The Nation Newspaper

Tag: politics

  • Photo: Tambuwal defects to APC

    Photo: Tambuwal defects to APC

  • Fortifying frontiers of opposition politics

    Fortifying frontiers of opposition politics

    Nigeria clocked 54 over two days ago but the search for that great leader with the capacity to inspire the country to greatness continues. To this column, the pertinent questions are:Where in Nigeria is the opposition that is the blaze that tempers the rapier and the frost that calms fiery rage? Where is effective opposition of the mould that the nation could learn from? These questions are what political opposition in year 2015 should provide answers for as subtle planning for next year being one when fresh general elections will be conducted.

    It is important for the opposition to rally support to uproot the current go-slow government from Aso-Rock. The opposition needs to rally by providing leadership option that would throw up a presidential candidate that can inspire us to be what we know we could be.

    However, this is achievable provided the opposition will not submit to covert and overt official attempts to decimate them. President Goodluck Jonathan, like his predecessors in office, seems not to appreciate the existence of the opposition. He seems to have forgotten that the opposition is indispensable in any system. His political henchmen will be machinating on how to pocket the opposition before the next elections but if he allows this rather than good governance as his score card, then he will be acting un-statesmanly.

    Walter Lippmann has some words for Jonathan when he said: ‘A good statesman, like any other sensible human being, always learns more from his opponents than from his fervent supporters. Perhaps the current direction is that his supporters may push him to disaster unless his opponents show him where the dangers are. So if he is wise, he will often pray to be delivered from his friends who had already endorsed his sole candidacy for the ruling People’s Democratic Party(PDP), because they will ruin him. But though it hurts, he ought also to pray never to be left without opponents; for they keep him on the path of reason and good sense.’ This should act as food for though for the president in as 2015 approaches.

    Again what does the nation’s political opposition have in stock for Nigerians in 2015?

    Whenever one thinks of the current opposition politics in Nigeria, what readily comes to mind is the statement of that British statesman, Benjamin Disraeli when he said: ‘Circumstances are beyond human control, but our conduct is in our own power.’ The statement becomes apt in view of the fact that President Jonathan’s ascension to power was a fait accompli, but his retention of power should not be viewed as such by Nigerians and especially the opposition. The president assumes power not by popular ballot but upon the death of his boss, late President Umaru Yar’Adua, despite high wired intrigues by grovellers of the late president against his constitutional choice. The opposition at this time should do everything to ensure that the president’s re-election bid in 2015 is truly determined by the people. But so far, what is the opposition doing to make sure the process is not hijacked from them? Is the opposition currently doing enough to stop Jonathan by making the votes count in less than six months time? What about the electoral tyranny from the centre government? How can it be stopped?

    Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, former governor of Lagos state and national leader of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), unarguably Nigeria’s largest opposition party, in July 2011, delivered a lecture at London’s Royal Institute of International Affairs on “Democracy and the Rebirth of the Opposition in Nigeria” where he gave a dour admonition: “Our country’s democracy remains a parody of true democracies. Ours has mimicked some essential aspects of military and authoritarian rule.” While one agrees with this realistic submission, it will be opportune to equally ask what the opposition in the Nigeria’s political firmament has done to erase all traces of tyranny and authoritarianism in the polity. Are they not complicit in this oppressive game?

    Yes, we might say that the opposition under this democratic dispensation has made remarkable onslaughts in some areas, rising glowingly to the occasion by saving the nation from avoidable periodic tyrannical blows. Let’s have a peep into two of such occasions. One was the attempt by former president Olusegun Obasanjo, a master in the game of tyranny, to elongate his tenure that has now been commonly referred to as the Third Term Agenda, even when the 1999 Constitution (as amended) allows for two terms of four years each. The opposition with the support of some conservatives vanquished the idea. Another was when the opposition party in the south-west mobilised the people to route out of power the oppressively conservative PDP administrations in virtually all the Yoruba speaking states.

    Despite these notable landmarks however, one could still not fathom why the opposition, especially in the south-west, refused to field a presidential candidate in 2003 Presidential election while surreptitiously rooting for the candidate of the centre party? It still remains baffling why and how ‘go slow’ President Jonathan cleared the entire votes in south-west, except Osun state, in the 2011 presidential election when the ruling progressive Action Congress of Nigeria(ACN) party, presumably the most popular party in those areas had its own presidential candidate. This I consider to be a gaffe and do hope such will not repeat itself in 2015 because the partisan and the non partisan are now regretting the 2011 electoral choice of Jonathan.

    As we begin the race towards 2015, no rapprochement between the centre party and opposition political parties will foster any good result that could be of common benefit in the end. The fact that something has not been achieved before does not mean it would not be achieved one day. Some might allude to the fact that in the First and Second Republics, efforts geared towards upstaging ruling parties through mergers failed. Fingers will be pointed to the First Republic when the United Progressive Grand Alliance (UPGA) comprising the National Council for Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) and the Action Group failed to upstage then ruling centre party – the Northern People’s Congress (NPC). Also in the Second Republic- the National Party of Nigerian (NPN) remained the central ruling party, despite the alliance under the name- People’s Progressive Alliance (PPA) by the Nigerian People’s Party (NPP), Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), People’s Redemption Party (PRP) and Great Nigeria People’s Party (GNPP). Since the advent of democratic rule in1999, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) has forcefully sustained this curious tradition that led those two Republics to nowhere.

