Tag: season

  • Edo and the season of big shoes

    In October, the ancient city of Benin roared with festivities. The cynosure was the week-long coronation of His Royal Majesty, Oba Ewuare II as the 40th Oba of Benin Kingdom. After a medley of colourful rites and ceremonies, the prince formally assumed his position as Oba of Benin on Thursday, October 20.

    Oba Ewuare II will follow the tradition of his father, Oba Erediauwa, who joined his ancestors a while ago. But before his royal call, Oba Erediauwa worked in public service as a District Officer (D.O) in 1957 in the Eastern Nigeria Civil Service before he was transferred to the Federal Civil Service. There, he rose through the ranks, to retire as Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Health in 1972. He became the Regional Representative of Gulf Oil Company after and he was appointed Commissioner for finance in Midwest State by former Military Governor George Innih in 1975. Thereafter, he retired to his traditional role as the Ediaken of Uselu. And when his father died, the prince who would later become Oba Erediauwa, began the ceremonial royal march to the Oba’s palace to ascend the throne of his forebears. He was aged 56.

    While on the throne, Oba Erediauwa was a beacon of truth, peace, equity and justice. And Benin in particular, under his leadership, witnessed tremendous peace. The Oba was also a great promoter of the Edo cultural heritage, values, customary laws and tradition. In fact, Oba Erediauwa’s reign stands out as pivotal to the building of modern-day Benin Kingdom. He ruled with candour and had the courage to say things the way he saw it, no matter whose ox was gored. Well-revered and adored, the Oba’s statesmanship earned him many endearments and awards, including the national honour – Commander of the Federal Republic (CFR).

    Having to succeed such an accomplished father, Oba Ewuare II has big shoes to fill.

    Also, not too long ago, Benin, the Edo State capital, welcomed a new leader. The leader, the Edo State Governor-elect, is Mr Godwin Obaseki, who takes over from Comrade Adams Oshiomhole on November 12. For Oshiomhole, bringing development to Edo as governor has not been a tea party. But during the coronation ceremony of Oba Ewuare II, Oshiomhole said part of the reason he succeeded was because he respected tradition. He disclosed that support and fatherly advice from Oba Erediauwa helped him to succeed as governor.

    “The formal coronation of your royal majesty today affords us the opportunity to celebrate the rich cultural tradition of Benin kingdom,” said Oshiomhole.

    “To recall the very fond memories of the outstanding contribution that Oba Erediauwa displayed while on the throne, I recall it with fond memories of my very privileged relationship – which was like that of a father and a son.

    “If you come from my kind of background you will appreciate what that means to me. He was there for me as an applicant seeking for job, he was there for me as the governor of this great state, he really counselled me on a number of issues without which I wouldn’t have been able to accomplish the much that I believe we were able to contribute to the development of not only the kingdom, but of our great state.

    “For some of us who have interacted with your royal majesty, we believe you have what it takes to step into the shoes of your father Oba Erediauwa. As your steward, I shall give my all and I do believe that I speak the mind of the governor-elect.”

    Recognising the synergy between political leaders and traditional leaders, Oshiomhole said his administration laid ‘a foundation and a standard’ for such relationship.

    “We’ve demonstrated practically that Nigerian democracy requires that we bond effectively with the traditional institutions, and that the relationship between the elected government and the traditional institution be more formalised and structured in such a way that makes it functional,” Oshiomhole said.

    “It has worked in the past eight years.”

    Oshiomhole also appealed for sustenance of the same relationship between the new Oba and Governor-elect Godwin Obaseki, whom he described as a very humble and loyal subject who also respects traditional institutions.

    “He (Obaseki) has assured me,” Oshiomhole said, “he understands tradition even more than myself. So, whatever I was able to do, he will do even better.”

    That Oshiomhole is making this plea should not be strange. As a new era begins in Benin kingship, the Edo State governorship is also set for another era. And as outgoing Edo State governor, it turns out that Oshiomhole is the man at the centre between the leaders wearing new shoes this season. He needs to ensure that state institutions will continue to work harmoniously with traditional institutions.

    Thankfully, the new monarch appreciates his concern. Addressing Oshiomhole as “The indefatigable Governor of Edo state,” in his response, Oba Ewuare II, said, “in a few days, it will be very sad to have you go because you have done very well for Edo State. No doubt you have said it all that your successor will strive and fill your own big shoes that you will be leaving behind.

    “Thank you for letting the world know that I am already filling my father’s big shoes; I hope the governor-elect will do his best to fill your own shoe.”

    Surely, this is a season for stepping into big shoes. Just like Oba Ewuare II, Obaseki is also stepping into big shoes. And Obaseki would need all the support he can muster as a new governor. After a brutal campaign, Edo people voted for Obaseki to continue. But with Oshiomhole’s quantum achievements spread across the state, Obaseki has a lot to do.

    For now, he is beginning by paying obeisance to tradition. At Oba Ewuare’s coronation, in addition to Oshiomhole vouching for his allegiance to tradition, Obaseki said, “my loyalty to the Royal family, the Benin tradition, and the entire traditional institutions in the state is unalloyed.” He also said, “for guidance and advice, I would be counting on the Oba Ewuare to succeed as governor.”

    Counting himself fortunate to be elected governor as coronation activities were taking place, Obaseki sees an Edo State with a famous culture, and traditions that will be reinvigorated in terms of being the country’s tourism hotspot, and become part of the state’s economic growth harnessed to the greater benefit of the people.

    “I see an Edo state where our people will live in peace, equanimity, and where social justice, equity, and fairness shall prevail at all times,” said Obaseki, who founded Afrinvest West Africa Limited and has over 30 years’ experience in banking. He also served as Chairman Edo State Government’s Economic and Strategy Team (EST) pro bono public since March 2009.

    And with a track record of success in his private and public life, Edo people can expect more success.

    ”I am committed to building a better, prosperous and economically sustainable Edo State based on cultural cohesion and ethical values,” said the first banker that will become Edo State governor.

     

    • Mayaki writes from Benin City.
  • Maikaba targets exciting season with Akwa United

    Maikaba targets exciting season with Akwa United

    Akwa United new head coach, Abdu Maikaba has disclosed that he is looking forward to an exciting season with the Promise Keepers after he put pen to paper for the Uyo side.

    Maikaba worked with Wikki Tourists the last two seasons before deciding to leave at the end of last season and he is set to be unveiled as Akwa United coach today.

    The coach told SportingLife that it was his desire to change his environment to where his work would be better seen and to work with some of the best facilities in the country.

    He stated to SportingLife: ” I am about to start a new project in my career and I am very certain that everything will work well just like it was in Wikki Tourists. The facilities at the Godswill Akpabio Stadium, Uyo and the opportunity to work in a new environment were among the things I considered before agreeing to come here.”

