Right now, only seven out of the 109 senators are women. This amounts 6.4 per cent. Similarly, only 25 out of the 362 members of the House of Representatives or 6.9 per cent are women. Analysts believe this is not encouraging enough. The female senators who have been distinguished themselves so far, they are in various committees where their impacts have been felt.

    In the Senate we have senators Oluremi Tinubu of the All Progressives Congress (APC) Lagos State, Nkechi Nwaogu of the People Democratic Party (PDP) Abia State, Margery Chuba-Okadigbo PDP Anambra State, Chris Anyanwu PDP Imo State, Zainab Kadir-Kure PDP Niger State, Helen Esuene PDP Akwa Ibom State and Nenadi Usman PDP Kaduna State who are all making wakes in the country.

    Nwaogu who is the chairman Committee on Banking sponsored the bill that gave birth to Asset Management Corporation of Nigeria (AMCON) with the mandate to stabilise the financial sector. Her duties as the chairman of the committee has been applauded, ensuring that the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and other monetary institution work in accordance with laid down rules and regulation.

    The promotion of the rights and dignity of the poor by Senator Tinubu has brought the suffering of the downtrodden to the front burner. The senator has been canvassing for the wellbeing of many Nigerians who are not even sure of the next meal, much more what to put over their heads as shelter.

    Her constituency programme and donations made to the poor has taken many youths out of the streets. The youths have been empowered to seek alternative source of livelihood. During her tenure as the First Lady of Lagos State, her non-governmental organisation the New Era Foundation promoted and assisted women who learn new skills and crafts.

    Senator Nenadi Usman has given the people of Kaduna North a sense of belonging. Her representation at the National Assembly indicated that the people who voted for her did the right thing. As a former Commissioner in three ministries; Women Affairs, Environment and Natural Resources, and Health the confidence reposed in her during her service to Kaduna State has been re-asserted at other national assignments.

    She is one of the few women that have been calling for an increase women participation in politics. The lawmaker was around during the National Republic Convention (NRC) and the Social Democratic Party (SDP) days pitching her tent with NRC. Usman has empowered lots of women and youth during the period under review.

    Hon. Mulikat Akande Adeola of the House of Representatives narrowly missed the speakership of the House. Though, the position eluded her, her performance at the lower chamber is exemplifying. She is an advocate and supporter of legislations that will impact positively on her constituency and the country as a whole.

    Similarly, the lower chamber could not have earned the much-needed respect it enjoys without the contributions of members like Hon. Abike Dabiri-Erewa, Beni Lar, Uzoamaka Nnaji and Olajumoke Okoya-Thomas.

    Their contributions to debates on issues in the House have been very robust. This has justified the growing agitation for greater women participation in all the facets of the country’s national life.

    In some states likes Osun, Ekiti, Lagos, Anambra, Akwa Ibom and Anambra where women have served as deputy governors and governor, it has become the maxim in the political circle to look for a female deputy governor for gender balancing. This is no doubt based on their contribution in the past.

    They have equally been considered on religious grounds, because they are believed to be more compassionate than their male counterparts. Though firm in some instances, women never lose the sight of the fact that they are the mothers of the nation who the youth and vulnerable group of the society look up to.

    In Lagos State, the two governorship candidates of the major political parties, Mr. Akinwunmi Ambode of the APC and Mr. Jimi Agbaje of the PDP have chosen Dr. Oluranti Adebule and Alhaja Safurat Abdulkareem respectively as their running mates in the forthcoming governorship election. The duo was chosen based on their religious background. Their impact among the market women, the women advocacy group and the gender sensitive Nigerian society cannot be relegated. They are expected to drum support for the success of their parties at the polls.

    Despite all the modalities put in place to get more women involved politics, their participation is still below expectation. The First Lady and wife of the Benue State governor Yemisi Suswam at a public lecture at the University of Jos noted that the 35 per cent women affirmation by the Federal Government had not been met.