    It is a good thing that the All Progressives Congress is soon to present its own presidential candidate that will face President Jonathan next February but the leadership must ensure that the process leading to that do not lead to the decimation of the leading opposition party. The need for the opposition party to be truthful, sincere and steadfast in pursuit of the priced political position is now. This is necessary so as to upstage the ruling PDP centre government. In 2015 expectedly, the opposition will have no excuse for failure because Nigerians eagerly look forward to seeing it lay the foundation for a formidable front necessary for achieving meaningful political re-orientation and desired democratic change.

     

    NOTE: This piece was first published in this column on January 4, 2013 but reproduced here for its continuing relevance to prevailing situations, with slight modifications.

  • APC: Jonathan playing politics with Chibok girls

    APC: Jonathan playing politics with Chibok girls

    The All Progressives Congress (APC) has accused the Federal Government of seeking to negotiate the timing of the release of the Chibok girls to create a public relations boost, rather than out of a genuine concern for the girls. They are in their sixth months in captivity.

    In a statement yesterday by its National Publicity Secretary, Alhaji Lai Mohammed, the party said the clearest evidence of the government’s manipulation of the girls’ release came during President Goodluck Jonathan’s visit to New York to attend the UN General Assembly.

    “Apparently assured, somehow that the girls were about to be released, the administration set up an elaborate publicity event in New York, rented the necessary crowd and booked back-to-back interviews with the international media to enable the President luxuriate in the girls’ release. This event was billed for the five-star Pierre Hotel in Manhattan, close to the UN headquarters.

    “Nigerians will remember that on September 23, the military announced, on Twitter, the imminent release of the girls, only to retract the statement shortly after. In the intervening period, thousands of ‘supporters’ of the President gathered at the Pierre Hotel to welcome the President after the release of the girls, while media interviews were booked for him.

    “Such an occasion required prior organisation and knowledge by the government and attendees of the timing of any release of the girls. This whole episode was timed to also coincide with President Jonathan’s speech to the UN General Assembly the next day – September 24th – and to secure maximum advantage for the government. Somehow, the whole process collapsed like a pack of cards, to the chagrin of those seeking to exploit the innocent girls for political advantage,” it said.

    The APC condemned the politicisation of the plight of the Chibok girls, saying since the incompetence of the Jonathan administration led to the abduction of the girls in the first instance, it must not seek to make political capital out of their release.

    “What should be paramount is securing the release of the girls as soon as possible, not securing their release to fit with a schedule that benefits President Jonathan politically. For the girls, their parents and indeed all Nigerians, this abduction saga has been a nightmare. It is time for it to end,” the party said.

    It said the same Jonathan administration that rebuffed appeals from well-meaning Nigerians to negotiate the release of the girls in their early days in captivity, had suddenly swung into “feverish action”, sending its cronies to negotiate with the abductors and even expressing the readiness to swap the Boko Haram commanders for the girls.

    “We believe the government should do whatever it takes to secure the release of the girls. We believe nothing is too much to do to get the girls back home safely and bring relief to their parents and families. But we suspect government’s sudden effort, which is aimed at giving a boost to President Jonathan’s candidacy for next year’s presidential election.

    “This is most unconscionable, most exploitative and blatantly shameless. It confirms what we have been saying all along that the Jonathan administration knows more about the Boko Haram insurgency than it has admitted, and that the administration is exploiting the insurgency for the President’s re-election. Decent Nigerians are scandalised at this exploitative and deceitful behaviour of their government, and it must stop forthwith,” APC said.

  • Despicable politics

    •It is monumental that the House of Reps is torn along partisan lines on the $9.3 million gun-running scandal

    The tragedy of contemporary Nigeria, especially under the Goodluck Jonathan Presidency, with its unfazed one-second, one-scandal image, is that nothing shocks anybody anymore; and Nigeria becomes progressively even more soulless.

    That aptly describes the shame of the aborted plenary debate, in the House of Representatives, over the shocking $9.3 million gun-running scandal. South Africa has seized the money, which Nigeria claims belongs to it. But three private individuals – two Nigerians and an Israeli-  were caught, fingers in cookie jar, trying to smuggle, into South Africa, this huge but undeclared sum.

    Aside from the shame of Nigeria breaching its own policy of a cashless economy, not to mention brazenly undermining international protocols on how to legitimately move money to buy arms, the scandal also involves Pastor Ayo Oritsejafor, Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) president, and an ally of President Jonathan.

    In a high season of unreason and crass sentimentality, CAN has gone ahead to defend the indefensible of its president’s involvement, instead of distancing CAN from the sordid affair. Clearly, the high shrine of Nigerian Christendom appears quite happy and willing to stake and squander its essence on this crass politicking! Still CAN, even as a religious body, is entitled to run its affairs its own way, even if it must brace itself for the negative fallout of its action — Nigeria, after all, is a secular state.

    But this is one luxury the Nigerian parliament does not enjoy — and that is what brings its aborted plenary debate out in bold relief.  The Nigerian parliament ought to be ultra-sensitive to any attack on the national psyche and honour. This gun-running scandal qualifies for such, if there is any.

    Yet, the best the House of Representatives could manage was a disgraceful partisan response. The opposition pushed for a plenary debate.  The government side, led by Deputy Speaker, Emeka Ihedioha, presiding on the day, stone-walled the plenary, insisting on relegating the discourse to a committee.  It is clear that, in the build-up to 2015, politics trumps everything: no ethics, no common national ethos, no code of conduct — just brazen manoeuvre to corner power!