    Maikaba will strive to turn Akwa United which placed 14th on the log at the end of the last season with 47 points from 36 matches to a household name again.

  • Glossary of a murky season (3)

    Glossary of a murky season (3)

    In line with the tradition of this column, today, we look back with a view to compiling words/phrases which have crept treacherously into public conversation lately. As we shall soon find, nothing best dramatises, with searing intensity, the national condition presently than the frequency of the use and abuse of such terms in the ensuing public chatter.

    Reject: In Christendom, particularly the Pentecostal community, adverbial phrases like “I decree”, “I declare”, “I reject” and “I bind” are no ordinary terms. They describe the never-ending fierce contestation between the pious on the one hand and “powers and principalities” and “spiritual wickedness in high places” on the other.

    The reason it is therefore becoming a matter of grave national concern that when people get nominated for otherwise plum (“juicy”, if you like) appointments lately, more and more of the supposed beneficiaries expected to be full of joy and rejoicing would rather casually intone “I reject”. At the last count, out of the forty-something ambassadorial nominees unveiled last weekend, two had responded with “I reject” within two days (Paulen Tallen and Usman Bugaje).

    Just when the nation was still striving to absorb the thunderous shock came another stunner: chairman- designate for the Nigeria Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC), Professor Akintunde Akinwande, rejected his own nomination. The senate screening committee waited all day on Tuesday; the nominee chose not to dignify either the appointing authority or the screening board with his presence, not even a word.

    Now, there is growing apprehension as to what all of these portend. Does the much touted change mantra actually imply conscription (in the fashion of the military in a war situation) or people just getting listed for a national assignment without prior consultation?

    Or, much more disturbing, is someone beginning to see what the rest of us, mere mortals, seem yet incapable of deciphering – the newly unmasked but no less fearsome “demons of Aso Rock” – thus necessitating the affirmative “I reject!”?

    ‘Oga is unhappy’: When and where next you hear this phrase, you are well advised to take another disapproving look at the speaker or better still, flee from them as swiftly as your feet will allow, particularly if uttered near court-room or home of top judicial officer. Moreso, if a high profile case is being heard. Lest you stand the risk of being subpoenaed as accessory in a premeditated bid to pervert the cause of justice either at an election tribunal or Appeal Court or, in the extreme circumstance, the Supreme Court.

    So, to be on a safer side, it is highly recommended that you mind what text messages you send via your cell-phone or who you call or allow the line registered in your name, backed indisputably with your biometrics, be used to make a transactional call to serving judge or court registrar.

    Additionally, it may not even be out of place if you add the wearing of hand-gloves to your personal safety routines, in case fingerprints are to be tracked. As has now been sensationally revealed in the past few weeks by erstwhile judicial hunters stealthily hunted down in the dead of the night by hooded gnomes from DSS, the phrase “Oga is unhappy” is usually the prelude to being co-opted into probable treasonable felony.

    Of course, it is not without a monetary offer conceived deliberately to out-bid other interested parties in influencing the judicial outcome. Someone, obviously a ranking member of the sitting government, would have begun to recount, unsolicited, how the proceedings thus far had generated jitters in the innermost sanctum of power.

    Lexically unbundled, the statement is therefore half threat, half plea by the meddlesome executive interloper that the law be interpreted and the judgement worded in a manner that would make “Oga at the top” happy.

    However, what remains undisclosed is in which currency would the other promise of “welfare” be redeemed – naira or dollars. New-improved State Vigilante Service: Once, vigilante job was thought reserved only for low-life courtesans whose sole credentials were not more than heavy biceps and roughnecks bedecked with amulets and charms. For instance, in parts of Southeast a decade or so ago, you would see the “Bakassi Boys” patrolling the street corners and the highways in open-roof vans, hunting for “criminals” and just any “undesirable element”.

    But as things appear to be getting more and more sophisticated in today’s Nigeria, much glamour would appear to have been injected into vigilante service such that even some state governors themselves no longer seem to mind being re-designated as provider of vigilante solutions on demand. Anyone in doubt only needs to make enquiries at the Government House in Port Harcourt or Ado-Ekiti.

    A mere phone call was all required recently to rouse Governor Nyesom Wike from presumed executive slumber in the swanky comfort of the Rivers White House to “mobilize” and rush to the aid of a Justice whose residence had been surrounded by columns of DSS snipers looking for a princely $2m allegedly warehoused by his lordship suspected to be his lordship’s own share from the bazaar of cash-for-favourable-judgements against which a national crackdown is presently being enforced.

    (By the way, the embattled Justice had over the last couple of months entered judgments favourable to the Rivers governor.) And so was the Rivers Executive Vigilante Service ably led by the muscular Wike able to successfully thwart the agents of federal authorities from performing what ordinarily was a legitimate duty, clearly underscoring the dysfunctionality of Nigeria’s federalism.

    But ask the hyperactive Wike if he would similarly react to an SOS from a nameless citizen surrounded by marauders in, say, the street next to the Government House at such ungodly hours, he is likely to response by first seeking to establish if the questioner belongs to the opposition party… Elsewhere in Ado-Ekiti, Governor Ayo Fayose rendered similar vigilante services to Precious, spouse of Mr. Femi Fani-Kayode, when encircled at a local branch of Access Bank by EFCC following an alleged attempt by her to withdraw cash from a tainted account against which a lien had been placed.

    What’s more, the bespoke Ekiti Executive Vigilante Service is also available to be deployed, at short notice, against straying cows with a view to literally giving bite to a new law seeking to regulate the conduct of herdsmen in the state. So enamored of the twin virtues of transparency and accountability is Fayose that he has since declared that any cow found wanting would instantly be put to the service of “stomach infrastructure”.

    Now, the latest is that the herders union has rushed to Aso Rock for a closed door meeting, the communique of which is yet to be made public. Sting: Other than bees, the only man known to have ever openly confessed to stinging since the dawn of time is boxing legend Muhammad Ali who “floated like butterfly and sting like bee.” But not anymore. Certainly not in Nigeria following the recent coordinated night raids by agents of the Department of State Security (DSS) on the homes of seven top judges across the country. So, to “sting” now means to “shock and awe” anyone suspected of illicit transactions and hiding the proceeds – preferably dollars – at home. And now associated with this chilling word are a few annotations by way of drama sketch.

    Determined to cart home his own loot at once, one of the judges “stung” was said to have, upon being handed $80,000 cash behind closed door, temporarily shed all magisterial pretenses, resorting to an improvisation thought too extreme given his status. Pronto, his lordship reportedly removed his shoes and meticulously stacked the eight bundles of the greenbacks inside the pair in the fashion of a seasoned tomato vendor arranging their wares delicately.

