Sports in Nigeria and Africa will enter 2026 in exciting soccer mood given that the Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) 2025 is ongoing. The 2025 event dovetailed into the New Year will magical football artistry to look forward to.
The best of African stars, highlighted by Nigerian top striker Victor Osimhen, Egyptian talisman Mo Salah and reigning African Player of the Year Achraf Hakimi are on parade representing their countries.
This is the height of African rivalry on soccer pitch and it will be more competitive coming after the conclusion of the World Cup Qualifiers to the 2026 World Cup.
Imagine the interest a duel between Nigeria and South Africa will generate and another between Nigeria and Congo DR will draw?
It is indeed a thrilling way to kick off the New Year for every Sports lover.
THE WORLD CUP
The 2026 World Cup is approaching next summer and most of the biggest soccer stars will arrive in the United States, Canada and Mexico to represent their national teams at the best football tournament in the world. Though, Nigeria’s Super Eagles didn’t qualify for the Mundial, it will no doubt take any shine away from the global fiesta. The highpoint of the competition will be the fact that some iconic figure in football will be coming to their final World Cup. The last one of some of the most influential athletes of the past decades such as Lionel Messi, Cristiano Ronaldo and Luka Modric, among others will be featuring. So, all eyes will be on them to see how they will round off an illustrious career: on the high or on the low.
Without doubt, Messi of Argentina, the eight-time Ballon d’Or winner and 2022 World Cup champion will attract attention. Messi is considered one of the best players in the history of the game and after spending the majority of his club career at Barcelona over his extraordinary career, he won 10 LaLiga titles, seven Copa Del Rey, eight Spanish Supercups, four Champions Leagues, three UEFA Super Cups and three Club World Cups with Barcelona. Two Ligue 1 titles and one Trophée des Champions with won PSG before lifting the Leagues Cup with Inter Miami.
While Messi the world will be looking saying farewell to the Argentine captain, it will be welcoming another born star, Lamine Yamal, Spain.
This is going to be the World Cup of Lamine Yamal. At least, this is the expectation. After dominating the scene at the 2024 Euro with Spain, and winning twice the Kopa Trophy as the best young player in the world, Yamal will lead Spain at the summer tournament as La Roja will try to win their second ever World Cup after the 2010 edition in South Africa.
Names like Kylian Mbappe and Ousmane Dembele both of France, and Vinicius Jr, Brazil, will expectedly be eyed to make 2026 memorable, especially at the World Cup. Mbappe is a World Cup veteran. The French superstar has been one of the best players in the last two World Cups he played with France. After winning the 2018 World Cup in Russia, Mbappe scored a hat trick in the unforgettable final played against Argentina in 2022, becoming the second-ever player to score three goals in a World Cup final after Geoff Hurst in 1966 for England.
As for Vinicius Jr, the Brazilian winger is called to make the difference also with his national team after winning 14 major trophies with Real Madrid, including three LaLiga titles, two UEFA Champions League titles, three Spanish Super Cups, two UEFA Super Cups, three FIFA Club World Cups, and one Copa del Rey, while Dembele, the 2025 Ballon d’Or winner is expected to respond well at the World Cup.
2026 WOMEN’S AFRICA CUP OF NATIONS
Another hot sports event that people the world will be interested in is the 2026 Women’s Africa Cup of Nations. The competition will be held around two months after AFCON 2025 comes to an end and we expect it to be as exciting.
The 2026 Women’s Africa Cup of Nations will be the first tournament of its kind to feature 16 different teams. This represents a significant change from 12 teams.
Fortunately, the Confederation of African Football (CAF) is doing what it can to develop women’s football across the continent.
Another key factor you should know about the 2026 Women’s Africa Cup of Nations is that it will be the qualifier for the 2027 FIFA Women’s World Cup. In other words, the teams that perform best will receive a slot for that event. It will be interesting to see the belief mentality of the defending country Nigeria and how the women teams of Morocco and South Africa will try to stop them.