    Yet, pressing questions remain unanswered, as rightly asked by the opposition legislators, who walked out of the aborted session, and promptly addressed a press conference: Which one is faster — wire transfer or ferrying cash? Why was the South African government not alerted  if it was a legitimate security transaction?  Why didn’t the adventurers declare the amount on them, knowing every traveller must declare any amount in excess of $2, 500?

    Why was the huge government money moved by a private jet, when no less than six presidential jets lay fallow? Why were officials from the office of the National Security Adviser (NSA) and Department of State Security (DSS) operatives not on the trip? Why did the Jonathan government break its own cashless policy?  Why was the Nigerian High Commission in South Africa not in the know? Why was the legitimate government of Nigeria involved in the illegitimate attempt to smuggle $9.3 million into another country? And lastly: is it just happenstance that one of the aircraft involved belongs to a clergy who is Jonathan’s personal friend, and an unrepentant pusher of the president’s cause?

    It is a monumental national shame that even these questions could not galvanise a bi-partisan outrage to attack and defeat a clear national morass.  But the opposition in the House of Representatives has done well by putting these questions on the national front burner.  They, and every right-thinking Nigerian, must continue to push for answers, even as the government bench tries hard to stonewall.

    If Nigeria must be saved from a wilful descent into the abyss, this is no time to sit on the fence. Anything short of that is despicable politics. It can only push Nigeria into the unenviable rank of banana republics, where just about anything goes, no matter how absurd.

  • Why we must separate politics and sport

    As a young boy, I grew up loving the round leather game called football. Like most youths, I grew up seeing people playing it in my neighbourhood. They would gather in groups to play soccer either on an open field or unused land. At times, they would go to the main road to entertain themselves. The enthusiasm of the people in watching the national team play explains that Nigeria is a great football nation.

    The achievement of the country in continental and global soccer is such that echoes the tag: “Giant of Africa”. That, of course, manifests in our national life. The memories of great moments like the Tunisia 94 triumph, the success in Atlanta 96 and most recently the national team’s win at the 2013 Africa Cup of Nation remain indelible in our minds.

    Apart from the fact that football offers jobs to hundreds of thousands in Nigeria, it is also the only sport that unites the people genuinely. In soccer, there is no ethnicity, religion or politics. Football has bestowed honours in Nigeria.

    However, recent development in the sport sector is very disturbing. For the umpteenth time, crisis is threatening havoc on this beautiful game that has genuinely united us as a people. Nigeria football is in deep water and if drastic measures are not taken, the country may lose its hard-earned unity it has enjoyed through football.

    Sometimes, I am prompted to ask what the crisis is truly all about. Is it about the same corruption that has ravaged the public offices and corporate firm? Or is it lack of competent football administrators as it is the case in all parts of the country? Should it be the interference from the government which the Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) frowns at?

    As it is, everything is wrong with our football at the moment and it is imperative that all the stakeholders involved in the running of Nigerian football do the needful to avoid the disgraceful consequence of a ban by the FIFA.

    The Federal Government has a responsibility not to allow politics to crop into the nation’s football. But frequent change of the Minster of Sport is not helping matter either; this has proven to be counterproductive to a sound policy and rigid football development.

    For instance, in the last 15 years alone, 12 sports ministers have been appointed to oversee sport ministry. The sack of the immediate past Minister of Sport, Mr Bolaji Abdullahi, is rather political than being altruistic. It even negates the popular saying in sport, which goes thus: “You don’t change a winning team.”

    The minister was booted out at a time our football was taking shape. The Under-17 team of the Golden Eaglet conquered the world through soccer. They are the reigning champions. Likewise, the senior national team, the Super Eagles, against all expectations, also conquered Africa after a 19-year without a trophy.

    The story is the same for our local league. Abdullahi evolved a system that resuscitated the Nigeria Premier league. The establishment of the League Management Company (LMC) upped the ante and ensured fans returned to our stadia to watch our local league. Through the LMC, the issues of fans’ apathy towards the local league and poor pitches are reduced. The former minister never allowed self-interest and politics to be placed above professionalism.

    In the case Kwara United Football Club fans, who assaulted match officials during a league in Ilorin, Abdullahi ensured law took its course. Kwara United was found guilty, fined and banned to play in Lokoja. As a result, the team was relegated to the lower cadre of the league. This is Abdullahi’s home town and if he could do that, it shows the ex-minister administered the affairs of the sport sector dispassionately.

    The appointment of Mr Tammy Danagogo is more of a curse than blessing to Nigeria football. The dismal performance of the senior national team at the World Cup in Brazil was said to have been the cause of a crisis that has now degenerated to a level where the nation had to risk FIFA ban.

    From the outset, there had been allegations of corruption against senior officials of the Nigeria Football Federation (NFF), which later led to the ‘impeachment’ of its president, Alhaji Aminu Maigari. His purported resignation and re-instatement was done when the NFF secretariat was razed by fire in a suspicious circumstance.

    But the actions of Danagogo have, however, attracted condemnation by soccer lovers. The handling of the crisis rocking football house has been blamed on his inability to exercise restraint in what FIFA termed as undue interference.

    Now that the crisis is taking its toll on our sport that is connected to football in Nigeria, the local league has since been suspended without a date for resumption. The Super Eagles’ lacklustre performance in AFCON qualifying fixtures is symptom of a crisis in the football house. The present situation demands that all hand must be on deck to rescue Nigerian sport from the path of ruin. This, we must start, by ensuring we separate politics from sport.

     

    Ibrahim, graduating student of Zoology, UDUS

     

  • Participate in politics, students told

    Participate in politics, students told

    The Secretary-General of Pharmaceutical Association of Nigeria Students (PANS) has organised a seminar for students of the Department of Pharmacy.

