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Tag: politics

  • Politics of revenue allocation

    Politics of revenue allocation

    Revenue sharing has generated controversy across the country. Assistant Editor LEKE SALAUDEEN examines the politics of revenue allocation and implications of the ccurrent formula for federalism.

    There have been calls for a review of the revenue sharing formula, which according to the proponents, lopsidedly allocates more money to the Federal Government at the expense of states and local governments. Similarly, the Northern governors have launched, a campaign for the removal of the 13 per cent derivation, which accounts for the additional funds to the oil-producing states.

    The revenue sharing formula is as follows: Federal Government 52.68 per cent; States 26.72 per cent and 774 Local Government Areas 20.60 per cent.

    A cursory look at the history reveals that the agitation for revenue sharing is not new. It was a subject of controversy, even before independence. For example, the Richard’s Constitution of 1946 introduced the principle of derivation, granting autonomy to the regions based on their natural resources. In 1954, Sir Louis Chicks Commission recommended that the total revenue available to Nigeria be allocated according to the derivation principle, for the purpose of meeting the reasonable needs of the centre and the regions. Sir Arthur Richards adopted the recommendation, only for it to be replaced with another formula produced by another commission headed by Jeremy Raisman in 1958.

    Raisman Commission ignored the principle of derivation. Instead, it placed greater emphasis on the population, which it regarded as an approximate index of fiscal need. The fiscal review commission headed by Binn also emphasised the application of the principle of fiscal need. The principle tilted in favour of the Northern Region because it was more populous than the rest of the country.

    The military incursion into government led to a major shift from the tradition equitable distribution of National wealth and principle of derivation. The military government promulgated the Distributive Pool Account Decree 13 which granted States 60 per cent share of export duties instead of 100 per cent, 50 per cent of duty on motor fuel and 50 per cent of the excise duty revenue leaving the rest to the Federal Government. The Federal Government also got additional five per cent from the previous 50 per cent of the share of states on mining rights and royalties. The non-oil producing states benefitted more from this arrangement.

    But, in the Second Republic, President Shehu Shagari signed the Revenue Allocation Act, which granted the Federal Government 55 per cent; States 30.5 per cent and Local Government Areas 10 per cent while 4.5 per cent goes into special funds with the derivation principle not getting a mention.

    In the 1990s, the Niger Delta people stepped up, agitation for resource control. A major breakthrough was achieved in 1992, when the Ibrahim Babangida-led military government established, Oil Mineral Producing and Development Commission (OMPADEC) to address the ecological problems caused by oil exploration in the region.

    The present derivation regime emanated from the constitutional conference set up by the late General Sani Abacha in 1995, headed by Justice Nikki Tobi, which recommended a 13 per cent derivation to the oil producing states. Subsequently, it found its way into the 1999 Constitution and became operational in April 2000.

    Governors from the 19 Northern states are pushing for a review of the revenue allocation formula to reflect what they described as current realities in the country. The Chairman of the Northern Governors Forum, Governor Babangida Aliyu of Niger State, described as unfair the current revenue sharing structure that offer, states from the Northern Region lesser allocations than their counterparts from the South.

    Aliyu argued that the amount received from the federal allocation monthly are spent on payment of salaries and other overheads. Adding most northern states funds to provide infrastructure and tackle poverty the region.

    According to him, “the revenue allocation formula should be looked at. We were hoping that there would be discussions and review of the allocation formula. But there are other issues that would come. For example, there were oil wells that were over 200 kilometres away of the shore of the country. Those ones were supposed to be oil wells for the whole country.

    “But now, they are given only to the contiguous states, in addition to the 13 per cent derivation. So, if you look at that, you will say that it will not serve everybody well if certain parts of the country are not doing well while some part are doing exceptionally well. So, the pressure will continue, until we are able to find a solution.”

    The Northern Legislators Caucus in the House of Representatives published statistics from the 2012 budget. According to the figure, the South-south geo-political zone got the highest allocations in the budget with N116.5 billion, representing 29.65 per cent of the total votes allocated to the six geo-political zones. Followed by the Southwest, which got N65.52 billion (16.67 per cent) and the North Central, including the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), which received N63.92 billion (16.27 per cent). The Northwest got N56.96 billion followed by the Southeast with N49.2 billion and Northeast which had the lowest amount of N40.89 billion or 10.4 per cent of the total N392.96 billion allocated to the six zones.

    A social critic, Hazan Modibo, linked the rising violent crimes in the North, especially the terrorist activities of the Boko Haram, to the uneven distribution of the country’s wealth. He said the government’s amnesty programme to redress the grievances of the militants in the oil-rich Niger-Delta had inadvertently helped create the conditions for the Islamic insurgency.

    “There is a clear direct link between the uneven nature of the distribution of resources and the rising violence. When you look at the figures and the size of the population in the north, you can see that there is a structural imbalance of enormous proportions. Those states do not simply have enough money to meet basic needs while some states have too much money”, Modibo said.

    Incidentally, the latest country’s Poverty Profile Report published by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) ranked the northern region, specifically the troubled North-East geo-political zone, as the poorest region, with 69.1 per cent and 76.3 per cent as absolute and relative poverty levels respectively.

    Expectedly, the argument of the Northern Governors Forum has drawn the ire of their counterparts from the South zone described as unfortunate and misplaced the attempt by Northern political leaders to blame the rising terrorism and poverty in the region on the derivation funds as well as the criticism of 13 per cent derivation funds due to the oil producing states in the Niger-Delta. They said that the Southsouth needed an upward review of the derivation principle and the introduction of fiscal federalism.