SUMMER YOUTH OLYMPIC GAMES DAKAR 2026
The 2026 Dakar Summer Youth Olympic Games will hold its 4th edition from October 31 and November 13, 2026, in Dakar. What makes the event so important is that it is the first Olympic-affiliated competition that will be held on African soil.
Based on the information, more than 2,700 athletes are expected to participate in the event. The games themselves will be across 25 different sports like basketball, boxing, cycling, judo, and many more.
It is no surprise that the Dakar 2026 Summer Youth Olympic Games are important for everyone who likes online betting. Since it offers so many sports, bookmakers in Africa will do what they can to allow people to bet on it. Locals can expect to find good odds and even special types of bonuses, such as odds boosts.
2026 World Athletics Relay
This is another big tournament in 2026, unfortunately, Nigeria will not be there. Taking place in Gaborone, the capital city of Botswana, this 8th edition of the Relays will hold between May 2 and 3.
The 2026 World Athletics Relay marks a historic moment. Botswana will become the first African country to host the World Athletics Relay and it will draw attention to the country in many ways. It also reinforces Africa’s growing role and visibility in global athletics.
BOXING
Looking at boxing, which is undergoing real challenge, especially at the heavyweight division, where there seems to be a scarcity of world class athletes that would make the world shout for more. Among the will be prominently make the stage are undisputed heavyweight champion, Usyk, Tyson Fury, Daniel Dubois, and our won Anthony Joshua.
Joshua is at the moment in hospital after a fatal auto crash in Nigeria, while on holiday. 2026 will mostly be about how the two-time heavyweight champion will fare and wither he would be psychologically and physically ready to return to the ring in 2026. This is because he lost two close friends and boxing partners in the accident. This will decide if Joshua vs Fury will happen.
2026 COMMONWEALTH GAMES
The last but not the least is the 2026 Commonwealth Games to be hosted by Glasgow, Scotland, bringing together athletes from the Commonwealth.
Nigerians will be looking forward to how Nigeria will fare at the 2026 commonwealth with Tobi Amusan head lighting the arrays of stars, not to forget the upcoming young stars that want to use The Commonwealth to launch themselves.
The last time an American president ordered troops to snatch a Latin American strongman, I was a young journalist half a world away, watching grainy footage of Operation Just Cause on a bulky television set. The 1989 invasion of Panama, which resulted in the capture and eventual trial of Manuel Noriega on drug trafficking charges, is remembered in Washington as a model intervention: quick, decisive, and blessedly free of the quagmire that would come to define American military adventures in the decades that followed.
It’s no surprise, then, that the architects of President Trump’s “large-scale strike” on Venezuela are inviting comparisons to Panama. The framing is almost identical: a corrupt narco-dictator, a surgical operation, an extraction to face American justice. On Saturday morning, as smoke rose over Caracas and Venezuelans ran through darkened streets, Trump hailed what he called a “brilliant operation” with “great, great troops.” Nicolás Maduro and his wife, he announced, had been captured and flown out of the country.
But Venezuela is not Panama. And if the Trump Administration believes it can replicate the success of Just Cause, it is setting itself up for a rude awakening.
Start with the most obvious difference: geography and American presence. When George H.W. Bush ordered the invasion of Panama, the United States had more than 10,000 troops already stationed there. The headquarters of Southern Command sat on Panamanian soil. American forces didn’t need to project power across the Caribbean; they were already in place, ready to guarantee a transition of government and install Guillermo Endara as president. They could—and did—dismantle the Panama Defense Forces entirely.
Venezuela presents an entirely different challenge. The USS Gerald R. Ford and the Iwo Jima Amphibious Ready Group may be imposing vessels, but they are floating offshore, not embedded in the country. A smash-and-grab operation can remove a head of state. It cannot, by itself, govern a nation of some 28 million people.