    The event, which took place at the Lecture Theatre IV, was attended by representatives of Pharmaceutical Society of Nigeria (PSN) and Pharmaceutical Council of Nigeria (PCN).

    The Secretary of PSN, Dr Felix Nduka, encouraged the students to imbibe good attitude in their endeavours, stating that pharmacists were not to be depressed by happenings around them.

    He said: “This is the maiden edition of the pharmacy talk show between pharmacists and pharmacy students. Today’s event is going to be highly informative as you will all be given opportunity to ask questions on any matters that may seem ambiguous in pharmacy.”

    The Chairman of the Edo State chapter of PSN, Solomon Ikpefan, decried the poor attitude of pharmacy students to politics. He stressed that the ‘book only’ lifestyle was not enough to survive in today’s society, stating that pharmacy students live a triangular life that was detrimental to modern career life.

    “Although I was the best graduating student in my class, I would tell you that no profession can go far without politics. Pharmacy students ought to network and not live a secluded life, involve in politics either at the faculty level or in the student Union government. This will help build the network you require to survive in the profession; the curriculum of the pharmacy school is under review, this is done in order to reduce the work load of the pharmacy students.”

    High point of the event was the quiz competition of which Akpan Eti-Inyene, 200-Level; Jennifer Otakhor, 500-Level and Christopher Ilegoghe, 600 -Level emerged first, second and third positions respectively.

    Speaking to CAMPUSLIFE, Toluwani Osabiya, 300-Level Pharmacy, said: “I didn’t like politics before this talk show, but now I am willing to sponsor a candidate in any political office he wishes to vie for.”

    Meanwhile, the Academic Committee organised a seminar titled: “Building a consummate pharmacist”. Present at the event were Jacob Egharevba, Chief Pharmacist, University of Benin Teaching Hospital; Dr Emmanuel Oloton, Pharmaceutical Association of Nigerian Students (PANS); President, University of Benin chapter Samuel Ugwumba, speaker of PANS congress Ikechukwu Abah, Dr Mathew Arewoh and Chairman Chartered Institute of Personnel Management (CIPM), Mr Festus Awo-Osagie.

    In his remark, Egharevba told the students to lead a responsible life, saying it would help to give the profession a good name.

    Highlights of the event included the raffle draw where winners were given pressing iron, chargeable lanterns and calculators.

  • Why I joined politics, by hotelier

    A prominent promoter of the hospitality industry in the country, Chief Bonaventure Mokwe has said he joined Anambra politics to join hands with Governor Willie Obiano to move the state forward.

    Chief Mokwe, owner of Upper Class Hotel located at No. 8, Old Market Road, Onitisha, Anambra State, which was demolished by former governor of the state, Mr. Peter Obi over allegations that human heads and AK47 rifles were found in one of the rooms, said governance is all about pursuit of the common good devoid of self-centredness.

    Mokwe, who said he spent over 80 days in the cell of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS), Awkuzu, because of the false allegation declared for the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) on August 24.

    He said one of the reasons for joining the party is to prove to people that he is broad-minded, adding that ordinarily, he has no business with the party of the state’s helmsman who destroyed his property if he is such a man that is petty.

    He promised to expose the inadequacies of Obi, whose administration he described as a failed adventure, adding that Obi’s crime fighting initiative was meant to witch-hunt real and perceived political enemies.

    Narrating his ordeal, he alleged he was approached by one R.T Martins, proxy to Fidelity Bank Plc to purchase the property for the bank which Obi has an interest in, a demand he said he refused.

    He alleged that it was after the meeting and his subsequent refusal to sell the property to him that the property was demolished.

    The hotelier sued Obi for N3 billion as damages over the alleged demolition, stating that a proper investigation was not carried out before his hotel was pulled down, adding that the room 102 where the human skull was allegedly found was where a customer who used John Obi as pseudonym lodged the night prior to the demolition of the property. He also said the customer had not checked out of the hotel at the time the police arrived and recovered the items.

    He said: “My hotel was demolished less than two hours after my arrest. Even when the police knew the real identity of the lodger, they did nothing; rather the officer in charge called him and said he should forget what had happened.

    “You have three other hotels, forget about the one that was demolished. When they saw there was nothing they could hold against me, they framed me up for murder. “As at today, I have no pending case against me in any court. I am in possession of my property. The court has long declared the action of Obi’s government illegal.”

    On his joining politics, he said: “My entry into partisan politics was a decision I made after consulting prominent Aguata natives and my larger family. The youths of my town and my neighbouring towns; Uga, Amesi,Achina, Akpo and Ezinifite Aguata were all instrumental to my decision.

    “For the past 10 years, I have been the number one promoter of youth empowerment and poverty alleviation in my area through a cultural festival (Ntanake Festival) which I founded and funded.

    “The final persuasion came from the political czar of Anambra North Senatorial zone; Senator Alphosus Ubanese Igbeke. My recent experience in the hands of Mr. Peter Obi was also a factor in my decision to make a difference in governance. “Sound and logical reasoning in governance and promotion of rule of law are my priorities. Governance by trial and error, act now and think later approach, lack of any sense of damage control and governance by just one man while the rest knows nothing, all of which characterised Obi’s administration will be a thing of the past. “Governor Willie Obiano’s approach to governance is exactly the opposite of that of the past administration, hence my reason for supporting him till the end of his tenure.

    “Obiano’s crime fighting effort centres on intelligence, manpower deployment, rule of law, youth empowerment, all hands on deck approach, investigation and checks and balances.