    The governors insisted that, on the contrary, the issue to be addressed is environmental degradation and pollution in the Niger-Delta created by the oil exploitation, which has adversely affected fishing and farming activities. This makes it imperative for an upward review of the derivation principle and introduction of fiscal federalism.

    They questioned the rationale for exploiting other mineral deposits in other parts of the country while depleting oil and gas reserves of the Southsouth . The said that the introduction of fiscal federalism and resource control will encourage each state to control its resources and develop, in accordance with its capability.

    The Southsouth leaders also faulted the request of their northern counterparts on the ground that it is against the principle of true federalism. According to the Niger-Delta activist, Annkio Briggs. It is unfair for northern states that are not bringing anything to the table to make such demands. “The people from the Niger Delta region are bringing the oil that God has given them. The oil is in our land and it belongs to us. It is unfair that there are 36 states in Nigeria and only nine states are actually contributing something; and people who are not contributing anything at all are now talking about injustice,” she argued.

    The National Secretary of the Ijaw National Congress, Mr Robinson Esitei, said that the country would continue to stagnate, unless it reverts back to true fiscal federalism. “In fact, we are proposing to the Constitutional Amendment Committee that Nigeria should revert back to the regional arrangement where each region would control its resources and pay tax to the centre.” The present formula is disadvantageous to the Niger Delta people who are suffering degradation and other hazards that go with oil exploitation.Unlike their northern counterparts, the governors of the Southwest had requested for the devolution of more powers to the states and practice of fiscal federalism. They said, instead of bickering over allocations from the Federation Account, states should be empowered to generate their own resources to relieve the Federal Government of too many responsibilities. Although, the Southwest governors deplored the imbalance in the resource allocation, especially to states that make up the old Western Region, they insist the solution lies in the devolution of powers.

    The Minority Leader in the House of Representatives, Mr Femi Gbajabiamila, supported the position of the Southwest governors, saying Nigeria would tackle its development challenges faster, if the states generate their own resources, rather than depending on the federal allocations. “We always clamour for a review of the revenue allocation formula, in line with the principle of federalism. We want a situation where the states will be stronger than the government at the centre. Let each state develop at its pace. The time has come and it is long overdue”, he added.

    Renowned economist Mr Henry Boyo blamed the problem on the fraudulent constitution: According to him, under the Republican Constitution, Nigeria was practising true federalism, whereby each region controlled its resources and paid tax to the Federal Government.

    Boyo made reference to Sections 136 to 145 of the 1963 Constitution, recalling that funds in the Distributable Pool Account were divided among the regions in shares proportionate to the respective amounts of goods consumed in the regions. He said 50 per cent of proceeds from mining royalties and rents, including mineral oil, were retained by the regions. “This was the golden era of true, equitable federalism. The Constitution encouraged the regions then to engage each other in healthy economic competition,” he said.

    A university don and fiscal policy analyst, Dr Tunji Ogunyemi, criticised the current sharing formula. The formula, according to him, has emasculated the states and local governments.

    Ogunyemi called for the amendment of Section 162 of the 1999 Constitution and suggested a new formula of 20 per cent for the Federal Government; 60 per cent for states and 20 per cent for councils. For derivation, he recommended 50 per cent and a tax of 10 per cent payable to the Federal Government on resources produced by the states.

    He said that the bulk of national revenue should go to the states and local governments because they are the centre of development. Ogunyemi said that state governments are carrying out the Federal Government’s responsibilities in their respective states. According to him, most of the federal roads in the states are maintained and even reconstructed by state governments. He cited the case of the Federal Police that rely solely on state governments for logistics such as patrol vehicles, bullet proof vests, fuelling and maintenance of patrol vehicles and special allowance paid to motivate the police personnel.

    Ogunyemi mainkind that the centre should be less attractive. “We shold de-emphasise the centre. There should be devolution of powers; states should be given more powers, more responsibilities and commensurate additional funds,” he added.

  • Ubah has prospect in politics, says aide

    Ubah has prospect in politics, says aide

    Ahead of the November 16 governorship election in Anambra State, some stakeholders have thrown their weight behind the ambition of Ifeanyi Mr. Ubah, the candidate of the Labour Party (LP). But observers have pointed out that, although he is a strong personality, LP is perceived as a weak platform.

    Ubah is facing formidable opponents-Senator Chris Ngige, who is the All Progressives Congress (APC) candidate, and Chief Willie Obiano of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA).

    The Deputy Director, Ifeanyi Ubah Media Campaign Organisation (IUMCO), Emmanuel Ibeleme, however, said the outcome of the poll will shock many people. He hinged his calculations on some factors, including the endorsement of Ubah by many groups and associations.

    “Dr Ifeanyi Ubah has the brightest prospect and chances of winning the November 16, governorship election. He is the only candidate that has the endorsement of all the critical stakeholders. As we speak, Dr Ifeanyi Ubah is the only candidate that has been endorsed by the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), both at the national and the state levels. The National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS), the widows, the physically challenged, and traders”, he said.

    Ubah flagged off his campaign last month in Onitsha, where he declared his manifesto. His speech was titiled:“Freedom Plan Agenda for Ndi-Anambra”.