    Mrs. Suswan who advocated for gender equality during the lecture noted that the process must start with the encouragement of women in the economic sector. She said that women lacked equal opportunity in politics like their male counterparts.  According to her, there are lots of challenges that constrained women from making progress in their various careers, stressing that custom and culture have being a major handicap on the ladder of progress of women.

    She said most challenges being faced by women due to lack of formal education have persisted for too long and that preference was given to the male child when it comes to mental and physical development by parents.

    She decried the culture that forbids women from seeking employment. She said women are being over burdened with abnormal conditions when they seek paid job or contest for elective positions in society.

    In the same vein, Senator Florence Ita-Giwa said women have not been courageous enough to stand up to be counted in the political environment. She said the opportunities that are available to women have not been well utilised. She said: ‘’Women are always afraid to venture into business; they often ask whether they will succeed when they go into business. This is a problem; even in the field of politics they are afraid. Their male counterparts know that women have this fear. As a result, men now use that fear to intimidate women.

    “If the women can conquer fear, they will be able to realise their dreams. When they are ready to face whatever obstacle that stands on their way, they will make progress. I have been in politics for over 23 years; I have come to understand that women need to take bold initiatives to be able to overcome the challenges.’’

    The senator said women should drop the notion that they want to take over from men, noting that they should strive to collaborate with them to move the country forward. “We should have confidence in ourselves; we should think of complementing each other. There are areas that you can be good at and there are areas that I can good at. It is not about pushing men out. I don’t believe in feminism; I believe that the strength of a woman is your ability to things as a woman. I like being a woman because woman means beauty and if I have another opportunity of coming back to this world, I will like to come back as a woman.’’

    Meanwhile, President Goodluck Jonathan has reaffirmed his drive for women affirmation, saying that his administration is gender friendly. At the Nigerian Women Strategy Conference, President Jonathan said one of the policy-direction of his government is the increased women participation in governance.

    He said: ‘’We have set the target of meeting the Millennium Development Goals of promoting gender equality, empowerment and the 35 affirmative Action on Women representation in governance. I am proud that our women have never had it so good. Our administration, to say the least, is gender-friendly.

    ‘’Apart from the accomplishment of women in the political sphere and their career pursuits, we have had significant progress in their meteoric rise to the pinnacle of their professions. We have had Women Speakers, woman governor, deputy governors, members of the House of Representatives, members of the Houses of Assembly, local government chairperson and councillors at the grassroots.’’

    However, women still have a long way to go in their quest to occupy key positions in the polity. Former Deputy Governor of Lagos State, Senator Kofoworola Bucknor said only women know what they want. She added that it is up to the male folk to support them.

    She said: “By the next dispensation, we should be able to have a woman governor in the country. We have not been able to achieve this because most of the time men will not support them. They would say if there is a woman there, how can they go to the woman to ask for favour?

    ‘’How can a woman be boss over me? But I still maintain that women are better managers. They manage their household and family finances. If they are given the chance to manage the finances of the country, I think they will instil more fiscal discipline and Nigeria will be better for it.’’

    Hon. Dabiri-Erewa said the 35 per cent affirmation in Nigeria is a ruse, noting that countries with least socio-political pedigree in Africa have fared better than Nigeria in term of women participation in public and the private sectors of the country’s national life.

    She said: “There are some countries that are better than Nigeria in Africa in terms of women affirmation. Countries like Rwanda and Kenya. Nigeria is far down the ladder; I even see the figure reducing in the parliament come next election.

  • Nexus between politics, journalism

    Over the years, society has shown the curious interconnection between two major aspects of:  politics and journalism. There has been a mysterious link between the duo for a very long time. Many struggled and wished to stay at one end of both ropes, but such attempts seemed futile. Several people have crossed the boundary, dangling between both paths more than once. It is rather obvious that there is a clear firewall between two professions. There seem to be a very thin boundary, or perhaps, a reflective door in the firewall, such that with time, politicians and journalists cross the line  changing roles and moving from side to side. When they cross, there is somewhat complete attainment of different characters, thus, journalists have a shaky responsibility.