    With nothing left to hide, the said judge then clutched the “padded” shoes in his hands and, obviously drunken with joy at a mission clinically accomplished, did not mind walking barefoot thereafter to his vehicle in the car-park, under the cover of darkness. In another instance, a judge simply chose to roll on the floor before the DSS boss upon reading halfway a detailed report of a clandestine surveillance of how he had been merchandising court judgments over the years.

    Paden: Months ago, the word “pad” in political terms only described the incidence of lawmakers injecting budget proposal brought by the executive branch with their own pecuniary provisions. Refreshingly, the frontier has been extended. Add the suffix “en”, it now means to lie willfully, worse, at old age. So, to “paden” a story or report or biography is to sugarcoat or exaggerate accounts given by sources without fear of being controverted. We must thank American-born scholar, Professor John Paden, for this addition to our growing vocabulary by way of personal example.

    In the 80s, he was similarly commissioned to write a biography of the north’s political folk hero, Sir Ahamdu Bello. Carried away by his commission, he ended up attracting more opprobrium than accolades to himself and his sponsors on account of the negative lights he chose to present the masses’ own hero, Mallam Aminu Kano. Like the proverbial leopard, the character of intellectual mercenary rarely changes.

    Now paid to put together the narrative of President Buhari’s political evolution three decades later, the old man again took liberty to falsify facts, worse, of recent history. Without research, he enters a mere hear-say as gospel truth in his biography of PMB presented recently that Professor Yemi Osinbajo emerged Vice President against the wishes and desire of the man widely known to be his political benefactor, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu.

    No sooner had the book been presented than all hell literally broke loose. Key actors in the political drama that culminated first in Buhari’s victory at APC’s primaries in December 2014 and eventually his triumph in the March 28, 2015 presidential polls have since punctured Paden’s account as revisionism, if not pure fiction.

    The coup de grace was delivered by no other than VP Osinbajo himself who has unambiguously stated that “somebody somewhere nominated me” as VP. Cabal: These words beginning with letter “c” evoke dark imageries – cabal, clique and cartel. Of the three synonyms, cabal has however gained more currency today relative to the rise of two or three power-brokers in Abuja said to determine who gets what in the Buhari presidency.

    True, the spectre of a cabal is not entirely new phenomenon within the Abuja power calculus. Just like the effervescence of power, it surely has its own expiry date. For instance, how much of Turai, Ruma, Tanimu Yakubu et al do we hear today? Yet, they constituted the all-powerful cabal in the Umar Yar’Adua presidency. Under Goodluck Jonathan, power was obviously shared between four cabals led, curiously, by women: Patience, Dieziani, Stella Oduah and Okonjo-Iweala. So much that, for example, not on a few occasions did Patience (a.k.a Mama Peace) physically lead her husband out of the presidential jet on foreign soil during what was supposed to be state visits. What however makes its latest mutation under Buhari a bit spectacular is that the new cabalists are either PMB’s uncle or nephew and collectively make little or no pretense at finesse in person or show care for national sensibilities in public conduct.

    Though inconsequential and invisible during the titanic battle to wrestle down a sitting president, these men have suddenly transformed to the ultimate beneficiaries of APC victory who, according to Aisha Buhari, now virtually dictate the terms of all the transactions in Abuja and dominate even little matters like NTA spotlight. While her husband appears to be more fixated on who occupies the kitchen, living room and the “other room”.

    Being Dumb: For those still stupefied at the phenomenon of Donald Trump in the US 2016 elections and its dire implications for the peaceful co-existence of the human races across the universe, a simple lexical formula has been provided by a US talk-show host to explain the absurdity. According to him, when Donald is merged with Trump (d+ump), the hybrid sounds like “dumb”.

    This is said to be why no tactic seems too vile, nor weapon considered unthinkable or word too vulgar for Trump to utter in his obsession to be US’ next president. The latest to disavow the Trump candidacy are British tycoon Richard Branson and the influential Harvard Republican Club.

    Whereas the Virgin Atlantic boss on Wednesday recalled Trump struck him during lunch together earlier as “someone who likes listening only to himself”, HRC is breaking its tradition of endorsing the Republican nominee on election eve for the first time in its 128-yr history. Its reason: “In Trump’s eyes, disagreement with his actions or his policies warrants incessant name-calling and derision: stupid, lying, fat, ugly, weak, falling, idiot – and that’s just his ‘fellow’ Republicans. He isn’t eschewing political correctness. He is eschewing basic human decency.” Indeed, when not found groping vulnerable women, Trump is either busy threatening to build massive wall instead of bridge between US and neighbours or making incendiary comments against the black race. Well, never mind.

    It is all part of being plain dumb, they say.

  • Season of anomie

    There is a paralysing feeling of despondency due to the suffocating economic and socio-political milieu across the country which has almost stripped us of our human essence.  All over the land, it has not been tales of aplomb for lofty things and achievements but rather tales of mind boggling malfeasance, crime and violence.  The whole world tends to look at us as poor specimen of human species especially when we rise up in arms in defence of the immorality and infamy of highly placed individuals in the society.  Everything in our clime appears to be in higgledy-piggledy topsy-turvy.  What has truly held and kept us afloat together as a nation has been the legendary good luck that at every twist and turn comes as a totem and a magic wand to stabilize the ship of state.

    What is trending now is corruption in high places which has always cast dark spectre on our survival as a nation from the very beginning, just as Nigerians throw dice to determine whether the fight against corruption is selective or vindictive, being targeted against perceived political foes. We seem to have lost our minds and sanity, reacting to serious issues that have kept our nation perpetually underdeveloped with our appetite rather than our heads and reason.   While footages coming from every part of Nigeria show a relapse into a medieval barbarism and anarchism, we watch in perplexity as the scale of justice and the rule of law sit on its head.  Most shameful is to watch the gladiators in hitherto exalted and reputable organizations employ all manners of schism in desperate protection of crooks who have desecrated their oath of office.

    It is clearly symptomatic of pirates and buccaneers having taken over the reign of power in this country like a ravaging locust and are holding the nation by the jugular.  We are in agreement that corruption is tearing the nation apart; political and economic corruption. What is indeed worrisome is the desperation to deploy the apparatuses of the state to shield individuals that are alleged of criminal infractions and malfeasance.  Legal philosophers have held that there should be equality before the law, and concluded that the king is not above the law because it is the law that makes him king.  Those who dispense justice are next to God because they wield the power of life and death and should therefore be above all appearances of impropriety.