  • ‘Everyone should pay attention to politics’

    ‘Everyone should pay attention to politics’

     Molara Ogundipe is a professor of English and Comparative Literature at the University of Port Harcourt, Rivers State. She is also the founder and Director of Foundation for International Education and Mentoring, an outfit dedicated to teaching young women the doctrine and virtues of feminist theories and gender equality.  Ogundipe is one of Nigeria’s and Africa’s foremost theorists, author, critic, poet, educator, activist and first Nigerian first class scholar in English. She has been in the leadership of feminist and gender studies in Africa since 1963 when she graduated from the University of London. In this interview with Edozie Udeze and Ovwe Medeme, she talks about her experience as a University Lecturer, funding for the education sector, youths and the Nigerian political situation as well as the standard of literature in Nigeria among other burning issues. 

    As a pioneer, how would you view feminist writing in Nigeria today?

    We started it from the 70s when I began writing about it and organising NGOs. We had an international one with its main office cited in Dakar. We also had one for women in Nigeria at the Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria. Since that time, we do no longer have the position to discuss women and women writing. It has been a big advantage. It was also promoted during the military period. Even the military and their wives tried to support women writers. We had conferences in Kenya, Copenhagen, Beijing and all that has changed. Women in Nigeria are more conscious of the need to write and the Nigerian women probably have the greatest number of women’s NGO in Africa, if not the world. There has been an advancement and there has been more support by men. The men in power too, understand the importance and that it is not a battle between men and women. Most men in power support this because of their own daughters. There has been an increase in the education of women since the 1960s because most fathers realise that they need to protect their daughters so that they can be economically viable and independent. In case anything happens, they can also contribute to their family.

    Looking back at how far you have come, do you have that sense of fulfillment?

    Yes, I am fulfilled. In fact, I am surprised and I am pleased the way people recognise my work. At the University level, you also find a lot of Masters dissertations and PhD dissertations written about women, about perspectives of women in different disciplines, in literature. You also have many courses on women in the universities. I find that very pleasing to see.

    Even at that, there is the perception that Nigerian literature is still male dominated. Do you share that view?

    There are many more men in the literature world. The men started earlier because of the education imbalance. Before independence, more men went to school but I think, men who are nationalistic also promoted women so that after independence we had many more women being prepared to write and to dominate. Now, we have a lot of women in education to the point that we have them in the Diaspora, you have them doing a lot of writing now. In fact, one can notice that many of the young girls and contemporary women writers are either writing from abroad or they have been abroad. So, they are a part of the world movement.

    As an academia, would you say that education imbalance is still prevalent in the Nigerian society today?

    There is a balance but it depends on what part of Nigeria you are looking at and each region has its own sociological and historical reasoning. For instance, in the North, it is recently that women are now given access to education. The men were not given to that extent because they were more interested in quranic education. That has changed. In the South East, you find that it is more profitable for men to become traders and so they start apprenticeship in Aba and Onitsha markets and the likes. So you find that more women are educated. In the South South, there are is lower access to education. But if you go to the South West, you will find that there is a higher percentage of women or that the attitude of women being educated are a bit negative.

    What measures do you think could be put in place to strike a balance?

    We can do what is done in the US and make it a law. We should have a law that all children must be in school and that they must be in school until primary education or secondary in the least. If we have the money, and I think Nigeria is rich enough to have that, if we are not being so wasteful with our resources, we should be able to give all Nigerians free education to secondary level.

    Being an academic, what are your comments on the current state of education in Nigeria, especially as regards the ongoing strike by university lecturers?

    I think that a lot needs to be done for infrastructure. I have been teaching abroad in many countries and in Nigeria. I have come to observe that the infrastructure in Nigeria is very poor. The classrooms, equipment for teaching especially where you have large classes are not there. If you have a classroom for 200 students and you have one lecturer teaching with no graduate assistant, with no technological assistant, no projector, no public address system, no computer or the ability to use power point presentations, it doesn’t tell well. Every lecturer should have a computer automatically. And if we are not putting money in education, the students feel the brunt. The hostels that house the students are horrible, there are too many students in there, they are filthy, there is no way of keeping them up and there is no money to hire security or hall wardens. It is very discouraging, not to speak of the salaries of teachers comparatively. That is when you compare it to what the politicians are earning, how much they make a month and how much a professor makes a month. And then, there is the issue of the UN saying that countries should devote at least 26% of their budget to education. Little Ghana has 31%, South Africa has about 29% but huge Nigeria with the oil has only eight percent. Now, it is being viewed as maybe education is not necessary for the 3rd world. That is very serious because it means we are going to reduce our true selves in our own country. That is why everyone should pay attention to politics. The young people should realise that this is about their future. It is not about the lecturers. Sooner or later, we would get old, people will retire or go to where their ancestors go but will Nigerians be educated people?

    Is it right to say you received more support during the military regime?

    Surprisingly, that was the case because one would not expect them to do.

    Which of the era would you say supported education more?

    I would say immediately after independence because they were the ones who built institutions. In the early period, they had a lot of colleges, a lot of free education and a lot of support. There was a lot of support for graduate work, sending people abroad automatically because the federal scholarship was automatic.

    As a panelist in NLNG Prize for literature, how would you say the search has been?

    We started earlier this year. The search has been very pleasurable and surprising in the sense that there were many submissions. We had 201 submissions, then we had to narrow it down to 89, then it went down to 50, then 25, then 11, then three and now, one. We had to read all of the texts in details.

    From your perspective, how would you rate the quality of the works submitted?

    Qualitatively, we could see that people can write but we also found out that some people are yet to get it. At this level of the award, there shouldn’t be any problem of language, use of English and grammar. We had a few of those but one was surprised. It is just that most people did not follow the rules for submission but qualitatively, we were surprised that so many people are writing poetry in Nigeria and we are expecting that the people from abroad will dominate it, because the prize was expanded to include Nigerians everywhere. We thought that Nigerians living abroad will have the advantage that we don’t have, access to library, technological advantage, steady electricity, we thought the quality of their work would be higher but it turned out not to be so.