Then there is the matter of what, exactly, replaces Maduro. Panama was a small country that had been, since its founding, effectively under American tutelage. Venezuela has its own complex political ecosystem, one that does not simply default to the opposition the moment the strongman is removed. The Bolivarian Armed Forces—the FANB—remain intact. Defense Minister Vladimir Padrino López has already called for a “massive deployment” of military forces to resist foreign troops. Vice President Delcy Rodríguez is demanding proof of life and insisting the government will not yield.
The FANB is not the Panama Defense Forces. It has been systematically restructured under both Chávez and Maduro to “coup-proof” it—fragmenting command and control, fomenting internal competition based on political loyalty, and purging any officers who seemed to pose a threat to the political status quo. Those who weren’t dismissed were jailed or forced into exile. The bonds between civilian authorities and the military are cemented by the profits of illicit economies that enrich both corrupt government officials and senior officers. They are complicit together, and they know it.
We have seen this movie before. In 2019, the Trump Administration threw its weight behind Juan Guaidó, expecting that a display of American resolve would fracture the regime. It didn’t. The military held. Officers understood that a move against Maduro without clear guarantees of immunity meant risking imprisonment, torture, confiscation of assets, and the ill-treatment of their families. Nothing about Saturday’s operation changes that calculus. The U.S. raid may have removed a head of state, but it cannot offer the FANB’s senior leadership a credible path to safety—and without that, it’s hard to see why they would cooperate with a transition rather than fight to prevent one.
There is also the matter of oil. Panama had the canal; Venezuela has the largest proven oil reserves in the world. Maduro’s government was quick to accuse Washington of seeking to seize these resources – a charge that will resonate across Latin America and beyond, regardless of its accuracy. Cuba’s Miguel Díaz-Canel has denounced the attack as “criminal.” Colombia’s Gustavo Petro is deploying forces to the border in anticipation of refugees. China, which has invested billions in Venezuela and counts Caracas as a strategic partner, will not view American intervention with equanimity.
None of this is to say that Maduro deserved to remain in power. He almost certainly did not win the July 2024 election, and his government’s human rights record is abysmal. The question is not whether he was a legitimate leader—it’s whether this operation will produce a better outcome for Venezuelans, or merely a more chaotic one.
The Trump Administration has pointedly avoided saying whether it sought congressional authorization for the strike. That silence speaks volumes. So does the absence of any articulated plan for what comes next. Maria Corina Machado, the opposition leader in exile, has vocally supported the American pressure campaign. But supporting airstrikes from abroad is rather different from governing a fractured country from Caracas.
I covered Iraq for years, and I learned this lesson there: removing a dictator is the simple part. The hard work—the work that determines whether an intervention succeeds or fails—comes afterward. It requires not just military force but diplomatic engagement, regional buy-in, and a plan for political transition that accounts for the interests of those who held power under the old regime. Operation Iraqi Freedom, despite its name, delivered precious little freedom to Iraqis precisely because the Bush Administration believed that toppling Saddam Hussein was the main event rather than the opening act.
The early hours after Maduro’s capture suggest the Trump Administration has not absorbed this lesson. There are airstrikes and declarations of victory, but no evident plan for the day after. The FANB remains in place. The government is calling for resistance. Regional allies are divided or hostile. Mexico’s left-wing government has condemned the operation, saying any form of military action “seriously jeopardizes regional stability.”
Argentina’s Javier Milei may have posted “Freedom lives” on social media, but freedom in Venezuela will require more than a catchy slogan. It will require the painstaking, unglamorous work of building a legitimate government in a country whose institutions have been hollowed out by decades of authoritarianism.
That work cannot be accomplished from the deck of an aircraft carrier. And it certainly cannot be accomplished by an Administration that believes removing one man from power is the same as changing a nation’s fate.
· This article was first published in www.time.com
Chasing peace in Ukraine has become a three-ring circus. In ring number one is Team Trump, trying to foist an untenable plan on Ukraine.
In ring two is the European-led coalition of the willing. Yet, beyond photo ops, this coalition is not doing enough to change Russian President Vladimir Putin’s cost calculus.
