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Tag: PRESIDENCY

  • FG won’t oppose Boko Haram initiated negotiation – Presidency

    FG won’t oppose Boko Haram initiated negotiation – Presidency

    The Presidency on Saturday said the Federal Government will not shy away from any negotiation initiated by the Boko Haram sect.

    The Special Adviser on Media and Publicity to the President, Femi Adesina, in a statement titled “Amplification of comments on negotiations with Boko Haram,” pointed out that United States also negotiated with the Talibans in Afghanistan at some point in time.

    But he said if the government will go into such negotiation, it will be from a point of strength and not weakness.

    Adesina said President Muhammadu Buhari , who has won such insurgency before, is now poised to win the fight against Boko Haram.

    He said: “Most wars, however furious or vicious, often end on the negotiation table. So, if Boko Haram opts for negotiation, the government will not be averse to it.

    “Government will, however, not be negotiating from a position of weakness, but that of strength. The machinery put in place, and which will be set in motion soon, can only devastate and decapitate insurgency.

    “It is multinational in nature, and relief is on the way for Nigeria and her neighbours. President Muhammadu Buhari is resolute. He has battled and won insurgency before. He is poised to win again. It is a promise he made to Nigerians, and he is a promise keeper.

    “But I say again, if the insurgents want to negotiate, no decent government will be averse to such. Didn’t the Taliban and Americans also negotiate in Afghanistan?”

     

     

  • It’ll take time to clear Jonathan’s mess, says Presidency

    It’ll take time to clear Jonathan’s mess, says Presidency

    •PDP urges Nigerians to pray for govt

    The Presidency said last night that it will take time to clear the mess created by the Goodluck Jonathan administration, contrary to the call by the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) that Nigerians need to pray for the administration of President Muhammadu Buhari.

    PDP National Publicity Secretary Olisah Metuh made the call in his 30-day appraisal of the Buhari administration.

    The Special Adviser on Media and Publicity to the President, Mr. Femi Adesina, in a statement, said Nigerians were already on the side of the administration, which he noted was on course.

    “It requires scrupulous and painstaking planning to clean the PDP’s Augean Stable,” Adesina said, adding:

    “It is amusing to read what the National Publicity Secretary of the defeated Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Olisa Metuh, considers a 30 days appraisal of the President Muhammadu Buhari administration.

    “He wants Nigerians to join hands in prayers for the government, so that things would begin to move. What he does not know is that Nigerians had long formed such coalition. They are hands in hands, and that was what gave victory to President Buhari in the March 28, 2015 poll.

    “They had teamed up to uproot an administration that had brought the country to her knees, and was about to tip her off the precipice. And Nigerians have resolved that never would they allow any government to divide them along regional, religious and ethnic fault lines again.

    “The Buhari administration is naturally contemplative because there was absolutely no rhyme or reason to the way PDP ran the country, particularly in the immediate past dispensation. That is why the Augean Stable is being cleaned now, and it requires scrupulous and painstaking planning.”

    Stressing that national life was devalued across all sectors under PDP, Adesina said: “And it takes meticulousness and sure-footedness to repair all the breaches. This, the Buhari administration will deliver.

    “Metuh talks of people around the President conniving with bureaucrats to syphon money from the treasury. This must be deja vu, as it was the pastime of the immediate past administration, and the enormity of the sleaze will be evident when stolen money, to the tune of billions of dollars, is recovered, and returned to the national treasury soon.”

    He said that only time will offer Nigerians the opportunity to compare the current administration with the past in order to know which one has come to serve the people.

    He said: “In the process of time, after all that is being planned by the current administration has matured, and bearing fruits, Nigerians will be able to determine who is serving them acceptably, and who has taken them for a ride. It is just a matter of time.

    “Meanwhile, Metuh and his masters can only rue the missed opportunities to make salutary impact on the lives of Nigerians. They have a long road of regrets to travel.”

    A statement yesterday by Metuh noted that the enormity of the confusion surrounding the government and the ruling party in the last one month had made it imperative for Nigerians to pray as the success or failure of the Buhari administration would not only affect the President and his party but also the entire nation.

    The statement said: “We urge Nigerians to join hands in prayers and offer useful suggestions to President Muhammadu Buhari and the APC because with what we have seen in the last 30 days, the present administration is finding it very difficult to get its bearings right while showing no inclination towards implementing its numerous campaign promises for which they were voted into office at the centre.

    ”We are deeply worried that the President, who promised to unveil his cabinet two weeks after his inauguration, has not been able to decide on key appointments, such as ministers, Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Chief of Staff and advisers in key sectors of the economy.

    ”This is more so as the delay has brought government business in ministries, departments and agencies to a dangerous standstill with coordination of important policies vested on ministers and the SGF now in tatters while the system drifts.

    “This situation also creates loopholes through which overzealous persons around the President can connive with unscrupulous elements in the bureaucracy to syphon public resources in addition to possibly misleading the President to violate due process by spending beyond and outside his statutory limits.

    “The situation is taking its toll on the economy sector, which has in the 30 days witnessed unprecedented decline with a terrifying crippling of foreign and domestic investments, including activities in the money and capital market sectors. Under President Buhari, the stock market has lost over N238 billion while the All-Share Index fell by 849.87 basis points as at June 19.