    It is recorded in the Holy Bible, in the Book of 2nd Chronicles where God admonished Judges, “Take heed to what you are doing for you do not judge for man but for the Lord, who is with you in judgment. Now therefore, let the fear of the Lord be upon you; take care and do it, for there is no iniquity with the Lord our God, no partiality, nor taking of bribes”.   Again, in the Book of 1st Samuel, God punished Eli and his family because his sons were taking bribe and perverting justice.  God Himself would not pardon a bribe taker and those who pervert justice. As the saying goes, those who live in glass house should not throw stone.

    Justice Oputa of blessed memory once observed  that, “In Rome, it is the legion that made the law legal but here in Nigeria and a democracy, it is effective adjudication, efficient judicial enforcement that makes the law legal”.  I am a stickler to the rule of law but the letters of the law are not absolute and immutable.  I am aware and it is a common knowledge that every citizen of Nigeria can exercise the power of arrest where the person is at the point of committing an offence; the person does not have to be a Jew and a Gentile before he can do that.  It is balderdash to argue that it is only the Nigerian Police, or the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission that is empowered to arrest corrupt people in their official capacity when there is evidence of the loot is in a known place.

    We may pretend otherwise but the truth as it stands today is that the image and reputation of the Nigerian Police is a whitewash. The failure of the Nigerian Police is partly responsible for the establishment of other agencies whose duties appear to overlap with that of the police like the Nigerian Road Safety Corps, Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) and these agencies today enjoy confidence of the populace more than the Police.

    What is even more troubling is the fact that we appropriate and personalize public offices.  An individual official is not the same as the state or institution that he presides or represents; Nigeria is not France where Napoleon would be equated with the state. Therefore, the National Assembly is wrong to say that the investigation and trial of some of its presiding officials is the trial of the National Assembly.  In the same vein, the arrest of some judges and Justices of the Supreme Court over suspicion of corruption is certainly not an attack on the judiciary.  We may extend the argument and equally draw the same conclusion that the arrest and arraignment of some members of the Armed Forces both serving and retired like Air Marshal  Alex Badeh and some service chiefs recently and serving Generals is an attack on the Armed forces, which I do not share.

    The histrionics of some elements in the NBA and the Judiciary is a wrong message that there are two measures of justice: justice for the ordinary citizens and justice for the elites or justice for the poor and justice for the rich.   It is obvious that this is the only government in this country that has the liver to come headlong with the  power cabals and syndicates behind the heist and corruption in this country that were hitherto untouchable. The man on the street should be wary of the antics of these individuals and groups that speak vociferously as if truly they are defending the rule of law and justice whereas they are just fighting to ensure that one of their own does not sink or go down. They are not fighting for the masses and they are certainly not fighting to revamp the image of our dear nation that has been raped and battered to a state of unconsciousness.  When these elites are losing their heads, when they engage in the wrong fight and struggle, we should not lose our minds but stand on the right side of history in this season of anomie.

    We have seen that the quality of representation in the National Assembly is poor and puerile. If not, why would it be a priority to start a process of amending the Act of the Code of Conduct Tribunal in order to whittle down its power or that of the President of the Tribunal  the moment the Senate President was arraigned?  Now the National Assembly is excited and in a jubilant mood to amend the Act of the Directorate of State Services (DSS) to clip its wings as they claim because they arrested some judicial officials.  Just the same way there is something uncanny about the current NBA chairman’s call at his inaugural speech in Port Harcourt for the amendment of the Act to take away the prosecutorial powers of the EFCC.  Now the same NBA chairman is calling for a State of Emergency in the judiciary; and I ask myself, over what?

    It is rascality in the extreme and infantile for a sitting governor to turn himself into a scout at midnight to ‘rescue’ a judge when law enforcement agents are carrying out their legitimate duties whereas the same governor cannot come out to rescue ordinary citizens caught in the fight between the ubiquitous cult groups that have turned life into nightmare in the state.  In the democracies that we ape, like the United States of America and Britain, no governor would interfere with activities of federal agencies carrying out their duties irrespective of the status of the person involved.  Nigerians should stop venerating thugs and hooligans as national leaders.

     

    • Kebonkwu Esq writes from Abuja.
  • Season of anomie

    Season of anomie

    There is a creeping contest in the land.  Whoever howls most, about the nation’s present woes, appears sure of some Nobel Prize in mass melancholy!

    But isn’t Tiger Woe — whose devastating spring pushes pan-Nigerian wailing to a crescendo — obvious and gut-tearing enough?

    Must folks fall over themselves to screech its cruel “tigeritude”, in the very words of our own WS, the very tiger of progressive populism himself?

    O, you must have noticed!  This headline is straight from the mouth of our esteemed Nobel Laureate, the title of the second of his two novels, the first being The Interpreters.

    In Season of Anomy (1973), Wole Soyinka painted the anomie of military rule, and the parasitic (un)civil class that, with the soldiers, conspired to rape and plunder their country.

    Why, at that nadir, Anomy even creatively foretold the Sani Abacha horror, at the tail-end of military misrule.

    Any citizen that stood against that stark dictator was doomed to slaughter!  That was the fictional Zaki Amuri, in Anomy, feudal lord of Cross-River!

    Between Abacha and Amuri, can you spot a difference — or, for that matter, between feudalism and military rule in Nigeria?

    But all those latter-day ruin had their roots in early-day politics-driven anarchy of 1st Republic Western Nigeria.

    Back then, the vote-heisting Demo (formally named: Nigerian National Democratic Party, NNDP), of Samuel Ladoke Akintola and Remi Fani-Kayode, gloried in brazen political turpitude.

    The ruling Northern People’s Congress, NPC’s decision to condone Demo’s electoral rascality, for short-term political gain, sparked the first coup d’état.

    From WS, more facts on that troubling period of Nigerian history would come with autobiographical memoirs: Ibadan: The Penkelemes Years, and later, You Must Set Forth At Dawn.

    That then, was the rotten foundation of the present mess.

    Of course, the military’s wasted years — that useless god that left its votaries much worse than it met them — worsened the situation.

    Add Olusegun Obasanjo’s empty but doomed swagger, in the first crucial eight years of this republic.  Add too, Goodluck Jonathan’s near-undertaking business, in the last six years of the ancien regime.

    Now, even factor in the notorious Nigerian amnesia, natural or wilful, when the subject is institutional memory.  But could anybody have forgotten, so soon, the havoc of the swamp criminals, euphemistically called militants — walking their talk to sabotage and ground the economy, by bombing oil installations?

    All these would appear doom — wilful doom — foretold!  Yet, for this countrywide wailing orchestra, sweet din blissfully swallows any foreground history of reason.

    Their grouse? That  Muhammadu Buhari, struggling with his braves to fix the millennial mess, has no magic fixes!

    Still, this anomie is especially devastating because the pocket hurts; and the stomach rumbles.  You don’t reason with the hungry, do you?