    Earlier on you said you dropped the name Leslie. Why did you take that decision?

    I dropped it because it is my marital name and Ogundipe is my father’s name. As a feminist, I wanted to use my birth name rather than my marital name. Also, my children are grown now. They were happy when I shared the same surname with them but now, that is not necessary. They are also going to get married and change their name. The other reason is that people tend to be lazy about names. Instead of saying Ogundipe Leslie and spelling it correctly, especially foreigners, they just call me Leslie. I didn’t want to be called Leslie because it is not my name.

    A lot of youths come under your guidance and sadly enough, Nigerian youths are distant from the politics…

    Because they benefit from the gains and advantages of our feminist movements and women’s’ rights and so on, they don’t realise how it came to be, that many people called for it, people lost their jobs, people risked their lives to get what they are enjoying, and they take it for granted. Secondly, women tend not to be interested in the politics of the country. The women are more concerned with fashion to impress the men or to find a husband. They don’t think that they should be participating of the society like our parent’s generation or the traditional culture where women saw themselves as partners or builders with their husbands. These days, we have women just thinking that it is not their role. Perhaps because the men do not focus on other things, the women are more dependent on men.

    What would be your advice for Nigerian youths?

    I would like Nigerian youths to know that there is not a world of politics separated from their social world because whatever happens in the political world will affect them. They should see themselves first as citizens and embrace the responsibility of running the society and the nation. They should not just sit back. They have to participate in politics from very young age. People like Bill Clinton were involved in it from secondary school.

    How would you introduce yourself to those who are yet to meet you?

    I am Professor Molara Ogundipe. People used to know me as Molara Ogundipe Leslie. I have since dropped the name Leslie. I am a university professor, writer, poet and media columnist. I have been teaching English for many years. My claim to fame is that I was the first Nigerian to get a First Class in the University of London in English. I have been working in the academia and in the arts world. In the 60s, we were involved in foundational work with people like Professor Wole Soyinika, Segun Olusola and others.

     

  • Politics stripped us of privacy, says Agagu’s daughter

    Politics stripped us of privacy, says Agagu’s daughter

    • ‘He taught me how to sew buttons’

    The first daughter of the late former Ondo State Governor Olusegun Agagu, Mrs. Solape Hammond, yesterday reflected on her father’s life.

    She said his foray into partisan politics was “very difficult for the family” because it robbed it of its privacy.

    In an exclusive interview with The Nation at the late Agagu’s Bodija home in Ibadan, the Oyo State capital, Mrs. Hammond said no member of the family wanted their patriarch to go into politics but it was difficult to stop him from doing so, given his passion for the well-being of his people.

    She said though her father never sought publicity, his activities brought him to the limelight, particularly his geological surveys as a lecturer at the University of Ibadan (UI).

    Mrs. Hammond said at that time, her mother used to cook for over 30 people daily, stressing that there were never less than 10 people in the house at any point in time.

    She said children of friends living abroad and extended family members were living in their home.

    Mrs. Hammond said her father taught in three universities at the time because of his passion for working and caring for others.

    Despite his several engagements, she described her father as a devoted family man, who always created time for his family.

    Mrs. Hammond said: “He was a great man, an inspiration to many and a selfless worker, who was passionate about his country and people. He loved his country and people and sought to do good every day.

    “He sat with me to check my results up to the university. He checked the courses I registered for every year and we planned my career together. He used to call it our career. Despite his tight schedule, he taught me how to sew buttons and remove stains from a white shirt. That was the kind of father he was.”

    She said her father taught them how to sail through difficult situations, adding that he lived through many of such.

    Mrs. Hammond said: “There is no situation in life that he has not given me advice on or that I have not seen him live through. Is it disappointment, betrayal by people or people not appreciating what you are doing? He would just smile and remind us that Jesus was betrayed.”

    On what she wishes her father should have done differently, she said: “I wish he did not go into politics because we are very private people. But he was passionate about his people. We are getting a lot of accolades now but it was not like that at the time. That is something I wish he did not go through.”

    Mrs. Hammond described the loss of their privacy as the sacrifice the family made for their patriarch.

    She said she wished her father lived longer, so that she could return his love.

    Agagu died on September 13 at 65.

  • Politics of reprisal

    Politics of reprisal

    This is fast becoming one of the hallmarks of the Jonathan administration

    Reprisal is the name of the game, and the presidency is proving to be adept at it. The signs of presidential prompting, or backing, were evident in certain events that developed from the messy internecine conflict in the ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP). Take the case of the reported unexplained police withdrawal of the security guards and escorts of Senator Bukola Saraki, a former two-term governor of Kwara State (2003 to 2011); and the reported branding of former Vice President Atiku Abubakar as persona non grata by ex-Niger Delta militants.  It can be deduced that both politicians were on the receiving end because of their perceived guilt by association, following their membership of a splinter group.

    However, there are larger issues involved in the fragmentation of the PDP, with serious implications for the polity, beyond the personal troubles of Saraki and Abubakar. In the case of the former governor, it amounts to a raw abuse of federal might to deny him the benefit of security agents, if indeed he has such entitlement under the law. It is significant to note that this episode, again, raised questions about eligibility for state security services, and the implementation of related legislation.