    ”In security, apart from the directive to relocate the counter terrorism command centre to Borno State and seeking assistance from foreigners, no other concrete step has been taken in the fight against insurgency which the President in his April 22, 2015 CNN interview promised to end within his two months in office.

    “Instead, the anti-terrorism effort has completely lost steam in the last 30 days, with insurgents, who had already been pushed to the verge of surrender in the Sambisa forest by the Goodluck Jonathan administration, now surging back and spreading into the country.

    “We also urge for adequate respect for all organs of internal security, such as the Directorate of State Security (DSS), which is answerable to the Nigerian state and as such should not be publicly ridiculed by an aide of the President.”

  • Presidency, VC disagree on ‘salary discrepancy’ at Otuoke Varsity

    •Commissioin demands refunds from VC, Registrar
    •VC explains salary difference

    The Presidency has uncovered an alleged salary discrepancy at the Federal University at Otuoke, former President Goodluck Jonathan’s hometown, in Ogbia Local Government Area of Bayelsa State.

    A document obtained from the university showed that the alleged misappropriation was uncovered by the National Salaries, Incomes and Wages Commission (NSIWC) during a salary inspection routine.

    The commission indicted Vice Chancellor Prof. Mobolaji Aluko and Registrar David Fouwari, for allegedly collecting money in excess of their salaries.

    Aluko was said to have collected a monthly N1,970,476 emolument whereas he should not have earned more than N922,810 per month.

    Fouwari was reportedly paid N1,130,692 instead of his monthly salary of N502,580.

    Also, NSIWC accused the university of disaggregating its workers’ salaries against the Federal Government’s policy of pay consolidation.

    In a May 12 letter to  Aluko, the commission queried him for flouting extant government pay policies.

    The letter, which was signed on behalf of the commission’s chairman by the Director of Compensation, Chike N. Ogbechie, directed the university to stop the “unethical” practices and comply with the rules and rates.

    NSIWC also directed the vice chancellor and the registrar to refund the cumulative overpayment to it within four weeks.

    Although the letter did not disclose the amount to be refunded by the two top officials, it was learnt that their refunds amount to about N50 million.

    Based on the directive of the commission, the ultimatum given to the duo to refund the money expired on June 12.

    But Aluko explained that the difference in his salary constituted unconsolidated allowances paid to him in consideration of his Diaspora status.

    The vice chancellor said the three vice chancellors hired by the Federal Government from the Diaspora to head some new universities were given special allowances to cover some of their running costs abroad, including their pension and health insurance policies.

    He said: “The difference is not a salary difference. We are on sabbatical. My family is still abroad and we have health insurance policies. I still have many years in my university abroad…

    “If l were to pay all these from my local Nigerian salary, I will have just about N100,000 left per month.”

    Aluko said there was no disaggregation of salaries in the institution, adding that not all the allowances were consolidated.

    On the registrar’s salary difference, he said it was a responsibility allowance approved for all registrars by the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU).

    He said: “The Registrar has a responsibility allowance from ASUU. There is N62,000 per month and it is part of the ASUU agreement. There is another one. There were certain things that were consolidated and others not consolidated. They can’t consolidate Diaspora allowance because not everybody is Diaspora. It is a sacred issue.

    “Part of the reasons these issues are coming up is that when we started, we didn’t have a council. Many of the things they said they didn’t approve for us, the council of other schools had approved them and more for their people all this time.”

    But the commission’s letter to the vice chancellor said: “You may wish to recall that in October 2013, a team of officers of this commission visited your institution and carried out an inspection of remuneration practices, vis-a-vis the extant government pay policy, as part of the commission’s mandate stipulated in the enabling law.

    “The findings of the inspection in respect of your institution were as follows:

    “The vice chancellor was being paid total emoluments of N1,970,476.76 monthly, whereas he should not earn more than N922,810.23, if he were paid furniture allowance en bloc earlier or N1,043,176.79; if he were being paid furniture allowance monthly. Much of the difference was attributed to certain allowances, which were not approved by the government.”

  • Treasury: Presidency tackles Jonathan’s minister

    The Presidency had asked former Minister and Deputy Chairman of the National Planning Commission (NPC), Abubakar Suleiman, to provide explanations about the $30 billion he claimed was left in the country’s coffers by the Goodluck Jonathan’s administration.
    The former Minister had faulted President Buhari’s claim that he inherited a virtually empty treasury from Jonathan.
    Senior Special Assistant on Media and Publicity to the President, Mallam Garba Shehu while speaking on Channels Television on Thursday insisted that the treasury has been emptied, and wondered why the media had not taken Suleiman to task to tender details of the $30b legacy. ‎
    “We talk about the foreign reserves and the commitment that are well beyond the capacity of the new government especially given the responsibility that has brought forward coming from the election.
    “Its a woeful situation and the President needs understanding and he needs help.
    “Coming into the election, there were all manner of promises that had been made (but) the ground reality is that you must read the books as handed over to you by the outgoing administration.
    “As you know, all of these things were kept late (such that) we were not allowed to see the skeletons in the cupboard until the very last minute.
    ‎”Therefore government itself needs time to to read and to understand where we are from the beginning and hope to build on all of that, ” Garba stated.
    ‎

  • Presidency has ‘not expelled DSS from State House’

    Presidency has ‘not expelled DSS from State House’

    The Presidency yesterday denied expelling members of the Directorate of State Security (DSS) from the Presidential Villa.