    Continuing, he said: “I was received into the APGA political family on August 24 by the party’s bigwigs in Aguata Local Government Area. The ceremony took place at Umuchu Civic Centre Nkwo Umuchu after which the reception followed at my Upper Class Hotel, Nkwo Umuchu.

    He said Obi’s administration was hiding under crime fighting to demolish a person’s property while the real intention was to personally acquire a prime property, adding that Obiano’s history of economic accomplishment is legitimate and very clean.

    “It was arithmetical progression in nature and not sudden wealth. I respect him greatly. His intellectual composition, all of which are earned and not acquired also drew me to him. I equally respect and admire Mr. Victor Umeh for his political shrewdness and resilience.

    “His spectacular ability to side-step political landmines over the years is very remarkable. I will be honoured to work with him. The partnership will be very interesting.

    “I am fully aware of all the man-made obstacles including my sad incident confronting Obiano. Governance of last minute sainthood by way of reckless gift jamboree made from the state’s collective wealth is the root of it all. The end result is a financially shackled incoming administration.

    “Wisdom that is common with intelligent men will see Governor Obiano through the hurdles. He is a breed apart from all the prior governors of Anambra State and he is working despite the shackles,” he said.

  • Oni, Fayemi, Aregbe and politics of character

    Without any fear of inaccuracy, I was the first person in the media industry-both national and foreign-to have an exclusive interview with Engr. Segun Oni after his swearing-in as the governor of Ekiti State in 2007. The interview happened less than a month after he settled down for the serious business of governance. The interview was a no-holds barred and I asked then Governor Oni many questions. Not minding the political tendency on which I may be leaning as he was meeting me for the first time-having been introduced by Dr. Samuel Arowolaju (a senior friend) as a media guy from the United States, he answered my questions candidly and without mincing words.

    Some of the questions revolved around his predecessor, now governor-elect Ayodele Fayose and he said more than a mouthful. Hear him: “On the 29th of September, 2005 we had a meeting that was to become a rally somewhere along Falegan Estate area. We actually had a peaceful meeting but the police came in nonetheless. They said Governor Fayose had prepared an agenda to get some of us. They came to get me and fired some rubber bullets…They kicked me, beat me up and I was dragged on the main road of this (Ado-Ekiti) city and thrown into a vehicle. People were watching from afar. The police thought they’ve thrown my lifeless body inside the vehicle but when they realized that I wasn’t dead they took me to the police station and sprayed teargas on me. They wanted to spray the teargas into my nostrils but I told the guy if he did that I would die and the policemen watching him are the ones who would give evidence against him and he would never get out of it.”

    I asked the then governor if he was contemplating revenge since he then occupied the same office his predecessor allegedly used to attempt to snuff life out of him. The governor said: “The only lesson I took away from that unfortunate incident is that power is very transient. You see, when you have power and you refuse to use it based on your whims you enhance its value.”(Italics mine for emphasis). I never stopped thinking about this last sentence since as reflecting the man’s strength of character.

    A different aura, as if issued from the core of his being, enveloped Ekiti State when John Kayode Fayemi took over the mantle of leadership. The calm that descended on the state, which reflected the persona of Fayemi was palpable. Scrupulous Nigerian entrepreneurs and the international community saw in him his genuineness and started to set up shops in the state so much that billions have been sunk into hospitality and other service businesses by private investors. The governor will probably go down in the 18-years’ history of the state as the only governor that continued with the projects of his predecessor, despite the very painful and tortuous experience to which he was subjected in regaining his mandate. On assumption, he became the first governor in this dispensation to declare his assets and that of his wife. The governor declared an eight-point agenda as a blueprint of his administration that not only touches every socio-economic strata of society, but also implemented virtually all the points and sub-points on the agenda during his tenure. This remarkable feat earned him the sobriquet of “O wi bee, O se bee” which literally translated into “He said it, did it”. As part of rebranding the state along the lines of the values that he holds dear, Ekiti state is now known as “Ile Iyi, Ile Eye,” a phrase that embodies a virtuous state that I hope the new helmsman will keep.

    Osun State was a violent and highly traumatized state on its way to a bottomless perdition when Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola took over its administration. It was a beleaguered state not because it is socio-culturally disposed to brigandage, but because a class of its own people was attempting to take away its very soul. On his assumption of office, Aregbesola decided -almost from Day One of his administration-to take the road less travelled. This earned him the description of an unusual man running an unusual government. He believes that a people, as that organic structure that makes up society, must coalesce around some core principles which must of necessity become their ethos if they must realize their collective destiny. The state was also rebranded along this line of thought.

    His administration created a crest, a Coat of Arm, a flag and a state anthem that the country’s central authority stuck in its primordial hunter and gatherer political disposition accused him of trying to secede from the republic. The governor did not stop there. A state known as the “State of the Living Spring” became known as a “State of the Virtuous.” He has been described by people from various walks of life to be a “scrupulously honest and humble” chief of state, which probably contributed in no small measure to his victory at the recent poll for a second term. I have given the synopses of this trio in order to identify a common thread that runs through them. And this is the character thread.

    Much has been said by political scientists and pundits that one of the major reasons why the All Progressives Congress(APC) has been unable to gain significant traction so far is because of its inability to anchor its existence on a political ideology or an identity. It should look no further. The opposition political party should make character the lifeblood that gives it sustenance. Character should be seen by the people as what distinguishes it from the ruling party. It should be seen as its main pillar. It should be the first identifier of the party’s candidates for electoral offices from henceforth. This time tested virtue should be its brand.