    In rather dramatic circumstances, a side show by Kwara State House of Assembly Speaker, Razaq Atunwa, shed light on Saraki’s situation.  Atunwa told reporters in Ilorin, the state capital, “By virtue of Section 2 (3) Paragraph H of the Third Schedule of the Kwara State Governor and Deputy Governor Payment of Pension Law 2010, Senator Saraki is entitled to the provision of police security as part of his pension entitlement.”  He added, “That was a law validly enacted by the Kwara State House of Assembly.”

    Interestingly, he chose the occasion not only to condemn the treatment of Saraki, and appropriately described it as “a clear breach of the law”; he also strikingly disclosed that he had notified the state police commissioner that “by Friday, September 13, he should relinquish the police security attached to me until the police security of Senator Abubakar Bukola Saraki is restored.”  This development, following an ironic contempt for the law by the police, gave a glimpse of the undesirable consequences that could arise from escalating politicisation of the police and accompanying partisanship, which are unwelcome.

    The selectiveness in Saraki’s case further exposed the complicated fallout of the PDP split; and again highlighted the controversial subject of state police as a possible counter to the apparent drift in the direction of a virtual police state by the powers at the centre who control the force in the existing arrangement. It is alarming that a pattern seems to be forming, to go by the recent police withdrawal of River State Governor Rotimi  Amaechi’s  escort commander in circumstances which suggested that the move was inspired by his running clash with President Goodluck Jonathan; and the scandalous blockage of a major road to the Government House in Port Harcourt by the police.  Also, Jonathan’s recent sack of nine ministers had undertones of retaliation, considering the fact that it generally affected those who were sponsored by his perceived enemies, or who came from supposedly antagonistic areas.

    Notwithstanding the legal context provided by the Speaker, and his spectacular mode of protest, it is pertinent to contemplate the scale of police security that Saraki enjoyed before the disruption. Reports listed seven security personnel, including two at his Abuja residence, three at his home in Ilorin, and two others “at his beck and call.”  Certainly, this number of policemen attached to Saraki alone defies logic, particularly given the general inadequacy in policing across the country. Furthermore, the fact that the Saraki example is likely to be replicated among others of his ilk is a sad commentary on the abuse of state apparatus.

    Regrettably, the presidency’s hand was similarly discernible in the barefaced assault on Abubakar’s freedom of movement by former militia leaders who curiously belong to President Jonathan’s ethnic base. The meeting of the retired but perhaps unreformed warlords representing all nine states of the Niger Delta under the banner of the Leadership, Peace and Cultural Development Initiative (LPCDI) in Yenagoa, the Bayelsa State capital, was suspicious and reeked of reprisal. The group declared, in words that were disturbingly revelatory, “It is unfortunate that Atiku, who has benefited so much from the Niger Delta’s crude oil and gas, is leading dissidents in a political coup against the first Southerner to ever ascend the seat of President of Nigeria.”  Additionally, it issued a not-so-subtle threat that deserves condemnation, particularly because of the potent danger to the right to free movement. LPCDI said, “We are aware of his vast business interest in the Niger Delta and we are warning him, in his own interest, to stay off the region.”

    Such crude posturing, most likely informed by proximity to power, does its supposed beneficiary a disservice. It bespoke aggressive intolerance and should be discouraged by any responsible government. To allow any group to wallow in the conceit that it can unlawfully deny others freedom of movement, or even association, is to send wrong signals, for such illegality could be adopted as a guiding example by opportunists, to the country’s detriment.

    There can be no acceptable rationalisation of the brazen lawlessness and stifling tendency promoted in these respective cases. They are paths that will do the country no good, and the government should know this.

  • Politics, impunity  and deterrence

    The  International  Criminal Court – ICC – trial  of  Kenya’s Vice President William Ruto   over  crime against human

    ity in the post election  violence that marked Kenya’s 2007  elections  began at the Hague  this  week.  Just  as the US  secretary  of State John Kerry  also  met   Russia’s Foreign Minster  Sergei  Lavrov  in Geneva to sort out  plans on  how Syria will submit its nuclear arsenal to an international custody to avert Barak Obama’ s  now   sterile  threat  of the  use of a limited attack to punish Syria over the use  of chemical weapons against its people. These  went on against a background  of violent protests in Chile over the 40th  anniversary of the coup that brought in former President  Augusto Pinochet into power  when he ousted President  Salvadore  Allende violently  in 1973  and held on to power brutally for 17 years during which thousands of people disappeared in unmarked graves;  and for which the Chilean Judiciary offered an unreserved apology to the Chilean people for its complicity in the Pinochet era,  just last week.

    If  you lace these  events with the home based political skirmishes between  New  PDP Secretary former Governor  Olagunsoye  Oyinlola  and   embattled PDP Chairman  Bamanga Tukur  and their  utterances  over the split in Nigeria’s ruling party; as well  as the verbal  gymnastics between former EFCC  boss   Farida  Waziri  and the charge  by  former  President  Olusegun  Obasanjo  that she was recommended to her   high profile  anti- corruption job by a former governor  of Delta  State  James  Ibori  now   jailed for corruption overseas, then you know that we have  very juicy cocktail for consumption and analysis   on global politics  and diplomacy today.

    First  let me caution that we have grave issues  to  discuss  today on which  l  have strong opinions which may  rankle  some bones but then that is the essence  of political  analysis  and public discourse. I  fire the first salvos by making some initial comments on the issues highlighted before going on to clarify extensively  on these issues . On  Kenya I  agree with former UN Secretary General  Kofi  Annan who said that the trials of the two Kenyan leaders must go on even  though some have charged the ICC  of prosecuting only Africans, a charge that does not jell at all with me.  On  the meeting between John  Kerry  and Russia’s Sergei Lavrov in Geneva, I think  it is a poor substitute   for the deterrence an attack would   have created  over Syria. This has  in turn  unwittingly and diplomatically   given great leverage to Russia in world affairs such that a dictator like Russia’s Vladmir Putin can,   in an   appeal to the American people  in article in New York Times    now write that the US  is  noted for  ‘brute force’  globally in interfering in other nations internal   affairs,  and  not democracy . Such  a statement coming from a man with  Putin’s  repressive leadership credentials is just  nauseating . But then that is the result of a drifting and rudderless US  policy on Syria for now.