    As a direct consequence, it can be argued that there is nothing wrong with a journalist making on a foray into politics. However, it becomes knotty when a journalist aims to campaign while reporting. Otherwise, we get caught up in biased judgements.

    Today, the elites are often not comfortable with the media, and in the same vein, the media look at the government with contempt whenever its freedom is tampered with. The super-powers are often in war with reporters; and the reason for this is the suspicion that a free press could lionise an ordinary citizen to an extent of causing a shift in power base. This assumption, is erroneous in journalism.

    The most important attribute can be linked to efforts of antediluvian journalists cum politicians such as Nnamdi Azikiwe, Herbert Macaulay, Obafemi Awolowo and others, who all cut their first teeth in journalism before joining politics.

    The provision of Section 22 of 1999 Constitution confers the freedom of press on Nigerian media. It reads inter-alia: “the press, radio, television and other agencies of mass media shall at all times be free to uphold the fundamental objectives contained in this chapter and uphold the responsibility and accountability of the government to the people.”  This particular provision relates to all media practitioners and press outfits throughout the Federal republic of Nigeria. It also grants private individuals the power to run their own press outfits or consolidate the government-owned. In this regard, the media remains the sole watchdog of the three components of the government, to wit; executive, judiciary and the legislature.

    In a nutshell, the nexus between journalism and politics is divergent. Thus, there has been a growing case of symbiotic relationship between the two. For better outcome, all concerned parties need to define their responsibilities and maintain their niche without transgressing same.

     

    •Aminat, 400-Level Chemistry, UNILORIN

  • 2015 Politics: Oh God our help in ages past…

    2015 Politics: Oh God our help in ages past…

    As we pray for divine help in relation to the 2015 presidential and other elections, let us not forget that choosing a leader through elections is basically a terrestrial and not a celestial endeavour

    For a society that is world famous or notorious for having more prayer warriors than any other country of its size on the planet to have gone in the last few weeks into a higher praying gear must mean  that citizens are more apprehensive than they normally are. The source of apprehension appears to be the polity, particularly the conflict between the politics of tradition and change. So manifest is the perceived threat to Nigeria’s peace and progress that even the Pope found time to ask for a special prayer for Nigeria.  Obasanjo has also called for special prayers and fasting for Nigeria. Political and religious leaders and their followers are calling for divine intervention from various corners of the country in matters that are essentially human constructs. Those with the courage to recognise separation of church/mosque and state are calling in their own recommendations for caution and restraint on the part of politicians, as a way to save the country from the abyss in 2015.

    Given the stridency of calls on God to save the country, first-time visitors to the country would have thought that Christianity and Islam had just come to the country and that those in positions of leadership in the country have just known Jesus or Mohammed. Such people would not realise that there had been no time since 1960 that the country’s leaders had not been persons of Christian or Islamic faith. Even during the decades of military rule, all the dictators from Gowon to Abacha and their assistants were Christians or Muslims. Nothing is new about the current enthusiasm of political and cultural leaders to push political issues to God. This practice is in consonance with the habit of the average Nigerian to give unto God what is Caesar’s. Buck passing is an aspect of the proverbial Nigerian Factor.

    There seems to be no cogent reason for the palpable fear and tension that have enveloped the nation since the emergence of Buhari and Jonathan as presidential candidates of the country’s two major political parties. It is hard to find any reason for the panic that has become manifest in all sections of the polity, particularly among direct and indirect spokespersons for the status quo. Many young people are wondering why elders and adults in public life are worried stiff about 2015,  to the extent that those not calling frantically for prayers seem compelled by the look of things to call for  special protocols to replace the constitution.