    Even then, it is tanking to corrode the basic norms, fast becoming value-neuter:  the problem solvers are the new devils; while those that led us to perdition are newly consecrated saints, in a new national cathedral of unrestrained grief and explosive passion!

    That, by the way, cuts through the sectors: ecclesiastical, political and even the media, now wearing plebeianism, as some unfazed badge of honour!

    From the ecclesiastical front, the goodly Anthony Cardinal Olubunmi Okogie, retired Catholic Archbishop of Lagos, warns: Buhari, Nigerians are hungry, in much the same snappy voice as Oby Esekwezili and her BBOG crusaders, virtually holding a gun to the President’s head to, willy-nilly, produce the Chibok girls, or else!

    Yet, beyond cheap populism, that inflames passion sans solving any problem, His Lordship owes the Catholic faithful that dot on his very words, the moral duty of preaching understanding in these delicate and perilous times.

    The intervention, from the political front, would appear even worse, with the immaculate Shehu Sani, senator of the Federal Republic from the ruling APC, playing the ostrich; declaring all would have perished before Buhari finished his reforms!  Pray, should the president then fold his arms — and join the lamentation gang?

    Yet, this senator is part and parcel of Bukola Saraki’s National Assembly, legislative children of perdition, that have shown little affinity with — or sensitivity to — the pains in the land.

    On the other side of the aisle, the doomed PDP grandstands over the magical clearing of the debacle its 16 years of ruins piled up.  And to underscore this audacity, Her Audaciousness, Dame Patience Jonathan, just laid claim to some US $31 million in frozen cash deposits!

    Need we forget — her husband, President Goodluck Jonathan, practically sold the last national family silver to feed the crave of the criminal ring, clamped round him in power?

    But perhaps the most asinine intervention, so far, has got to come from the media.  A columnist, of some repute, put the rhetorical question: Buhari, the worst president ever?  That was enough signal for his votaries of hate and bigotry to do their thing, eye-blazing and mouth-foaming!

    Another reduced the new “Change Starts with me” campaign to a personal tussle between the column — if not the columnist — and a minister, in a column codification of the market-folks’ whims and caprices!

    Want to feel the scandalous lack of empathy with whatever the Buhari government is doing to fix the problems?  Just pick up the papers, with their sensational headlines, and hysterical columns!

    The issue, mark you, is neither the democratic right to report; nor the people’s right to know.  It is rather  the Fourth Estate’s lack of emotional intelligence to push empathy, even while at its critical duty, in times of extreme national angst, as now.

    So, the Nigerian media, after 157 years of practice, cannot still summon that?  Shame!

    This media resort to culpable hysteria may well become veritable embarrassment, when these hard times are gone and done with!

    Predictably, like a people blinded by too much of their own tears, the whimpering party can’t even see the early lights, now piercing the dank clouds.

    In the North East, a joyful company drummed through the streets, announcing its homecoming, after years of Boko Haram sack.  But to the howling, cynical assembly, “nothing is happening”!

    Progressively, if creeping, power is getting better, with many neighbourhoods in Lagos, reporting no less than 15 hours a day.  Even then, Babatunde Fashola, SAN, former high-flying Lagos governor, remains their “minister of darkness”!

    On the food front, there are already talks about Kebbi rice, Anambra rice, Ebonyi rice, Dangote rice, etc, which, when they fully hit the market, may force prices down from N20, 000 a bag to N8, 000 — or even less!

    But the moral here is not even the putative tumbling of rice prices, to tame the rumbling tummy.  It is weaning Nigerians from that grand folly  — that their palate is just too delicate for local rice!  That is the mind-restructuring only temporary adversity can force down.

    To be sure, the Buhari government still has a lot to do, if it must deliver on its promise.  But given this dire historical juncture, the people should acknowledge little gains, while awaiting the big ones.

    That would be far better than the present distracting bedlam.

  • Season of restructuring

    Since May 31 when Atiku Abubakar, former vice president, latched onto restructuring, the Federal Republic has been in a whirr.

    Alhaji Atiku, debonair, suave, polished and cosmopolitan, may well be earnest; or was simply gaming, with a crafty eye on 2019.

    But it is legitimate skepticism, demurring to hold the former vice president to any fixed core of beliefs, the way you would hold an Obafemi Awolowo to ethnic federalism (upon which 1st Republic theory and praxis the present clamour for regional federalism rests); or a Bola Tinubu, with fiscal federalism (the most impassioned but reasoned challenge to Olusegun Obasanjo’s unfazed imperial presidency, that birthed this 4th Republic, 1999-2007).

    Yet, almost across the board, a near-unanimous roar has lauded Alhaji Atiku: the near-elixir — in the books of many — that may make the difference between Nigeria floundering from ruin to bust, and final disintegration; or cobbling some functional solution to the eternal crisis of federalism — and nationhood.

    It would be absolutely fallacious to accuse Afenifere, the Yoruba socio-political pressure group, of jumping on the Atiku latest bandwagon.  On restructuring, it had been there from Genesis; and there is no Revelation yet that it would end its clamour.

    Still, after its rather rash political sinking with Goodluck Jonathan, and its election-eve National Conference of 2014, Afenifere has, with both hands, seized Atiku’s latest activism for self-revalidation and relevance.

    Its younger cousin, the Afenifere Renewal Group (ARG), has also weighed in — no surprise at all — though its members are part of the ruling All Progressive Congress (APC); and President Muhammadu Buhari has poured ice-cold water on the idea.

    But the surprise really, is from the Eastern front, where Nnamdi Kanu’s Indigenous Peoples of Biafra (IPOB) and vandal militancy, from the mainly Ijaw corridor of the  South-South, are in great tizzy.

    Why, even good, old Ike Ekweremadu, controversial deputy president of the Senate, is also talking the talk!  But central sinecure at all cost, which his rather soulless essence as Nigeria’s first minority deputy senate president underscores, is violently contradictory to restructuring.

    Indeed, the Eastern buzz has been most virulent, most truculent and most animated, many a time bordering on the explosively impassioned and uncivil, especially in the social media, the Nigerian cyber-jungle with savage lingo.

    Yet, the Eastern political elite, with their northern counterparts, as eternal central power collaborators, have been the most responsible for the current Nigerian bind!

    Still, it is good the Eastern Saul, hitherto unfazed power player in Nigeria’s consumptive federalism, of office sharing and central pork, is turning, under our very eyes, into a radical Paul, hollering and hectoring at Nigeria’s future redemption, in productive federalism!

    Why this radical change?  Simple.  Each time a vital segment of the Nigerian elite loses power and privilege, some dramatic activism births.

    True, this may be less true of the South West, with its penchant, before the advent of the Buhari Presidency, for opposition politics.