    It  is with the likes of leaders like Vladmir  Putin in mind that I sympathise with  those who foment trouble in Chile when they  see the beneficiaries of Augusto   Pinochet’s  dictatorship taking to the streets  in Santiago  to celebrate his 17 years of dictatorship which started in 1973  and ended in1990. Relatively Chile had political stability but the  democratically elected Marxist leader that had mass appeal was slaughtered by Chile’s military to install their boss as president in that nation and the supporters  of Allende still have painful memories of their political loss  and the psychological trauma  of living in fear under military rule. It  was  an era  with arbitrary rules,  insecurity,  detention and torture aided  by a judiciary  that was too willing at the time to use the law to back and strengthen the   rotten government of the day

    In  Nigeria the mudslinging between the New  and Original PDP  and that  between Waziri  and a former Nigerian dictator threw up  some interesting vocabulary   like ‘senility‘, dictator’, ’exposure’  and ‘respect‘  which I  am  sure make very interesting reading. Especially  when  we analyse  their context, relevance and appropriateness  by  both the sender  as well as the receivers of the verbal exchanges.

    Let  us now go back to the trial  of William Ruto Vice President of Kenya which has begun although the Kenyan Parliament has voted that Kenya should pull out of the ICC  which has said the trial will continue any way. That  the Kenyan VP is attending shows that in spite of Kenya’s pull out of the ICC that nation has respect for the rule of law  and the international community. Again  Kofi  Annan who played a part in the investigations has affirmed that such trials are necessary  to affirm the rule of law and show that no one is above the law any where in the modern world .President Uhuru Kenyatta’s trial is to start in November and he has said he would attend as long as both himself and his VP  are not  away on trial at  the same time, a fact that the ICC has promised to respect. So  impunity is on trial at the Hague in Kenya while politics  and the threat of deterrence  take a back seat and that is good for global democracy in my book.

    Again let us  talk about the floundering  US  foreign   policy  on Syria which has subsituted   deterrence with diplomacy  . This   was  in the hope that threat of force will  galvanise the use  of diplomacy  to achieve   the objective  of making the Assad regime pay for  its use of chemical weapons , of which the US president said he had proof  and  with which the  Russians said they  disagreed. Now, speaking at home,  the US president pleaded  with Americans to give him permission to strike and he alerted his armed forces to prepare to strike any time and the law makers  to give him a vote to strike. At the end these   muscle  flexing and diversionary  press  ups  however,  the US president did nothing because right from the outset he had no stomach for this or any fight   whatsoever;  and that is the grim truth that the international community must face during the remaining part of the presidency of Barak Obama. When even the UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon could exclaim and denounce what he called the ‘paralysing inaction‘  over the    Syrian  matter, then  one can see how far the US president has led both admirers  and critics down a blind alley over the deterrence  option in calling the blood thirsty regime in Damascus to order, over the use of   chemical weapons against children  and innocent victims in Syria.

    Undoubtedly,  the US president has been boxed into a corner by the strong  anti war lobby in Europe  and the US that heralded  his assumption of office. They even gave him a Nobel  Prize  just  because they hated those who carried out the invasion of Iraq on a false premise of availability of weapons of mass  destruction. Now Obama’s albatross is in living up to his electoral promises  as well as pleasing his admirers  while forgetting those whose hope for freedom he ignited in the Arab world with his Cairo Speech and the support he gave to the Arab Spring   street  revolution together with  France  and Britain leading to the overthrow  of dictators in Tunisia, Yemen, Egypt and Libya.  In  those heady days, David Cameron and France’s former President Nikola Sarkozy even visited the demonstrators in Cairo to offer support before using the No Fly Zone to scuttle the  Muammar Gaddafi regime.

    Now,   Britain  has jumped ship in liberating the Arabs as Parliament has handcuffed David Cameron on the matter and he can only bark and not bite but could  shout   only on humanitarian aid on Syria’s use of chemical weapons. I  am sure Winston Churchill is turning in his grave  at the impotence of his present  replacement  and his beloved Britain  over  the use of chemical weapons on thousands of innocent Syrians by their government.  Only  France’s  new president is trying to do what he can to get the Americans who have developed political incontinence over Syria to do something at least similar to that which France did so well in driving the Tuaregs away from Mali so recently.

    One  thing is clear. The American leader has allowed domestic politics to befuddle international diplomacy and he will pay a steep price for that eventually before the end of his presidency as history will attest. This  was  what Richard Nixon noted in his memoirs  and he in spite of Watergate opened up US relations with China. Now the Americans have a man in charge who revels in gay rights and same sex marriages  at  home, and sells  human freedom  and liberty  abroad.  Yet,  when it comes to the crunch when he should  show a red card to  a blood thirsty  tyrant in Damascus,  he chose  to hobnob  with the residue of the Red Army in the Kremlin and to sermonize his armed forces and legislators to a miserable state of inertia  and   hand wringing over the  violation of their  core ethical  and cultural values,  right before their eyes  and  with them in full control of their senses. Really ,   I do not know whether to cry or laugh at the impotence of US foreign policy over Syria  and  its    consequences  for global democracy, freedom  and liberty in all ramifications.