    DSS personnel are among the security agencies providing cover for the President, Vice President and the seat of power.

    But there were stories that President Muhammadu Buhari would replace them with military personnel.

    But Special Adviser on Media and Publicity to the President, Mr.  Femi Adesina, in a statement said: “Rumours that personnel of the State Security Service have been expelled from the Presidential Villa are unfounded.

    “President Muhammadu Buhari has given no such order.

    “While it is true that a reorganisation of security at the Presidential Villa which involves the realignment of personnel from various services is underway, the exercise does not translate to the expulsion of DSS personnel from the premises in any way.

    “The changes being made are routine adjustments which are not unexpected in any dynamic environment from time to time.”

  • Saraki’s, Dogara’s emergence and the Buhari Presidency

    Saraki’s, Dogara’s emergence and the Buhari Presidency

    Although President Muhammadu Buhari is no stranger to coup detats as he was a direct beneficiary of the December 31, 1983 military coup,  the one that played out on the floor of the Senate yesterday during the inauguration of the 8th National Assembly has serious implications for the success of his four-year tenure as a civilian President. It is one thing to feign a sitting-on-the-fence posture on the pretext of allowing members to pick their leadership , it is another thing entirely to watch from the sidelines as the ruling All Progressives Congress, through errors of commission or omission, surrenders the pendulum of choice to the opposition Peoples Democratic Party. No doubt the emergence of Senator Bukola Saraki (Kwara Central Senatorial District) as the President of the Senate in  defiance of his  party’s preference has thrown spanners in the works. The political dynamics have equally changed as the  loyalty of Saraki may shift to the PDP lawmakers whose bloc support ensured a twist in the tale.

     The same scenario played out in the Green Chambers where House of Representatives lawmakers on the platform of the PDP ensured that the APC leadership did not realise its dream of foisting its choice candidates on the 8th Assembly with the emergence of Yakubu Dogara as Speaker as against Femi Gbajabiamila. This well-rehearsed and perfectly hatched coup has thrown the ruling party into disarray even if the successful candidates belong to the fold. It not only questions the supremacy of the party but also rubbishes the assumption that the APC had everything under control prior to yesterday  and could always rein in its members when it mattered most. The outcome of the elections in both chambers in which Senator Ike Ekweremadu retained his seat as the Deputy Senate President has equally changed the political equation. In all of this, the APC has its nose bloodied and it will require enormous deployment of political dexterity for the Executive to perform with a legislature that seems to be adversarial right from the onset.

     But what does  this mean for the PDP that many believe would go into extinction with the loss of the Presidency and many states in the last election. Not a few observers believe that the party will be incapable of being a vibrant opposition to the APC being the very first time it would be out of power since   the commencement of democratic rule in 1999. Is the PDP proving bookmakers wrong? Will the re- engineering of the party be initiated from the National Assembly ? Is Saraki being positioned as the arrow head of the resurgence of the party? Will Saraki mend fence with the APC leadership which yesterday disowned him ? How will the Senate under his watch relate with the executive  that may not indulge in settlement as was the case in the Jonathan era?

    However, it is important to note that Buhari would not be the first President that would have to plot his way round such a delicately poised legislature to be led by Saraki and Dogara. He may need to pick some lessons from the experience of former President Olusegun Obasanjo passed through in his first tenure when Senator Chuba Okadigbo was Senate President and Alhaji Ghali Na’Abba was Speaker. In spite of several threats of impeachment especially by the House of Representatives under Na’Abba, Obasanjo escaped by the skin of his teeth and even got re-elected. Despite the mutual suspicion between them, Obasanjo Okadigbo related with each other.

     Baba, as Obasanjo was fondly called,  danced and rejoiced with Okadigbo at the dedication of the latter’s official residence , reminding all  after consuming a bowl of pounded yam with the celebrant “ that except The Lord builds the house they labour  in vain that build it . “ Few days later, Okadigbo died and was succeeded by Anyim Pius Anyim , a pliant law maker.

     The immediate past President Goodluck Jonathan equally suffered a similar fate when Aminu Tambuwal defied his party’s directives to emerge as Speaker with the support of the then opposition Action Congress of Nigeria and Congress for Progressive Change. History has simply repeated itself with yesterday’s election of two leaders who defied the wishes and directives of their party’s leadership.

     While the APC has expressed deep shock over the outcome of the results in both chambers, it is important to note that the government at the centre has the responsibility of finding the right formula to work with the leadership that was freely chosen by members of both chambers. Of course, there is no denying the fact that egos have been bruised on both sides of the divide and it would take a lot of political maturity and understanding to weave a web of unity round the betrayal. As things stand today, the task before President Buhari is how to put into practical reality his promise to work with any leadership put in place by lawmakers without his interference. He must realise that he is now being described in some quarters  as “ baba go slow”, equating him with a one- time governor of Lagos state, late Chief Michael Otedola  whose administration was criticized for its tardiness and inaction. Almost two weeks after his inauguration, he is yet to appoint key officials like Secretary to the Government, Chief of Staff, Political Adviser, nor has he given any clear direction of where he is headed.  Nigerians are yearning for action, they are tired of promises. The President would also need to mend the broken walls within his party if he must prevent an anticipated encroachment by the PDP which now wields enormous influence in the legislature and may make his  work difficult if it so wishes.