    As much as Nigeria has been touted as having the largest and the most promising economy in the continent, much of the rest of the world still will not touch her even with a long pole because the country’s government and its people are deemed as hopelessly corrupt and lacking in character. Therefore, injecting character into the body politic will most definitely reverse the self-destructive trajectory of a pathetic country such as Nigeria. Other social pillars of justice, fairness and equity that must be present to lend support to the growth and sustenance of any society can only thrive with the presence of character. A nation without character is a living dead.  They say that character is really what you do when no one is looking. I will add that it is also when one is willing to go against the grain because the values that one represents will be seriously compromised or impaired, as exemplified by the people of the State of Osun when they overwhelmingly voted for the presidential candidate of the party they identified with in 2011 even when they knew that his chances of winning was hopelessly low.

     

     

    •  Odere is a media practitioner. He can be reached at femiodere@gmail.com.
  • Ekweremadu: Of intellectuals in politics

    Ekweremadu: Of intellectuals in politics

    Senator Ike Ekweremadu, Deputy President of the Senate and Speaker ECOWAS Parliament, reminds one of Rt. Honourable Dr. Newt Gingrich, a former college professor, former Speaker of the US Congress and one time Republican Presidential aspirant in the United States. One essential thing these two men have in common is the intellectual content they have brought to their countries’ politics.  Gingrich, the enunciator of the Social Contract with Americans along with Richard Armey is a consummate intellectual in American Politics, as Ekweremadu is in Nigeria.

    Following in their footsteps, Ekweremadu recently, successfully defended his doctoral thesis for a PhD in Law.  The Thesis by Ekweremadu, who once taught both Constitutional Law and Labour Law at the University of Nigeria Nsukka where he earlier obtained Bachelors and Masters Degrees in Law is titled “A Critical Appraisal of the Legal Framework, Theory and Practice of Fiscal Federalism in Nigeria”.

    This is good news. Ekweremadu is bringing back that essential ingredient of politics, which appears to be in short supply in today’s democracy, and that is intellectual content. On both the floors of the Nigerian Senate and ECOWAS parliament, Ekweremadu makes his contributions by taking bearing from a well-researched and knowledgeable perspective, which greatly enriches debates and legislative functions of both bodies.

    Statesmen and great leaders are merchants of hope as intellectual politicians are merchants of workable ideas. As genuine men of the future, they do not only understand the past but they are also fully in touch with the dynamics that forge the present. They also foresee the future. While the ordinary politicians worry about the next election, the fundamental preoccupation of intellectual politicians, generally statesmen, is the welfare of state and the welfare of the current and future generations.

    The Ekweremadu example is clearly seen in his statecraft in the Nigerian Senate and the ECOWAS Parliament – the apex legislative arms of the Government of Nigeria and the ECOWAS Commission. Lawmaking requires well-reasoned deliberations for the laws so made to stand the test of time and serve the intended purpose. Though senators are allowed to hire consultants and have aides working with them, whose duty it is to help them perform effectively, there is no doubt that where the Senator is himself grounded, input, output and outcomes are better guaranteed.

    Ekweremadu’s feat is not surprising. He has delivered over 21 public lectures/papers both nationally and internationally on the themes of democracy, good governance, regional integration, security, economy, security, etc. From his works, we can see that intellectual politicians tell us things we need to know: how politics and society work, what happened in our past, how to analyse issues, how to appreciate the task of building a just society, as he (Ekweremadu) has effectively done. He and some other intellectual senators have kept us in conversation with the great minds of our past like Nnamdi Azikiwe, Obafemi Awolowo and Tafawa Balewa and the rest.  Intellectual capacities of such rare politicians help to bring forth robust conversations and lend a hand to tap into the enduring wisdom of the past and provide a critical standpoint for assessing the limits of our current political assumptions.

    In his “Republic,” Plato put forward the ideal of a state ruled by intellectuals who combined comprehensive theoretical knowledge with the practical capacity for applying it to concrete problems.  Although some other thinkers prefer to distrust the value of intellectuals in politics, Ekweremadu has proved their assumptions wrong. He has shown that although all good politicians need not be intellectuals, they should live an intellectual life. He has become what intellectuals would wish for in a politician and what intellectual politician ought to be. He has shown what meaningful and crucial impact intellectuals can make, particularly in today’s rapidly changing times.

    As one sees it through him, intellectuals are those who have diverse wisdom and foresight, who apply their intellect and forward-looking visions for the purpose of awakening society. They help to divert the masses from what is unwise and wrong toward what is righteous and the good. No wonder, then, that Vietnamese word for intellectual, “trí théc”, is a combination of “mind” and “awaken”.

    There are three key factors in nurturing intellectuals: knowledge; ability and willingness to awaken society; and doing so for a noble cause or purpose. The lack of any one of these elements is inconsistent with the definition of an intellectual. From this perspective, it is evident that discussing the role of intellectuals is a discussion about the social responsibility of knowledgeable people.

    Ekweremadu has shown that he finds a great deal of truth in Einstein’s words: “The world is a dangerous place, not because of those who do evil, but because of those who look on and do nothing.” He has equally proved that a person with capabilities and knowledge bears this kind of responsibility and owes his or her world the benefits of their profound wisdom. He has further shown that intellectual politicians use their capacity to contribute to steering politics and society away from the negatively-impacting results that they foresee, not just for past misdirected efforts, but also for current and future inappropriate endeavours.