    Just recently, a one-time minister of foreign affairs called  (apparently out of concern for peace and stability in the country) on presidential candidates and their parties to sign a special memorandum of  understanding in which they pledge not to allow their supporters to get violent after the presidential  election. One wrong assumption about post-election violence is that it is candidates and party leaders that allow voters to protest against election malpractice when citizens perceive that their votes have been stolen. In all the elections that had led to violence on account of rigging in this country: 1965 Western Nigeria’s parliamentary election; 1983 Ondo State gubernatorial election; and the spontaneous one at the end of the 2011 presidential election; there was no evidence that it was candidates or party leaders that instigated voters to get on the streets to defend their votes.  A more realistic and dependable way to prevent post-election violence is for INEC to ensure that the elections are not only free and fair but are also seen by members of all political parties to be free and fair. This is a surer way to prevent any violence than making candidates sign special Memorandum of Undertakings.

    It is INEC that is charged constitutionally to conduct free and fair elections.  It is not the job of the president to promise free and fair elections.  All encouragements should be given to INEC to do its job in such a way that it does not throw Nigeria into avoidable crisis on account of poor or substandard performance of a task that is crucial to the country’s peace and stability. The constitutional responsibility of the president vis-à-vis election does not go beyond ensuring adequate funding of the agency charged with conduct of election. It is not the job of the president to conduct election; he only needs to guarantee the independence of the electoral body. President Jonathan also has no reason to be promising that the election will be free and fair, as doing so implies that there is a role for the president in conducting an election constitutionally assigned to an independent electoral commission.

    Given the erratic nature of release of PVCs to registered voters, INEC does not appear to be doing enough to give citizens time to collect their PVCs.  The system of giving out PVCs on and off in different parts of the country at different times does not make for the efficiency required for the important task of ensuring that no duly registered citizen is disenfranchised. Part of the tension in the air must be related to the fact that there are still thousands or even millions of voters who are yet to collect their permanent voter cards six weeks to the election. For example, Elebu in Iddo Local Government area of Ibadan still had at the beginning of this week thousands of permanent voter cards waiting to be collected by their owners. There may be many more of such wards all over the country that are yet to release PVCs to potential voters.

    Instead of asking for memorandum of undertaking from candidates, efforts can still be made to ensure that INEC is able to give out all permanent voter cards before the elections. PVCs that are not collected by the end of January should be invalidated and their numbers published in national dailies. In other words, the best way to assure Nigerians that their votes matter is to ensure that INEC is able to conduct free and fair elections in an atmosphere that is devoid of any form of intimidation of voters. What happened in Ekiti and Osun States earlier in the year should not be a model for the 2015 elections. It is reassuring that President Jonathan had promised in his New Year message that INEC would be given all the support it needs to conduct free and fair elections in 2015.

    Our democracy must be prepared to experience whatever difficulties are part of electoral democracy. We should do everything to organise a credible election and have the courage to abide by citizens’ verdict at the polls. The strength of democracy is that candidates-be they incumbents or not-have the same chance to persuade citizens to vote for them at elections. And once an election is free and fair, any party that becomes violent then becomes an enemy of democracy and the country. And citizens should be up to the task to resist any senseless violence driven by any individual’s inordinate ambition. In other words, what needs to inspire pundits and citizens about the elections of February of 2015 is the imperative of free and fair election.

    Furthermore, media pundits need to avoid misleading the average voter through sensational headlines about perfect candidates for the presidency. There is no candidate anywhere in the world that is perfect for any office. It is not part of the culture of democracy to look for perfect candidates or messiahs.  Let our media assist our people to do what people do in other democracies: choose the best fit for the job at hand out of the many candidates presented by political parties. As we pray for divine help in relation to the 2015 presidential and other elections, let us not forget that choosing a leader through elections is basically a terrestrial and not a celestial endeavour. Putting electoral matters in hands of God may not be enough to guarantee free and fair elections.

    Let us remember that our responsibility as citizens and leaders is to ensure that the election to choose the next set of leaders to govern the country is transparently free and fair. Once an incontrovertibly free and fair election is assured, we can be sure that all the gods that 160 million Nigerians worship in different ways will be around to help shame anyone who opts for violence.