     Being a coalition of strange bedfellows, the APC leadership should not delude itself that it has the overriding power over the NASS leadership as presently constituted. If anything, it should be at the forefront of calming frayed nerves by accepting the choices made by the lawmakers in a democratic setting. Doing anything contrary to this may throw the party into further crisis or even decimate its membership. Since Buhari has declared his intention to work harmoniously with any leadership that emerged, the party needs to respect that decision in order to foster democratic values.

     In his reaction to the election, the President aptly stressed the point that his party’s preference need not necessarily translate into the lawmakers’ wish. His party’s candidates’ loss notwithstanding, it is noteworthy that Buhari seems to have come to grips with the reality that what was demonstrated on the floor of the National Assembly was the triumph of a constitutional process over the wish list of the APC leadership. Do we take that Buhari was unfazed when he said his primary concerns remain “the stability of our constitutional order and overall interest of the common man” than the defeat of his party’s candidates by a coalition of forces in the National Assembly? Is it a sign of confidence that he would weather the storm and work harmoniously with the National Assembly?  

     The inauguration of the National Assembly, regardless of its shortcomings, offers President Buhari the opportunity to send the list of his team to the Senate for screening and approval. It also affords him the privilege to begin the process of sending relevant bills that would give legal teeth to his electoral promises for consideration. A President that promises to be for everybody should be able to live above his party’s intrigues and power play over who controls what at the legislature. He needs not join the fray by taking sides. As Presidency, his constituency is the whole nation and it is his responsibility to find right mix that would pull the various interests together for the benefit of the nation.

  • African Banker Magazine profiles Adesina, others for AfDB presidency

    African Banker Magazine profiles Adesina, others for AfDB presidency

    The second quarter issue of African Banker Magazine has profiled Nigeria’s Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development, Akinwumi Adesina and seven other candidates vying for the African Development Bank (AFDB) Presidency.

    In the magazine’s one-to-one sessions, Adesina and other candidates, for the continent’s premier multilateral financial institution, shared their strategic visions, priorities and agendas for the bank.

    In the extensive dossier, the eight candidates indicated their suitability for this momentous job and the credentials required to lead Africa’s most prominent development institution.

    The eight candidates spoke candidly and openly about their ambitions for the bank. Among the eight contenders vying for the Presidency, five currently serve as ministers, one former minister and a Development Banking specialist.

    Adesina feels that his experience in transforming the agricultural sector in Nigeria, and his first experience working and operating in various African countries will keep him in good stead. “My vision is based on continuing decentralisation and increasing support for private initiatives,” he said.

    Having overseen Ethiopia’s strong growth into one of Africa’s leading economies, the country’s Finance Minister, Sufian Ahmed, believes the AfDB will be safe in his experienced hands.

    The former Minister Finance of Tunisia, Jaloul Ayed, asserts that his banking experience has allowed him to gain a clear understanding of Africa’s full potential. He calls for an AfDB that is closer to its markets.

    Chad’s Minister of Finance and Budget, Kordjé Bedoumra, states that following his previous tenure at the AfDB, he has the experience and expertise to improve operational efficiency of the bank as well as shape its short and long term policies.

    The only female candidate in the race is Cape Verde Minister of Finance and Planning, Cristina Duarte,  who says whatever improvements need to be made, the AfDB can never forget its mission, which is to serve Africa and its people.

  • Presidency, APC in row over May 29 transition

    Presidency, APC in row over May 29 transition

    ALL is not well between the transition committees set up by the Presidency and the incoming All Progressives Congress (APC).

    The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP)-led Federal Government has “bluntly refused to co-operate with us in ensuring a successful transition”, the APC said yesterday in a statement issued in Abuja by its spokesman Lai Mohammed.

    Bu the Presidency dismissed the allegation as untrue.

    The APC urged President Goodluck Jonathan to rein in his aides who are “overheating the polity with their incautious statements, especially relating to the transition of power”.

    Mohammed said “while the PDP may be deeply traumatised by its loss in the last general elections – and the party itself has said it is indeed suffering from ‘post-election (defeat) trauma’ – that should not be a reason for it to disrupt the nation’s peace by displaying crab mentality”.

    The party’s strong stand seems to have been provoked by what it called a “provocative and ill-intentioned statement credited to the Special Adviser to the President on Political Affairs, Prof. Rufai Alkali, that the APC should talk less and plan more for the nation, and that the party (APC) is seeking to stampede the President out of office.

    Mohammed said: “Prof. Alkali doesn’t know what he is saying. How does he expect us to plan when the PDP-led FG has bluntly refused to cooperate with us in ensuring a successful transition? As we write, the Transition Committee of the FG has yet to hold a single meeting with our own Transition Committee, neither have they given us a line of handover note.

    “As a matter of fact, the Jonathan Administration has said the handover notes will not be ready until the third week of May, meaning just a week before the handover. What time then do we have to scrutinise the handover notes? How can we plan when we don’t even know which projects they have, which ones they have completed and which ones are outstanding? How can we plan when we don’t even know how many barrels of oil are sold per day?”