    The preoccupation of Ekweremadu in Nigerian politics has been essentially this. He has equally amply demonstrated that good communication is vital if the intellectual politician is to succeed in effectively and convincingly conveying his or her vision for a better society. Building on universal and timeless values, intellectuals generally, not just the intellectual politician, also apply their knowledge to shape, and protect, social standards and values.

    Generally too, he is aware that, like everyone else, he has his own limitations and therefore ever willing to remain open-minded. Therefore, together with the responsibility to awaken society, he also constantly aware of his own limitations, which may limit his understanding and cause harm to society. This explains why the distinguished Senator is constantly searching for knowledge and made out time to pursue a PhD in Law at the University of Abuja despite his tight schedule. This is now in addition to leadership certificates from Harvard and Oxford universities.

    It is particularly interesting that while the individual who is leaving no stone unturned in the bid to replace Ekweremadu at the Senate is engrossed in chicken impeachment and petty politics, Ekweremadu remains deep and focused in his approach to politics. He is now more than a consummate lawmaker- he studied law, he taught law, he has been making law, and he has bagged the highest educational degree in law. What else? Perhaps, history will best remember him for the breaking of the jinx of constitution amendment in Nigeria, pulling through three historic constitutional amendments and on the verge of adding another.

    I do not see how Enugu people, South-east, the PDP and the Jonathan presidency would sacrifice such an experienced and competent intellectual lawmaker for a greenhorn come 2015.

     

    • Mefor, is Director, Centre for Applied Psychological Research, Abuja
  • Law and politics of impeachment

    Law and politics of impeachment

    A Lagos lawyer, Chijioke Emeka, argues that impeachment is essentially a political trial with predetermined outcome.

    Recently, Murtala Nyako, former Adamawa State governor, was ‘impeached’. Shortly thereafter, Tanko Al-Makura, Nasarawa State governor narrowly survived ‘impeachment’. Mr. Sunday Onyebuchi, Enugu State deputy governor got the boot for allegedly running an ‘illegal poultry’ and refusing to represent the governor at functions.

    Before these incidents, Jude Agbaso, Imo State deputy governor was ‘impeached’. These events have raised legal and political issues, which I would try to examine in this piece. Since I am a counsel in the Agbaso case, which is still before the Court of Appeal, Owerri Division, I would avoid any comment on the Imo incident.

    Let me enter a caveat.  The term ‘impeachment’ does not appear anywhere in the 320 Sections of the 1999 Constitution (hereinafter ‘CFRN’) or in its seven schedules and three alterations. It is, however, used in this text in its popular sense as the process of removal from office of an elected executive (president, vice president, governor and deputy governor), for gross misconduct.

    Being essentially a feature of the presidential system of government, it was not until 1979 when Nigeria switched to the presidential system that the tool could first be put to use. (In parliamentary systems, confidence vote, vel non, was the equivalent political sledge-hammer to bring down a premier’s government).

    Thus, Alhaji Balarabe Musa, the then Kaduna State governor became the proverbial guinea pig used to test the brand new weapon of ‘impeachment’. If the resolution of the Kaduna State legislature removing Musa from office was a Zmapp drug experiment, it came out successful.

    At the new turn of democracy in 1999,  Abia State deputy governor, Enyinnaya Abaribe; Kebbi State deputy governor, Suleiman Argungu; both Lagos State deputy governors, Kofo Bucknor-Akerele and Femi Pedro; Oyo State governor, Rasheed Ladoja; Bayelsa State governor, DSP Alameseigha; Ekiti State governor and deputy governor, Ayo Fayose and Biodun Olujinmi; Anambra State governor, Peter Obi; Plateau State governor, Joshua Dariye; Bauchi State deputy governor, Mohammed Gadi; Bayelsa State deputy governor, Peremobowei Ebebi; Taraba State deputy governor, Sani Abubakar Danladi and others have had to swallow this bitter political pill.

    The Ladoja, Dariye and Obi cases were most celebrated because  the courts explained the law and firmed up jurisprudence. The three governors were restored by courts and effectively won the politics of return. A successful impeachment is a blend of politics and legality. The plotters must win the politics and then, if challenged in court (as is almost always the case), also pass through the legal crucibles.

    As a political process, ‘impeachment’ is intended to constitute a political trial and judgment of the Legislature, while the courts are silent. This is apparently why the CFRN provides for an ouster clause; and partly defines gross misconduct as whatever is so “in the opinion” of the legislature. (There are equivalent provisions for removal of president and vice president in section 143(10) and (11).)

    From Balarabe Musa forward, two bizarre consequences soon reared their heads to the consternation of well-meaning persons. The first was the creation of ‘gross misconduct’ from just ‘anything’, the most popular being refusal of a chief executive to open the public till to the legislature or a ‘godfather’ on demand.

    Nigerians lost count of how many times former President Olusegun Obasanjo was threatened with impeachment by the legislature over ‘gross misconduct’ that was generally interpreted to mean ‘refusal to share the money’. None was however, consummated. Obasanjo himself later became infamous for aiding the impeachment of state executives on questionable ‘gross misconduct’ that ranged from not being a member of his political party to being perceived as hobnobbing with his political opponents, especially his vice president, Atiku Abubakar; or simply being ‘disloyal’, which could mean opposing his truncated bid to secure a third term.

    In respect of deputy governors, who had been at the worst receiving end of the scourge, their ‘gross misconduct’ usually constituted a perceived political ambition without the blessing of the governor, or any other disagreement with the governor on private or policy issues, or simply the governor perceiving it as politically ‘strategic’. It should be noted that in all these, an ostensible ‘gross misconduct’ is normally minted. This has usually been corruption allegations, but recently running an ‘illegal poultry’ has made the fascinating list.