    At the trenches back then, in trenchant clamour for a Sovereign National Conference (SNC) to resolve the ‘National Question’, were the late Alao Aka-Basorun, with his braves.  Though that campaign boasted other pan-Nigeria names like Olisa Agbakoba, SAN, then president of the Civil Liberties Organisation (CLO), the spirit was clearly South West’s and its opposition politics hell-raising.

    But not even all that, with the grave injustice of June 12 and the Sani Abacha anti-South West iron purge, could stop the South West softening somewhat, on the altar of vicarious power, towards Obasanjo’s devil-may-care imperial presidency.  That explains Obasanjo’s foxy snare of the South West political mainstream, and the Alliance for Democracy’s electoral burial of 2003.

    The North and the South East had navigated diametrically opposed tracks.

    The North, because between 1960 and 1993, which witnessed MKO Abiola’s stupendous presidential election win, had always been in power — and looked set to be eternally so.

    Even then, at the height of the Jonathan Presidency, when seeming power wilderness gored the North, a desperate Arewa lobby called on the North to focus on own interests, outside Nigeria’s, as it is wont.

    The South East, on the other hand, ever assured of sharing power, even as junior partners, was always bellicose at the very idea of restructuring — outside the traditional power balance, of cohabitation with the North.  So was the South-South, though with less bellicosity.

    That was perhaps why, at the height of the South West campaign for the  Abiola mandate revalidation, Emeka Ojukwu, Eze Igbo Gburugburu, would claim his Abacha-era constitutional conference “mandate” was “superior” to Abiola’s historic win.  Or Okwesilieze Nwodo, as aborted 3rd Republic Enugu governor, would foreswear himself to self-exile, should MKO’s mandate be revalidated!

    But how times have changed!  In this new season of restructuring, it is the South East hollering, but the South West — aside from Afenifere, which has a peculiar motive by its activism — near-funereally quiet.

    Could the dominant political segment of the Yoruba be too busy “eating” (on account of their power alliance with the North) — and you don’t talk when you eat! — to share the East’s current  hyper-excitement on restructuring?

    But to be fair to that lobby, Vice President Yemi Osinbajo’s contribution to the debate just showed how contentious is restructuring’s definition.  In that intervention, Mr. Osinbajo kept faith with the Bola Tinubu’s school of fiscal federalism.

    Under that rubric, Lagos has found economic stability and increasing prosperity — and that is within this present system of federative ruin, that restructuring hopes to change.

    But is fiscal federalism robust enough to reform a failing system, from consumptive to productive federalism?  Maybe, Osinbajo appears to contend.  Never! The classical restructuring army barks.

    The North, in a way, would appear an entirely different proposition.

    A Muhammadu Buhari, by socialization and orientation, has been honest: he would seldom entertain restructuring. Besides, as Col. Innocent Azubike Nass (rtd), noted in his contribution to the debate, it would be quite fraudulent to hold Buhari to a restructuring agenda, ala Jonathan’s national conference recommendations, when he never made it a core campaign issue, en route to winning the presidency.

    Neither would a Nuhu Ribadu, as modern as Buhari is traditional.  Or even a Nasir el Rufai — as digital and sophisticated as they come, and never shackled, as Buhari and Ribadu, as a former member of the uniformed forces.  Yet, from his Accidental Public Servant, El-Rufai would appear as centrist, as both Buhari and Ribadu.

    So, despite Atiku Abubakar’s conversion, could centrism be core to the northern political mind, as decentralization is core to the South West’s — or indeed, the entire South’s, if the current restructuring clamour, in the South East and South-South, is not just some fad of the moment?  And why?

    Ripples believes in restructuring, and has always said so.  But not as some opportunistic clamour to assuage the loss of power and privilege,  after an election lost and won, as this present crusade suspiciously appears.

    At that crucial juncture, every party would sizzle down and talk to one another, instead of talking at one another, as it is now.

    By the way, why not frame restructuring as a campaign issue in 2019?

  • Season of apologies

    Season of apologies

    When should a man say “sorry” for a perceived wrongdoing? When the wronged shows that he is hurt? Is saying “sorry” enough in all circumstances? When is an apology deemed to be a genuine exhibition of contrition; when it is dramatised in a manner that calls to question the remorseful man’s dignity, principle, pride and sense of self-worth? In other words, when does an apology become acceptable?

    But, dear reader, my apologies.This is not an attempt to embark on a winding, didactic monologue, keep you in suspense, bore you unnecessarily and waste your prized time. No. Neither is this a sermon on how magical the word “sorry” is. “Editorial Notebook” is simply moved by the manner of some apologies that have just been tendered – or discussed – by some of our prominent citizens, those self-conceited fellows to whom saying “sorry” seems to be a kind of aberration.

    Consider this scene: Dr Doyin Okupe, yes, Okupe, former President Goodluck Jonathan’s rumbustious public affairs man, the one who swore that Muhammadu Buhari will never be president (“call me a bastard if Buhari gets there,”  he once told a hostile audience in Britain) and one of the leading lights of the troubled Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), saying sorry – in style.  He and some associates visited former President Olusegun Obasanjo whom he had – with little or no provocation – tongue lashed as fastidious and pugnacious over his (Obasanjo’s) views about the Jonathan presidency. It was a private meeting, but somehow the photographs hit the social media.

    What a chilling and rare spectacle, an eyeful, if you don’t mind. The massive frame of a robust man rolling on the floor, like a punch-dazed boxer struggling to be saved by the bell. Obasanjo is sitting regally like a king, his hands resting on the glittering raised chair’s arms and his face turned away from the huge man kissing the canvass – to borrow the boxing writer’s language – pretending to be oblivious of the show of penitence going on.

    A reliable source, who swore by his late great grandfather’s honour that his cousin, who is a political associate of one of those fellows at the meeting, quoted Okupe as saying: “Baba, I’m sorry; have mercy. It won’t happen again. You remain my baba for life. E saanu mi. E gba mi o (have mercy on me. Save me o). Consider it as one of those hazards of our brand of politics.”

    Obasanjo frowns, his lips firmly closed. The source boasted that he could read the former president’s thoughts.”You, a prince who has refused to be princely. Waki-and-die. You and your man, the one who called himself your principal, thought you could embarrass me. Nobody can embarrass me. Yes. I’m ready to go konko bilo with you or anyone, so long as it concerns Nigeria’s health – if that is what you want.

    “Look at you now, rolling on the floor like an unrestrained  beer parlour client who has had too many a bottle. Just look at you. A prodigal son or what do I call this. Apology? Apology my foot!

    “Go and tell the man who sent you, your oga, that ungrateful boy…hum…hum(he clears his throat).Whatever he calls his name. Tell him that I, Okikiola Aremu Obasanjo, can never be embarrassed. Any day and any time, I dey kampe.”