    To the APC, that “Prof. Alkali does not know the difference between Inauguration Committee and Transition Committee is a reflection of mediocrity that permeates the Jonathan Administration and led to its downfall”.

    “While their Inauguration Committee has been meeting with ours, their Transitional Committee has yet to even meet with ours. How then can Prof. Alkali justify his statement that the Jonathan Administration has been in a ‘transition mode’?

    “Is it part of their transition mode that President Jonathan has been engaged in a rash of feverish last-minute appointments that, though may not have breached any known law, are patently in bad faith, morally repugnant and indecorous. They say they are in office until May 29th, but pray, are appointments the only function of a government? Are there no problems crying for attention, such as the intractable fuel scarcity, the worsening power situation, the grounded economy and the missing Chibok girls?

    ‘’Is it part of their transition mode that Jonathan’s minister of power has virtually been reading the riot act to the incoming government, condescendingly warning it not to even consider reversing the power sector privatisation because its gains are “very obvious?”. Do they understand the implication of their gratuitous and unsolicited advice? If their power sector reforms have been so successful, would Nigeria’s power situation have hit perhaps its lowest point in a long long time as we have it now?”

    APC said in as much as the Jonathan Administration is bent on provoking the incoming Administration, creating confusion and even sabotaging the transition, the party (APC) has decided not to fall for their antics in the interest of peace.

    The party reiterated its earlier advice to the PDP to shake off the trauma of defeat and gear up for the challenging task of being in opposition.

    “They must however realise that being in opposition is not a walk in the park but like running a marathon in the desert where there are no oases or shades. The sooner they realise that the better for them,’’ it said.

    But the Presidency said Vice President Namadi Sambo has met with the  Chairman of the APC Transition Committee, Ahmed Joda.

    It said Joda came for two or three sessions with Sambo. With him was a member of his team, Mallam Muhammad Hayatudeen.

    A source in the Presidency, who spoke in confidence last night, said: “It is not true that the Federal Government has refused to cooperate with the APC Transition Committee.

    “We have it on record that Vice President Namadi Sambo has met with the Chairman of the APC Transition Committee, Ahmed Joda and another member, Hayatudeen, for about two or three times.

    “Maybe Lai Mohammed was not aware of these sessions and he ought to have crosschecked his assumptions before going to the press.”

    The source said the government had directed the National Publicity Secretary of PDP, Chief Olisa Metuh, to respond to APC’s allegations.

    He said: “The government does not want to dignify APC and its spokesman. Since it was not Joda that accused the government of not cooperating with the APC Transition Committee, we will also limit our response to party level.

    “We have asked Metuh to reply APC accordingly so that we can handle the issue at party level.”

  • ‘Presidency, National Assembly must cut expenses’

    ‘Presidency, National Assembly must cut expenses’

    MEMBER-elect of the House of Representatives from Kano State Abdullahi Mahmud Gaya has called on the incoming administration of President-elect Muhammadu Buhari to slash the expenses of the Presidency and National Assembly by 50 per cent.

    Gaya said this would allow enough resources to be made available to cater for the nation’s capital expenditure.

    In an interview with reporters at his residence in Kano yesterday, Gaya, who was elected from Gaya/Ajinge/Albasu Federal Constituency, urged his colleagues and the President-elect to consider his advice.

    Until his election as a House of Representatives’ member,  Gaya was the state’s commissioner for Finance.

    “In my opinion, I think it will be better for all the elected representatives,  beginning from Mr. President to members of parliament,  to ministers, other advisers and special assistants,  to agree that what we will be receiving is slashed to 50 per cent,” he said.

    “Since we believe the country needs positive change, we should therefore accept it as such. The slash in the expenses should continue till when our dear nation gets to execute capital projects. The sacrifice should start from May 29, for two years,” he added.

  • 2015 Polls: Intrigues that cost Jonathan the presidency

    2015 Polls: Intrigues that cost Jonathan the presidency

    The ballot box verdict doesn’t tell the entire story of the 2015 general elections. In this piece, YUSUF ALLI, MANAGING EDITOR, NORTHERN OPERATION reports on the intrigues and high-wire politicking that toppled an incumbent president for the first time ever in Nigeria.

    If some politicians could rewind the hands of the clock, they would have done so over the just-concluded general elections. Every moment before, during and after the elections presented its own unique features until it became evident that Nigerians have voted for change. What were the behind-the-scene issues? These were intrigues bordering on President Goodluck Jonathan, the President-elect, Gen. Muhammadu Buhari, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and others.

     DEALING WITH BUHARI

    Apart from the hate documentaries aired against the President-elect, there were desperate underground moves by a South-South governor to force the Nigeria Police to arrest him for forgery and perjury over the certificate saga and disqualify him from contesting.

    Armed with a war-chest running into billions of naira, the governor and his small committee of some stalwarts of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) sought for judicial fiat to subject Buhari to trial. But the project failed because the subterranean team put the cart before the horse, they did not follow due process.