Part of the problem is how peace is defined. For Putin, it’s no more resistance from Ukraine. For Zelensky, it’s no more Russian forces in Ukraine. And for Trump – it’s the pursuit of “economic opportunities,” and that means Russia and Ukraine are not killing one another.
Ring three? The Kremlin.
Russian circuses are globally renowned. Grand illusions and deceptions are at the core of magic performances.
Putin isn’t negotiating in his ring. Instead, he is maintaining a maximalist position and demanding Ukraine’s capitulation. all the while creating division between the US and NATO. It’s working. And Republican Thomas Massie (R-KY) is his latest useful idiot.
On Wednesday, Massie introduced a bill in the House to terminate US membership in NATO – the defensive Transatlantic alliance the US help found in 1949. He incredulously argues that “NATO is a Cold War relic.”
Really?
What world is he living in?
Per the 2025 Reagan National Defense Survey, 68 percent of Americans support the NATO alliance.
As negotiators gather in Kyiv, US Republicans close ranks around a hard-edged peace framework, European capitals prepare security guarantees – and Moscow escalates militarily to shape the talks.
Russia and China pose as great of a threat to our way of life as Nazi Germany and Japan did in 1941. Yet, Massie’s reaction to that is to stand down. Arguably an even greater threat given that both are nuclear powers.
Too many in Washington are disconnected from the reality of growing – certainly not diminishing – threats from Moscow and Beijing and their Arsenals of Evil allies.
Ring one
US President Donald Trump, as a ringmaster, is quixotic. Seemingly, he believes the US is only a business deal or two away from striking a long-lasting peace deal with Putin. Or at least that is what his son-in-law Jared Kushner and special envoy to Russia Steve Witkoff are peddling to Trump. Yet dollar bills won’t stop bullets.
To get there faster, he’s installed an allegorical guillotine in his ring. Either President Volodymyr Zelensky yields to Trump’s demands over ceding the Donbas or Ukraine potentially faces execution in the form of an end to US intel, weapons and munitions. Unless, of course, Europe gets in the way.
As we observed during our weekly Tuesday War & Politics 24 show hosted by Daniel Tkiie and Sofiia Nazarenko – it’s on YouTube first and then dubbed for over-the-air broadcast on Kanal 24 in Ukraine – Trump wants it badly.
Yet what Trump wants – and just as importantly the price that he is willing to pay for it – is bad for Ukraine and it is bad for the security of Europe.
Ceding the Donbas to Putin – as Trump is demanding – would be (as we have often said) akin to Ukraine committing national suicide. It would also mean the Armed Forces of Ukraine (AFU) withdrawing from its fortress in the Donbas and its critical defensive beltlines holding back the Russian horde.
Abandoning these beltlines would endanger Kyiv and Ukraine’s strategic port city of Odesa on the Black Sea. Losing the latter would imperil Kyiv’s economy which depends in part on grain exports as one of the world’s largest food baskets.
To best understand its strategic value, consider what it has cost Russia trying to capture it militarily. According to the Institute for the Study of War, “Russian forces have seized roughly 4,669 square kilometers since Jan. 1, 2025.”
They’ve incurred 391,270 casualties or as the ISW calculates, “83 [dead or wounded] per square kilometer.” Essentially, Putin’s false lauding of Russian advances in eastern Ukraine – claims Team Trump appears to buy – are still only at a “footpace.”
Forcing Ukraine to give Putin at the negotiating table what his armies cannot take on the battlefield would be madness. It would also be proof positive that Washington learned nothing from British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain’s appeasement of Hitler.
Sacrificing Ukraine’s security because of Team Trump’s haste to start striking business deals in Russia would prove just as fleeting over time as Chamberlain’s sacrifice of Czechoslovakia. As we warned last week in Kyiv Post, Putin isn’t interested in Witkoff and Kushner’s business deals. He wants Ukraine and he aims to destroy NATO.