    The second problem that exploited the CFRN’s politicisation of impeachment was jettisoning of due process by the legislature. During the Obasanjo years, once the blessing of the president or a ‘garrison commander’ was secured with the backing of the EFCC, the Legislature could proceed without due service of notice of allegation or even without a quorum; sit at un-parliamentary hours; sit without a Speaker or the Mace; sit in a hotel in town; or proceed without the required votes etc.

    There was no end to the violation of procedure by the legislature. They apparently believed the ouster clause in Section 188(10) meant that even if the wrong procedure was adopted there was no judicial oversight, as Section 188(10) made them complainant, lord and master of procedure and the first and final Judge.

    Given their ordinary grammatical meaning, the words of the ouster clause are so clear that no court would on the face of that provision accept an impeachment case. This was the cruel fate suffered by both Musa and Abaribe. But this was soon to unravel. The Gestapo manner in which Ladoja was removed as governor, which shocked every normal person, became the catalyst.

    Thus in ADELEKE V OYO STATE HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY (2007) 1 NWLR (PART 100)  608, the Court of Appeal courageously ‘redrafted’ the ouster clause using the judicial license of ‘interpretation’. Law is dynamic and bad times give rise to revolutionary times. It was held that since Section 188(1) – (9) prescribes procedures, the proper interpretation to be given to the ouster clause is that it could only be activated when such procedures had been complied with.

    Many who thought that the revolutionary decision was judicial activism gone too far were surprised when the Supreme Court in INAKOJU V ADELEKE (2007) 4 NWLR (PART 1025) 42 not only upheld the decision but laid down far-reaching principles that effectively put impeachment procedure under the radar of judicial scrutiny. Thus, contrary to the decisions of the Court of Appeal in BALARABE MUSA V AUTA HAMZA (1983) 3 NCLR 229 and ABARIBE V SPEAKER ABIA STATE HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY (2002) 14 NWLR (PART 788) 466, judicial oversight is available over impeachment procedure.

    So if the letters of Section 188(1) – (9) are strictly complied with, judicial power ends, and politics prevails. The courts would not question the finding of the panel of seven or question any of the two resolutions of the legislature in the process, that is, so long as the required majority was met. Where any of the letters is overthrown, the impeachment is legally wrong even if politically right.

    The then emergent jurisprudence that the legal correctness of an impeachment as expoused in LADOJA was justiciable soon ossified as law. This was evident when the Court of Appeal applied it in Peter Obi’s case. See BALONWU V OBI (2007)  NWLR (PART 1028) 488, Dariye’s Case, DAPIALONG V DARIYE (2007) 8 NWLR (PART 1036) 239; and in Ebebi’s Case. See EBEBI V SPEAKER BAYELSA STATE HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY (2012)  5 NWLR (PART 1292) 1.

    While the problem that arose on the issue of due process was resolved by revolutionary judicial tactic, the political angle remains. It is noteworthy, however, that in LADOJA, Niki Tobi JSC (then) hinted on the need for a valid gross misconduct to exist. This could mean that judicial power may extend to test the grossness of an alleged misconduct. Hopefully this would be taken in an appropriate case.

    However, my humble view is that since Section 188(10) opened with a constitutional definition of ‘gross misconduct’ as a “grave” violation of the Constitution and then leaves a discretion to add new strains, the ejusdem generis rule would apply to remove absolutism from such discretion. It would thus in my view be constitutionally invalid to proceed on an allegation that falls out of class with a “grave” constitutional violation. Running an alleged ‘illegal poultry’ is not a constitutional violation, talk much of “grave”. My view though.

    Impeachment is political because once the master-mind and his co-conspirators secure a required majority of the legislature; and the Chief Judge (though expectedly apolitical) is ‘with due respect’ made to appoint the ‘right’ people as Panel of Seven, the impeachment is a done deal. The importance of the role of the Chief Judge was demonstrated in the failed bid in Nasarawa State.  There, the legislature felt the ‘wrong’ people were appointed.

    Being essentially a political trial with predetermined outcome, an apprehensive subject usually keeps off the panel’s sittings, but Al-Makura appeared. That was significant and too telling. It was also clear that the legislature lost the politics when they began to demand for reconstitution of the panel. Section 188(5) CFRN gives the Chief Judge discretion to appoint neutral persons. For the politics to succeed, the panel members are usually not neutral. By Section 188(8) CFRN the politics failed the day the panel reported that the allegations were not proved. The legislature only retained the liberty to commence a new process on new facts or submit a legal dispute.

    The successful impeachment of Murtala Nyako is also a case study in the triumph of the politics. It is believed that his virulent epistle to the president was behind his travail. But the politics was effective as all hands were on deck (or forced to be on deck) to pull it off. The ability of the actors to unite on a common object explains why what succeeded in Adamawa failed in Nasarawa. It remains the legal crucibles of constitutional validity.

    Successful politics (or bad politics) of impeachment is a skill honed by good students during the Obasanjo era. The irritating interventions in state affairs, which was not limited to impeachment, compelled Professor Ben Nwabueze SAN to publish two interesting books: “How Obasajo Subverted the Rule of Law and Democracy” and “How President Obasanjo Subverted Nigeria’s Federal System”. Since many good students of those years are still around today to offer their services, we expect more impeachments and of course, more court cases challenging them.

    • Emeka, Principal Counsel at Auxano Law Consult, writes from Lagos.