    To get a fiat for prosecution of Buhari, there must be a formal complaint lodged before the Nigeria Police Force. The allegation(s) ought to be investigated and a prima facie case established beyond reasonable doubt. After the long and winding process, the Police then write a formal letter to the office of the Attorney-General of the Federation calling for Buhari’s trial. The AGF, Mr. Mohammed Bello Adoke (SAN) was alleged to have refused issuance of such a fiat to save the nation from conflagration.

    Again while the South-South governor was coordinating the plot, some aggrieved Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) leaders and strategists of the President from the North were also angry that a case of alleged forgery/ perjury was to be raised against Buhari. Those unhappy with the suits read “ethnic meanings into the whole drama” because all those behind the applications were mostly Igbo. The suits were  FHC/ ABJ/ CS/ 01/ 2015 by Chukwuemeka Okafor; FHC/ ABJ/ CS/ 14/ 2015 by Max Ozoaka; FHC/ ABJ/ CS/ 68/ 2015 by Ayakeme Whiskey; and the last at the FCT Magistrate’s Court by Shield Jones Ufot.

    Another governor with a leaning to the opposition also bankrolled some of the suits against Buhari to the tune of $1.5million (by underwriting the legal fees) with the hope that the plot will sail through and the All Progressives Congress (APC) will be forced to conduct another presidential primaries.

    The problem for those questioning whether Buhari had a secondary school certificate was the interpretation of Section 131 of the 1999 constitution which says the minimum requirement is ability to read and write.

    There were also past pronouncements by the court on the eligibility of Governor Adams Oshiomhole which appeared to make the suits mere academic exercises. Time factor, resilience of the police, grave security implications and legal/constitutional issues which were raised by legal experts in government convinced President Goodluck Jonathan that such an adventure could backfire. In fairness to the President, he conceded that Buhari should not be arrested no matter the flimsy excuse.

    CONSPIRACY OF THE MILITARY ELITE

    Findings indicate that the 2015 poll was settled the day the Nigerian Army claimed that it did not have the secondary school certificate of Buhari. The military elite, especially retired army generals who are now big players in politics and the nation’s economy, felt insulted and opted to back Buhari and APC in their respective states and at federal level.

    The subsequent nationwide electoral Tsunami, which led to the loss of governorship seats in many states in the North by the PDP, was a consequence of the anger of these military leaders.

    The same military elite who bankrolled and worked for the formation of PDP in 1998 were disenchanted that a platform they had created for the unity of the nation had been hijacked by some hawks and turned into an instrument of hate and disunity. The unhappy military leaders, including the taciturn ones, emptied their bank accounts to finance the election of Buhari against Jonathan.

    They said they were not expecting anything in return other than to prove a point that the Jonathan campaign was “dirty and a threat to the survival of the country.”

    From an empty purse, a poor Buhari was able to give the then ruling PDP a run for their money in campaign advertising. A big face of this soldierly resentment was ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo who openly tore his PDP membership card through a proxy. Many other former military brass joined APC to effect a change in the country.

    If there is any Nigerian that President Goodluck Jonathan was looking forward to for backing during the presidential election, it is a former prominent Northern general who is also a Christian. But this respected individual who had warned Jonathan against seeking re-election, stood aloof instead of mobilizing Northern Christian minorities against Buhari. He was neutral, calculating and watching from the sidelines.

    This explains why even in Plateau State, the APC has produced the governor-elect. The greatest shock Jonathan received was a security report indicating that the general made his residence in a posh area of Abuja available to Buhari to live in and coordinate his campaign.

    A source said: “As a presidential aspirant, Buhari had no house in Abuja and the general decided to bail him out by giving out his imposing white house for him to squat. Buhari lived in the house till he was elected on March 28. He is just planning to move out any moment from now.

    THE CARD READER ROADBLOCK

    All attempts to portray INEC as a failure over the distribution of PVCs and deployment of smart card readers failed due to the overwhelming public confidence in the electoral agency. Although he PDP never hid its disdain for card readers it was never able to advance acceptable excuses to dump them. The public were forced to conclude that the device would make it impossible to rig the general election or return jumbo figures as was the case in some zones in 2011.

    Following INEC chairman, Prof. Attahiru Jega’s insistence on card readers, the ruling party and 15 others opted for three options: blackmail him through mass protests and force the presidency to rethink his continued stay in office; go to court to stop the use of card readers, or frustrate him to resign.

    All these plots were hatched not minding the fact that the presidency had received legal advice that card readers do not violate Section 52(1) (2) the Electoral Act 2010 (as amended).

    There were protests which began at INEC headquarters and some other parts of the country. In the South-East, the outlawed Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) led the anti-Jega demonstrations, while the Oodua Peoples Congress (OPC) ran a failed make-shift show in Lagos.

    The biggest of the plots was the recourse to the courts to cage Jega who would have had no choice than to obey the order of a court. They had expected the court to determine the following prayers:

    * An interim order restraining INEC from proceeding with arrangement and plan to use the CRM for the impending elections.

    *  An order of interim injunction restraining the defendant, its agents, servants, privies or assigns, by whatever name, from implementing or commencing or further implementing or further commencing or directing or further directing the use and preparation of the Card Reader Machine or any name of like nature, pending the hearing and determination of the motion on notice.