Republican Don Bacon (R-NE) understands what’s at stake. He said on X, “I totally disagree with President Trump asking Ukraine to give up additional territory for a peace deal. This rewards the invader and does nothing to guarantee peace in years to come. This is appeasement. This is not Reagan, but it is Chamberlain.”
Not only that – Trump 47 is completely ignoring the law Trump 45 signed in 2017 that mandated the US would “never recognize the illegal annexation of Crimea by the Government of the Russian Federation or the separation of any portion of Ukrainian territory through the use of military force.”
Congress in general is pushing back as well. As we highlighted in Monday’s’ INTREP360 Intelligence Report,, the bipartisan 2026 National Defense Authorization Act stipulates that US troops in Europe levels cannot permanently drop below 76,000 and it provides $400 million in symbolic aid to Ukraine over the next two years.
Ring two
Ring two – the center ring in a circus – is likely where the war in Ukraine gets decided. Europe’s long-term security is in Putin’s crosshairs depending on the outcome.
Indeed, as German Chancellor Friedrich Merz warned on Sunday after meeting with Zelensky, British Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer and French President Emmanuel Macron in London, that “Ukraine’s fate is Europe’s fate.”
Zelensky is the main act. However, what is missing is a ringmaster willing to step up to the plate and lead Europe’s collective response. Not just to Trump. But to Putin and his Kremlin cronies such as Kirill Dmtriev as well.
Photo ops are not going to stop Putin’s war against Ukraine. Nor will they prevent Trump from bullying Zelensky into a bad deal.
Despite the European bravado in London, Claire Gatinois and Philippe Ricard reporting for Le Monde, assess that Europe is choosing “a muted response toward the US” and shying away from a direct confrontation with Trump. Zelensky did his best to remind Europe’s E3 powers that collectively they do “have a lot of cards to play.”
The problem is that Europe is feckless when it comes to playing them. Macron talks a grandiose game – in October he hyped SkyShield as a European way of defending “Ukrainian airspace from Russian drones and missiles” – yet nothing ever gets done that will truly change Putin’s cost calculus to force him to end the war.
They are also failing to stop Trump from giving new cards to Putin every time Kushner and Witkoff hit a negotiating wall with Putin. Merz, Starmer and Macron could counter Team Trump’s overtures to Russia by immediately handing Ukraine its own new cards – SkyShield, Taurus missiles, air defense batteries, etc. – but the leadership and boldness to do so is lacking in London, Paris and Berlin. They are still afraid to swim alone in the deep end.
Instead, Europe is focused on pushing its counter-peace proposal. In theory, it is a welcomed counterproposal. It reconfirms Ukraine’s sovereignty. It deletes Washington’s proviso that NATO won’t expand. It maintains a sizable Ukrainian army – capped at 800,000 or roughly just slightly smaller than its present size.
It also rejects Kyiv ceding territory not occupied by Russia. Plus, it leaves a narrow pathway for Ukraine at some further point to join NATO negating any current or future Russian say in who can or cannot join the Transatlantic alliance.
Nonetheless, it lacks teeth. Putin is not going to agree to any of that, especially while Team Trump is saying he doesn’t have to. Hence the need to act alone – Putin does not respect this “coalition of the willing,” and won’t until they draw blood.
Thus, unless Europe immediately puts skin in the game – e.g., SkyShield – they are simply – in reality – acquiescing to Trump. Even worse, acquiescing to Trump means Europe is on a glidepath to acquiesce to Putin’s maximalist demands.
If they do, Europe is potentially tying its own hangman’s noose around their neck. Notably, as we pointed out here on Monday, Sergey Karaganov, the head of Russia’s Council to Foreign and Defense Policy, declared last week that: “We are at war with Europe, not with the miserable, pitiful, misled Ukraine.”
Europe should listen. Russia is not mincing words.
Ring three
This ring – the Kremlin’s ring – is the most straightforward. And yet, paradoxically, it is also the most deceptive.