    Why the theatricals? Was Okupe pleading with Obasanjo to save him from the impending interrogation by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), which claims to have traced N72m arms cash to him? Is the government of Benue State still threatening to reopen the books concerning a contract the prince was said to have abandoned after collecting a hefty mobilisation fee?

    Whatever it was, Obasanjo seemed to have been magnanimous. How? A flashback to those exciting days of Benue State politics. The 2007 picture remains as vivid as ever, a poignant reminder of our politicians’ nauseating antics. Former PDP Chairman Barnabas Gemade, the one who cursed PDP – that because of the injustice done to him, the party will never know peace –  addressing a rally, a microphone in his hand and his left foot resting on  Col. Joseph  Akaagerger’s body as he lay flat –on all fours–on the dusty and dirty ground, begging. He was seeking support for his senatorial ambition.

    By the way, where is Senator Akaagerger?

    The former PDP Board of Trustees (BoT) chairman, Chief Tony ‘the fixer” Anenih, was once quoted as saying that all sins can be forgiven, but political sins are never forgiven.

    Most “political sins” are traced to the lack of principle and greed, the “chop and quench” proclivity of our politicians. Is an apology a sign of weakness? To some, it betrays lack of confidence in one’s ability to fight. To others, it is an act of courage and humility, the hallmark of a gentleman.

    When should an apology be demanded? Is it right to demand for an apology when the truth hurts? When the other day in London British Prime Minister David Cameron described Nigeria as “fantastically corrupt”, all hell was let loose. Many insisted that Nigeria should demand an apology for that “collective insult”, but when reporters asked President Muhammadu Buhari if he would demand an apology, he replied sharply: “I’m not going to be demanding any apology from anybody. What I will be demanding is the return of assets. … This is what I’m asking for. What will I do with an apology? I need something tangible.”

    Buhari’s reaction doused the fire of a potential diplomatic row which Cameron’s faux pass would have ignited. Would he have apologised if Buhari had insisted?

    When former Borno State Governor Ali Modu Sheriff saw that his ambition to be chairman of the PDP was in jeopardy after his aides lampooned some party elders, he swiftly denied them and begged the elders for forgiveness. “As a well- cultured and astute politician, I would never make any comment that would ridicule the party,” he said.

    Apparently, his was an apology that went off target. Now, he is faced with a desperate battle to keep the chairman’s seat after the governors who had stood solidly behind him as he took on his opponents withdrew their support. Prof Jerry Gana, whom his aides accused of plunging the party into a N500m debt, and some members of the BoT are pushing that the door be shut against Senator Sheriff.  Rivers State Governor Nyesom Wike yesterday accused him of having  “a hidden” agenda against the PDP.

    The other day on “Facebook”, there was Ekiti State Governor Ayo Fayose decked out in a massive turban in Dubai, beaming, just as he was dressed when he visited an Ado-Ekiti mosque. Some said it was one of those Ballotelian stunts of his to grab the headline. Others said it was a desperate attempt to divert attention from the rumour swirling around his trip. It is neither here nor there.

    This being the season of apologies, will it be out of place to ask if Fayose would consider saying “I’m sorry” for claiming – without facts and figures – that Buhari planned to Islamise Nigeria?

    Besides, will the governor apologise for asserting – again, without facts and figures – that no Chibok girl was missing, now that one, Amina Ali, has been found?

    Will Pa Edwin Clark –happy 89th birthday, sir–apologise to his “son”, Dr Jonathan, for describing him as incompetent and lacking the will to fight corruption?

    When will the military apologise to President Buhari for that temporary loss of his certificates, which allowed the PDP to question his educational background and cast aspersion on his integrity – the very asset on which he built his battle for the presidency?

    Dr Jonathan has denied ever contemplating going on exile, as speculated –  in actual fact, affirmed – by some sources, who claimed that the EFCC was closing in on him for alleged corruption. Poor man. He says every time he travels, the rumour mill hits the overdrive – that he is seeking asylum. He says after serving Nigeria to the best of his ability, he has no need to run away. Will the peddlers of what the former President calls “a wicked attempt to link me with the renewed Niger Delta crisis” apologise to him?

    If “Editorial Notebook” has hurt you in any way, dear reader, here in this season of apologies and what music giant Fela Anikulapo-Kuti (God bless his soul) called “unnecessary begging” is my apology.  

  • A season of blames

    It is not unusual given the dire economic straits in the country on account of debilitating fuel scarcity, for some introspection on how we got to this pass. For a major oil-producing country, the sight of long queues for fuel across the country, the price at which hapless citizens access that commodity and the general toll it is having on economic activities are issues that are bound to generate public apprehension.

    Not unexpectedly, reactions have come from various quarters on who or what to hold accountable for this. Opinions vary depending on the divide on which one stands. The trend however, is to heap the blame for the excruciating economic conditions at the door steps of the immediate past regime of Goodluck Jonathan.

    Revelations relating to the huge funds allegedly looted by sundry officials associated with that regime are easily propped up to support this line of contention. The argument is that if the monies said to have been diverted into private purses had been deployed for public good, perhaps, much of the economic problems the nation currently face would have been staved off.

    President Buhari had cause last week to identify with this school of thought when he blamed the past democratic regimes for the current economic woes of the country. The president said Nigeria has little to show for the huge resources it made from the sale of oil in the last 16 years despite the fact that the commodity sold around $100 per barrel for most part of that period.

    He blamed those who managed the affairs of this country within that time frame for failing to plan for the future with a promise to break that vicious cycle by ensuring that Nigeria works at her potentials rather than remaining at the level of potentials.

    President Buhari drew example with Ethiopia which solely relies on its airline industry for survival arguing that if that country could afford to sustain its people, Nigeria with greater potentials should be able to do better. The contention that Nigeria has no reason remaining at its current level of development had our leaders meaningfully deployed the huge resources that accrued from the sale of oil for public good, cannot be faulted.

    It is also a truism that the problems of this nation for which its citizens have largely remained hewers of wood and fetchers of water despite the enormous gifts Mother nature has endowed us, are traceable to our inability to plan for the future. In its place, we have over time, been treated to a looting spree by sundry buccaneers who bestrode our political landscape like an army of occupation.

    In the last 16 years and indeed since the advent of the oil boom in the 70s, Nigeria made enormous earnings from oil sales. But the reality on the ground is that this has not translated to a corresponding level of development such that even some other African countries with meagre revenue have done much better within the development matrix. So when Buhari said there is very little on the ground to show for the huge revenue that accrued to this nation within that timeframe, he is not out of order.