    On  the PDP  spat  and Farida’s tussle with Obasanjo,  some things are clear. First it was wrong for Tukur and Oyinlola to be trading tackles while the elders have been called in  to mediate  in the crisis rocking the party. Secondly  it was right of Tukur to see dictatorial  tendencies in Oyinlola who  served as a military governor of Lagos state before. But  Oyinlola is now a lawyer and Tukur should beware. Just as it was  in order    for  Oyinlola to use the word ‘senile’  on Tukur who has been  in the public gaze  for so long since his days   as boss of the NPA that one was wondering if Oyinlola was not talking of another Tukur. Tenacity or longevity of office can more often than not induce unexpected senility  sooner than later. That  too can be a great  political risk or hurdle for anybody or any political party.

    Similarly  it was  highly uncalled for for Obasanjo  to mention the Ibori connection with Farida  and to question Farida’s credentials the way Obasanjo  has done in EFCC house magazine interview. Undoubtedly  Farida  has impeccable credentials  for her job in spite of Obasanjo’s unexpected spite and hatred. In  addition she operated under very difficult conditions and she could not have moved mountains alone in her anti corruption crusade. It  was nice to hear that her successor Lamorde at a function asked the media  to exercise restraint in reporting cases involving the EFCC  to avoid media trial of suspects. That was rampant during Farida’s  time and that could not have  been her fault alone especially in a high tension democracy like Nigeria.

  • Atiku to police: stay off partisan politics

    Atiku to police: stay off partisan politics

    •Pro-chancellor to ex-vice president, others: leave PDP alone

    Former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar has urged the police to stay off partisan politics.

    A statement by his media office yesterday urged the Inspector-General of Police Mohammed Abubakar to order his men to vacate the secretariat of the new Peoples Democratic Party (PDP.

    He said the police invasion of the party’s office has no justification in law, but was rather borne out of political control.

    The statement reads: “While it is embarrassing that the police have yet to give a reason why they are laying siege to a political party office, the whole world knows these are acts prompted by unscrupulous politicians who do not even have the moral conscience not to involve the police in politics.

    “This goes to the root of the current crisis within the PDP. What does it say to our citizens, who live daily with the fear of violence and kidnappings, that our police priority is raiding a political party office.

    “I call on the leadership of the Nigerian Police, especially its Inspector General, to steer clear of political entanglements and immediately vacate our party offices. Our national law enforcement priority must be the safety and security of Nigerians, not politics.

    “A politically partisan police force sets a dangerous precedent, as they will be entrusted to supervise free and fair elections in the future.”

    The Chairman of the Governing Council/Pro-Chancellor, Federal University of Technology, Owerri (FUTO), Dr. Emmanuel Enemuo, urged former Vice- President Atiku Abubakar and the seven governors loyal to the new Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to quit.

    Enemuo, who spoke to reporters in Abuja yesterday, said the position of the ‘New PDP’ that PDP National Chairman, Alhaji Bamanga Tukur must be removed for peace to reign was undemocratic.

    He said: “My own take on the matter is this: if they no longer want to be in PDP, let them go, form their own party and meet PDP at the polling ground. If they want to pick their presidential candidate, let them go and nominate him and let him come for the general election.”

    He said the bid to oust Tukur was aimed at checkmating President Goodluck Jonathan’s 2015 bid.

    Enemuo said: “They are now telling Jonathan that ‘look, you remove Tukur and we’re still with you’. The target is Jonathan himself. I know that. The target is the presidential ticket of PDP. If Jonathan decides to run-and I hope he decides to run because he is one of the best things to have happened to this country- none of them has a chance.”

    The PDP chieftain in Anambra State said Tukur was not a dictator.

    “Before he assumed office, what happened in PDP was that the National Chairman would have his own candidate, National Secretary his own, and so on. But now, everything has been reduced to level-playing field. They don’t like it.”

    On the ongoing university teachers strike, he urged the Academic Staff Union off Universities (ASUU) to call off the strike.

  • Political hackers and Nigeria

    Last week, it was reported that a distraught sea shark was

    washed ashore a Lagos beach. The poor animal did not reckon with the country it ventured into. Before it could realise its fatal error, sundry thieves, hungry men, homeless fellows, wandering bandits and ignorant neighbours have gathered and were helping themselves from the ‘manna from the sea’. After all, like aja ogbanje, or the abiku sacrifice, the washed up animal belonged to nobody, and so any person who has the courage was welcomed to the deathly feast. It was with such intense desperation, that members of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) fought for the soul of their party last Saturday, at the Eagle Square, Abuja. Again, farther up north, political desperados where out with their knives butchering our constitution in Taraba state crisis.

    If the shark had landed in a saner environment, the country’s environmentalist would have gathered to help steer the poor thing back to its habitat; or at least mourn the mishap and worry about the desperate and ignorant hackers. But this is Nigeria. Unfortunately, our country’s resources is treated not differently from the unfortunate shark, and what happened in Abuja last week was a show of the acute desperation between the desperados that have been helping themselves unhindered to the ownerless Nigeria. As the leaders of the PDP have boasted several times, there is a greater intensity in the internal struggle for the control of their party than in the actual election. And the reason is simple.