    *  Deployment of card readers for the election is a violation of the provision of Section 52(1) (2) which prohibits the use of any electronic method of voting in the country.

    But Justice Ademola Adeniyi, emerged the unsung hero when he refused to stop the use of the card readers. When the anti-card readers’ forces wanted to take advantage of some challenges with the machine during the poll, the backing of the United States foreclosed their plot. The US Ambassador to Nigeria, James Eintwistle, said: “I was very impressed about the decision by INEC to use technology in this election. I will tell you something, the PVCs are very hi-tech. They are more hi-tech than my voter card from the State of Virginia in the US. My voter card does not have my biometrics; it does not have my fingerprints. So, I was very impressed by the decision to go hi-tech because hi-tech, I think, gives the process more integrity.”

    REAL REASONS PLOT AGAINST JEGA FAILED

    There was no doubt that the plot to remove Jega was real. Except for the air he breathes, the INEC chairman was close-circuited or wired in such a manner that even sensitive text messages he exchanged with the powers-that-be on the preparation for the election were made public by the press.

    According to sources, in such instances, Jega would say: “Why should we descend so low to this level?” Yet he refused to change his mobile line. His saving grace, however, was his tremendous goodwill with Nigerians. The presidency at a stage found it difficult to run against the overwhelming positive public opinion about Jega.

    Even when  the then supervising Minister of Information, Edem Duke tested the public pulse with  comments that suggested that Jega’s position was less than 100% secure, the public stood like the rock of Gibraltar  behind the INEC boss.

    Duke had said: “On the issue of the INEC chairman, I align myself with what the President said that he has no plan to sack the INEC chairman. That is not to say that if it is time for the INEC chairman to naturally exit his office, then the natural course of things will not take place. It is like saying a civil servant has done 35 years or achieved the age of 60; we now begin to say that he must not retire or he must retire. I think all of that is in the terrain of the Presidency and he has spoken. I have nothing to add to that.”

    A team headed by a former chairman of INEC was hired by some pro-Jonathan campaign strategists to understudy the system and expose how to circumvent it, including the likelihood of weaving any scandal around Jega.

    Right from the time he assumed office Jega has studiously avoided banana peels and was always telling his team of five aides to shun any bait from civil servants in INEC in terms of award of contracts and perks of office. To insulate him and key aides from being influenced, he made sure that they draw their salaries from an electoral basket fund provided by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). Even with such a concession, he ensured that the UNDP evaluates him and the aides on monthly basis.

    Secondly, Jega’s reforms in INEC made every staff a stakeholder in the electoral business. A highly-placed source said: “Unlike in the past, there was no cult system where only few knew what was going on in the commission. He used to lay all the cards on the table for everyone. This transparency made it difficult for any of the National Commissioners to rock the boat. One or two of them may have collected slush funds to destabilize Jega and INEC, but they could not go far at all. All they could do was to leak official memos.”

    When the card reader supplier was arrested by security agents, it was said to be an opportunity to unravel the other side of Jega but there was no blemish.

    BEHIND THE SCENE POLITICS AT NATIONAL COLLATION CENTRE AND WHY JEGA DARED ORUBEBE

    Though Nigerians were glued to their television boxes watching the development at the National Collation Centre, they had no advantage of knowing the behind-the-scene politics of releasing the results. Ambassadors and representatives from some Western countries supported Jega and his team in such a manner that they were always in and out of the collation centre to make sure the will of Nigerians prevailed.

    The constant feedback from these shuttles by diplomats who disguised as foreign observers, actually accounted for a joint statement by the US and the UK that the poll must be conclusive. Although the action of some of the ambassadors was rated as “undiplomatic” and interference in the nation’s internal affairs by the Federal Government, the international attention on the collation of results and the support given to Jega by these foreign powers strengthened his resolve to see the process through to the logical conclusion.

    The INEC chairman made the International Conference Centre (ICC) his permanent abode and if there was any message from any government official or Nigerian, it had to be delivered in the open. The scene created by ex-Minister of Niger Delta Affairs, Elder Godsday Peter Orubebe, was a script drafted by some forces but the pressure from the international community aborted it.

    While Orubebe was barking at Jega, he intermittently raised his fist as if he was expecting an invasion or a back-up from some sources but there was no reinforcement from anywhere. Faced with no better choice, President Jonathan conceded defeat, a development which threw Orubebe off balance at the collation centre. He later left the ICC abruptly before Jega announced the final result.

    LAST-MINUTE SECURITY CHALLENGE AT THE COLLATION CENTRE

     Before the final results of the presidential election were released by INEC chairman, most of the security operatives at the centre suddenly withdrew their services, except for a few policemen and members of the Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC). Jega’s saving grace was the live telecast of the announcement which enabled Nigerians to have first-hand knowledge of how things were going. At almost zero point security, he braved the odds to complete the 2015 poll assignment.

    THE MOST EXPENSIVE CAMPAIGN IN NIGERIA’S HISTORY

    The 2015 polls will go down in history as the most expensive campaign because the spending of US dollars took centre stage. Between $3 and $4 billion might have gone down the drain in violation of Section 90(1) and Section 91(1-10) of the Electoral Act on campaign funds. The sections state in part: “Election expenses shall not exceed the sum stipulated in subsection (2-7) of this section.