    But he erred when he sought to limit that malfeasance to the last 16 years of the return of democracy. The past 16 years correspond with the periods when Obasanjo, Yar’Adua and Jonathan presided over the affairs of the country under the PDP-led government. Before then and for most part of our post independence era, the military bestrode the entire landscape like a colossus. Within that period especially in the early 70s, oil also commanded reasonable price in the international market.

    How much of the receipts from oil sales translated to meaningful development during the reign of the military, remains to be seen. So there must be something in the quality of leadership and its pattern of recruitment that has made it nigh impossible for us to make real progress. There must be some defective orientation in the psyche of our leaders that predisposes them to what foremost political scientist, Richard Joseph described as prebendalism. That is the issue to contend with and unless we realistically address this tendency, the leaders of today may not come out better than those of yesterday.

    In comparative terms however, there is more on the ground development wise within this period than the years the military ruled this country. It is vital to make this point because in the past, such excuses have been capitalized upon by overzealous military officers to prematurely terminate democratically elected governments. And as has been evident from our case, the military did not post any positive record of better management of our resources.

    So the blame game can go on and on. But there must be a point at which those in authority must take responsibility. The impression one gets each time we are reminded of how the last regimes mismanaged the nation’s economy is that the current regime is not willing to take responsibility for its actions. That the PDP did not live up to the expectations of Nigerians in the last 16 years is now history. And history is only relevant to the extent it directs actions of today for the better. What is vital now is not constant recourse to the past but how to convert the experiences of that past to positively impact on the actions and policies we take today.

    With nearly one year in office, what Nigerians expect are corrective actions by the government to improve on the fortunes of the country. They expect the dividends of their votes to translate to improvement in their lives and services provided by the government. They want to see new ways of doing old things; they want people oriented policies with positive impact on the lives of the toiling masses.

    They are eager to see a government that will convert the mistakes of the past to advantage and reverse the cycle of despondency and abject poverty that ravage the country in spite of the huge revenue accruals from the sale of oil. They want quick fixes given the high enthusiasm that greeted the change of baton last May. Unfortunately however, each time challenges arise in the management of the economy, we are quickly reminded of the sins of the last government as if there are no solutions to such acts of omission or commission.

    Buhari has promised to move beyond bandying our potentials to convert such potentials to advantage. That is the way to go. He has also drawn parallels with poorer country that have been able to manage their economies implying that there is no reason Nigeria should not do better.

    We must proceed beyond the past and chart the right course to stabilize the future. Not much is gained by attempts from supporters of the regime to blame the last regime for the biting fuel scarcity. Nigerians know the last government left office about one year ago and fuel situation was not that bad then. They are also privy to the fact that much of the stabilization we had in the supply chain in the last couple of years was achieved during that regime.

    Attempts at holding it culpable for the biting fuel scarcity and the scandalous prices the commodity sells across the country, cannot fly. Much of the problems we face with shortages in domestic fuel supply have to do with the way the government reacted to the twin issues of fuel importation by oil marketers and subsidy payment.

    The government misfired in coming to the conclusion that it has the capacity to almost solely take up the importation of the fuel needs of the country. Having found out the futility of that policy, it was not surprising that it last week handed back about 54 per cent of such importation to private marketers. And now, they talk of price adjustments or price modulation such that has given rise to speculations on the re-introduction of the fuel subsidy regime. Are we still in doubt of where the blame lies?

  • Sunshine earn first league win of the season

    Sunshine earn first league win of the season

    •Beat 3SC 2-1 in south west derby

    Sunshine have earned their first league win of the season after a hard fought 2-1 home victory over 3SC in a NPFL Week 9 tie played at the Akure Township Stadium yesterday.

    Dele Olorundare shot the Owena Waves ahead in the sixth minute of the match but the Oluyole Warriors fought back gamely to level scores in the 63rd minute through Tope Orelope.

    A stoppage time winner from Okiki Afolabi in the 92nd minute of the match settled the 11th south western derby in Sunshine Stars’ favour.

    Sunshine have six points from seven matches to move out of the bottom spot to 17th on the log while 3SC remain on nine points from seven ties.

  • Season of matriculation

    Season of matriculation

    Freshers admitted into the University of Ilorin (UNILORIN) and Obong University in Akwa Ibom State have matriculated. OLAWALE ODEYEMI (400-Level History, University of Ilorin) and BORONO BASSEY (Obong University) report.

    It is the season of matriculation in higher institutions.  Many have been agog for the ceremony, which signifies the official acceptance of freshers. For the freshers, matriculation is memorable because it comes with the excitement of being bonafide students.

    That was the scenario at the University of Ilorin (UNILORIN), last week, when 11,051 took the oath of matriculation before the institution’s principal officers.

    The Vice-Chancellor (VC), Prof Abdulganiyu Ambali, congratulated the new students for being lucky among 103,000 applicants, who chose the institution as school of choice.

    In his speech titled: Character and learning, Ambali advised the students to work hard to make good grades.

    He said: “Today marks your official transition from being ordinary students to bonafide students. The matriculation numbers assigned to you show that your destinies and that of the University of Ilorin have become permanently inter-connected. This is why you must guide your admission jealously.

    “Your academic is based on two factors, which are doing what is right and eschewing what is wrong. What is right is to take your studies seriously as well as obeying the rules and regulations of the school.  What is wrong are violation of the school rules and engaging in bad conduct.

    Good character and readiness to learn will lead you to success. With bad character, all learning is futile. This is why it is important that you remain good ambassadors of your families and the school.”

    Ambali advised the freshers to make positive marks as they started their academic journey.

    Giving his speech at the 9th matriculation of Obong University in Obong Ntak, Akwa Ibom State, the VC, Prof Udoudo Ekanemesang, told freshers to prepare for rewarding life from the school. He said the students must embrace the institution’s core values of hard work, discipline and dedication to succeed in their endeavour.

    •Prof Ekanemesang
    •Prof Ekanemesang

    Describing the freshers as future leaders, Ekanemesang advised the students not to join groups that would destroy their future, pledging that the management would ensure the students acquire knowledge that would make them compete globally.

    His words: “All the facilities required to enhance efficient and effective delivery of a modern learning experience to our students are on ground. The university has well-equipped laboratories for teaching and research, conducive classrooms fitted with modern teaching facilities and internet access on the campus.  Our Library is stuffed with modern reading materials in all disciplines and it is enhanced with free e-books.”

    In the matriculation lecture titled: Education for sustainable development: The Obong University experience, Prof Efana Usua stressed the importance of quality education, noting that it would be out of place for government to leave the burden of imparting quality education on students to private investors alone.

    The lecturer urged the government to review education policy to accommodate private universities in the funding to tertiary institutions to eradicate illiteracy.

    Timothy Toluwalase, a 100-Level Human Kinetics student of UNILORIN, said: “It has been a great experience since I was admitted into the university. I will work hard to achieve academic excellence.”