    It is a common practice among these hackers masquerading as politicians that when a candidate wins the party primary of the ruling party, the party would provide the cudgels to hack the system apart, while the party go ahead to rig their candidate into office. But who knows, the impeding decimation of the amorphous sea animal called the PDP, may make the political environment safer. While awaiting the benefits of the tectonic political upheavals across the political space, it is interesting to appreciate the variant forces at play, particularly in the PDP. Check out the disparate amalgam, known as the ‘new PDP’. Their new leader Alhaji Atiku Abubakar has under his wings Governors Mu’azu Babangida Aliyu, Murtala Nyako, Sule Lamido, Rabiu Kwankwaso and Aliyu Wamakko who are all General Olusegun Obasanjo’s political apologists. Now remember that Atiku Abubakar and his erstwhile principal, Obasanjo are sworn political enemies. At the rear of the splinter group are Abdulfatah Ahmed who is beholden to his godfather, Senator Olusola, and Governor Rotimi Amaechi, who is oscillating as man alone.

    The men and women they left behind in the ‘old PDP’ are also desperate and disparate bedfellows. Check out the leaders; President Goodluck Jonathan, Chief Tony Anenih, Gen. Ibrahim Babangida, Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo, Chief Edwin Clark, Dr. Alex Ekwueme, Dame Patience Goodluck and the motley of governors mainly in the South-East, South-South and North-central. Interesting on the day the new apparition appeared, this paper carried an interview where President Jonathan’s new godfather, Chief Clark, was raining abuses on General Obasanjo, the retiring godfather of President Jonathan, for his maneuvres over who flies the party’s presidential flag in 2015. So, obviously all that is at stake for these political scavenging is not about how to help Nigeria to its feet; rather, it about being at the most vantage position and having the best cudgel to cut the best part of the country’s resources.

    No doubt, it is the same desperation that has hitched the major political actors against one another in Taraba State. To be at the driver’s seat, the hackers in that state now treat the constitution upon which their legitimacy depends, as an ordinary piece of paper. But we must remind the dramatis personae and even the commentators that it is in the overall interest of our country and Taraba in particular, that, there are enough provisions in the constitution to bring the orchestrated debacle in Taraba state to an honourable end. Talking of honour, what is ordinarily expected of a sick man like Governor Suntai is for him to talk a leave from his position and go to the hospital for treatment and after that, if it is necessary, take a leave to rest to ensure full recovery. But the holders of political offices in Nigeria are not a gang of workers, and Suntai knows. They are hackers, unconscionably hacking away the common resources put in their care, and that is why Governor Suntai, his deputy Garba Umar and the Speaker of the state House of Assembly are desperately seeking a hold of the vantage position of the state governor. It has nothing to do with the interest of the people of Taraba.

    In the circumstance, the law should come to our aid. In my humble view, Governor Suntai has fulfilled the requirement of Section 190(2) of the 1999 constitution as amended, by transmitting “a letter to the speaker that he is now available to resume his functions as Governor”. Unfortunately, the constitution did not give the legislature any say upon receiving the letter. But where as alleged by those seeking to take over the state, the letter to the speaker was forged, the constitution provides under Section 188 that the Governor of the state can be removed from office “for gross misconduct in the performance of the functions of his office”. In the present circumstance, if they can substantiate that the purported signature on the letter to the speaker was forged; that clearly constitutes gross misconduct on Governor Suntai’s part, for which an impeachment process should be initiated against him. Unfortunately, the actors are all desperate, and riding roughshod over the constitution is all fair for these hackers.

     

  • Stop playing politics with the people, says Senator Tinubu

    Senator Oluremi Tinubu (Lagos Central District) has urged the Federal Government and the National Assembly to stop playing politics with people’s lives.

    She wondered why the 37 Local Council Development Areas (LCDAs) created by the Lagos State government were yet to be enlisted as full-fledged local governments.

    Speaking with reporters at an empowerment programme organised by the Lagos Island East Local Council Development Area, Senator Tinubu said: “We are trying our best at the National Assembly to ensure that the LCDAs become local governments, but we are a minority as the opposition. That is why we speak up whenever we have the opportunity to do so.

    “We have to realise that states have the power to create local governments and they should be recognised, especially when we look at the population and past elections. Look at the number of local governments in Kano, the number of registered voters in Lagos exceed the population there.

    “We should stop playing politics with the lives of the people and put our resources where they are supposed to be, irrespective of party affiliation. We need to do what is right for our country.”

    Lamenting that the priorities of Nigerians are misplaced, Mrs. Tinubu said: “We are wealthy people. You will know this by the way we share food at parties. We are not a poor nation, but we are a country with misplaced priorities.”

    On autonomy for councils, she asked whether Nigerians were ready for autonomy at that level.

    The senator said: “When you say autonomy, it depends. Have you been to other states? What is the quality of their chairmen? Nigeria has a long way to go before we start asking for autonomy. Autonomy is good; I am for it, but are we ready?”

    She praised council chairmen in the state for delivering the dividends of democracy, despite the meagre allocation from the Federation Account.

    Mrs. Tinubu said: “Lagos State council chairmen do not have a choice but to work. We have a lot of educated people who will speak up, if they are not performing. Mind you, the 57 local governments and LCDAs are spending the resources meant for only 20 local governments. With the little they are given, they are trying their best to make life better for the people.

  • Suntai dissolves cabinet, names new SSG, COS

    Suntai dissolves cabinet, names new SSG, COS

    Governor Danbaba Suntai of Taraba State, Wednesday, dissolved the executive cabinet of the state.

    All Commissioners and Special Advisers were affected. Only the Senior Special Assistants were spared.

    A new Secretary to the State Government and Chief of Staff were named.

    The changes were announced at a press briefing in government house presided by the SSA on Media and Publicity, Sylvanus Giwa.