     “The maximum election expenses to be incurred by a candidate at a Presidential election shall be N1billion. The maximum election expenses to be incurred by a candidate at a Governorship election shall be N200, 000.000. The maximum amount of election expenses to be incurred of Senatorial seat by a candidate at an election to the National Assembly shall be N40, 000.000, while the seat for House of Representative shall be N20, 000.000.In the case of State Assembly election, the maximum amount of election expenses to be incurred shall be N10, 000.000.”

    Different groups emerged to milk the party system of funds. There was the case of a renowned party chieftain who converted his hotel suite in Abuja to a vault where money was stashed from wall to wall.  Public officers seized the moment to tamper with funds under the guise of contributing their quota. It was also a season of betrayal as some party stalwarts, especially PDP, collected huge funds and later diverted such to personal use or defected to other parties.

    During the countdown to the April 11 governorship poll, a PDP chieftain in the South-East had raised the alarm to forces in Abuja that the party was cash-strapped. A quickie N20million was raised but barely 24 hours after, the man abandoned the party after collecting what a source described as a “parting gift.”

    The source said: “The struggle for personal benefits overshadowed the target of winning the election. Virtually everyone wanted to make money from the campaign as if there will be no tomorrow or as if we were going to lose at the poll. The President saw the gaps and decided to personally drive his own campaign but it was too late.”

    It is not surprising that the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), which was helpless during the general election, has now limited foreign exchange withdrawal to $50,000 a year and $300 per day.

    FIVE REASONS JONATHAN CONCEDED DEFEAT

    Jonathan has been widely lauded for calling Buhari to concede defeat even before the final results were in. The reason most readily proferred for the action was the need to save the nation from the tension and violence that could have followed any attempt to contest the election’s outcome.

    But were there other reasons? Findings indicate that there were five reasons why the President accepted defeat and they are: spiritual, loss of international goodwill, personal experience/ decision, obvious betrayal by some people and wise counsel from some aides he has respect for

    A top source said from Rev. Fr. Ejike Mbaka of the Adoration Ground in Enugu to some other Christian clerics consulted in the inner recess of the Presidential Villa, there were signs that it was time for Jonathan to leave power although he might bounce back in the future. The source added: “I think he chose to tread the right path by heeding the spiritual voice. Some had argued for selfish reasons that he had been ordained to rule for second term but he opted for the lonely path.”

    The betrayal by some PDP leaders, governors and members of the cabinet during the election was said to be emotionally challenging too for the President. Before the poll, it was learnt that his cabinet had split along North-South lines. Some governors, ministers and PDP leaders from the North were pretending to be for the President but they did not do anything practical to demonstrate this. Apart from the general and symbolic campaign at each state capital, most of the ministers from the North did not on their own mount the soap box to campaign for their boss. A minister said: “There was always this security fear of mob attack.”

    More importantly, the body language of some Western nations, like the US, UK, France, and Germany, showed that they were not keen on Jonathan as they did in 2011. These nations, according to sources, only kept to a “tolerable” diplomatic relationship with Jonathan’s administration. And the bashing of Jonathan’s government by some Western media organisations pointed to the perception of their governments. So, the President fought the just-concluded election on two fronts -local and international.

    At personal level, investigation revealed that Jonathan had always marveled at the electoral model of some African countries without post-election crises. Since 2010, he had been relating with some African leaders on the magic wand behind their electoral successes. He had promised to emulate some of them. It was gathered that the peace accord brokered by the ex-UN Secretary-General, Kofi Annan weighed down the President too and for once in six years, he chose to paddle his own canoe. It was also learnt that the fear of the backlash of rejecting the results of the presidential poll and the consequential turmoil made Jonathan to take his destiny in his own hands. Having been warned by ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo not to play Laurent Gbagbo, he did not even consult members of his kitchen cabinet before doing the needful.

    The National Security Adviser, Mr. Sambo Dasuki gave an insight in the week on the personal factor. He said: “President Jonathan had already given his words to all the security and service chiefs before the election that he would abide by the decision of Nigerians. At the meeting, he also told them to perform their duties professionally during the polls.

    “While we anticipated that he would congratulate his opponent if the result was announced in favour of the opposition candidate, he gratuitously without the prompting of anyone conceded defeat to the surprise of all.

    “By that singular gesture, he had saved the security agencies and the nation of unnecessary tension and stress in maintaining law and order and curtailing excesses of likely protesters.”

    Notwithstanding these factors, some ministers and aides of the President have been credited with the task of persuading the President to concede defeat on March 31st.  These “heroic” aides included the Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Mohammed Bello Adoke (SAN); the Aviation Minister, Mr. Osita Chidoka, the Minister of Finance, Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala and the Special Assistant to the President on Domestic Matters, Waripamo-Owei Dudafa.

    Whatever is the correct position, the President’s memoir will reveal what transpired before he conceded defeat. His saving grace however was that PDP hawks were not around at the crucial moment. And it is amazing that no one was able to give an account of the whereabouts of the First Lady Dame Patience Jonathan on the March 31st. It is also not clear whether or not she played any role in her hubby’s landmark decision. Until Jonathan joins the league of memoir writers, the untold stories of Jonathan’s presidency and the 2015 poll will continue to make the headlines.