Essentially, Putin has built it with smoke and mirrors. He is projecting a false sense of strength that betrays his military and economic reality. He is writing checks neither his military nor economy can cash – speed is the essence, and he has President Trump putting his foot down on the gas pedal.
His armies in Ukraine still only advance at a foot’s pace and only after sustaining unsustainable losses. Despite General Valery Gerasimov, the chief of Russia’s general staff, telling Putin in late that Russian forces had taken control of Kupiansk in late November – a Ukrainian town near the border with Russia in the northeast – the AFU has now encircled Russian troops after cutting their supply lines.
It is also clear that Russia never fully took the city. Putin needed a public relations win in Moscow to impress Kushner and Witkoff and Gerasimov gave him a fake talking point that apparently Team Trump swallowed without counsel from their own military advisors, intelligence analysts, and career diplomats.
Plus, significantly, as the Institute for the Study of War observed: “Russia’s [military and economic] resources are not endless, as Putin is trying to assert.” Despite maintaining his maximalist negotiating position with Trump, Putin is leading a country that is severely weakened and facing difficult choices going forward. As retired Army Lieutenant General Ben Hodges suggested, Ukraine struck a third Russian shadow fleet oil tanker this week in the Black Sea to add to Moscow’s economic woes.
For now, however, Putin can avoid making them so long as Team Trump keeps capitulating to him. Every time Putin says no, Trump eventually gives Putin another concession and/or goes on the attack against Zelensky as he did Wednesday.
This time it was questioning whether Ukraine is a democracy – one of Putin’s main talking points – and calling for Ukraine to hold elections despite its constitution banning them under Article 83 during states of emergency or martial law.
For now, Putin is content to be his own ringmaster telling his audience to look everywhere else but the reality of his failing ‘special military operation.’
If Trump can finally see that, then he can put an end to the killing he claims to want to stop. But not by capitulating to Putin. The killing stops when Russia stops attacking. Trump can achieve that by backing Ukraine to the hilt to force Moscow to a real negotiating table that is not part of a circus act.
Unfortunately, Trump is not there yet. Instead of pressuring Russia – the aggressor – he continues to punish Ukraine for defending itself against an illegal Russian invasion.
Putin has long desired to get rid of Zelensky. He believes – as likely Trump does too – the easiest way of doing that is for Ukraine to hold elections and that a war-weary country will oust him from office.
To that end, Zelensky’s decision to explore a referendum not just about elections but over ceding Ukrainian territory – most notably its Fortress Donbas that strategically guards Kyiv and Odesa – is a wise counter to Putin’s gamesmanship.
It is up to Ukrainians do decide both issues. But as this three-ring circus soon stretches into a fifth year comes Feb. 23rd, we will leave you this thought. Why does Putin want Zelensky gone?
It certainly is not because he believes it is good for Ukraine. Rather, he knows it would be good for Russia.
Why give Putin what he wants? As is, he has taken far too much treasure and blood from Ukraine.
· This article was originally published in www.kyivpost.com
After a year that tested both the stamina of the state and the nerve of leadership, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu boarded a flight out of Lagos on Sunday, headed for Europe. Officially, it was part of his end-of-year break, a short pause before proceeding to Abu Dhabi for the 2026 Abu Dhabi Sustainability Summit. Unofficially, and more importantly, it was a moment of recalibration, mental, physical and strategic, before stepping into a year that will be even more demanding, politically and economically, as Nigeria inches towards the 2027 election cycle.
Predictably, the critics came early and loudly. To them, the timing was “wrong”, the optics “poor”, the security situation “too critical” for the President to be anywhere outside the country. It was the familiar refrain, delivered with performative outrage and little reflection. As if Nigeria’s criminals and terrorists take operational cues from the President’s travel itinerary. As if governance in a modern republic is reduced to a man sitting permanently behind a desk at the State House.
What such arguments conveniently ignore is that Tinubu did not drift into this trip from a season of leisure. The closing days of 2025 were anything but restful. From high-profile public engagements, including cultural appearances like the Eyo Festival in Lagos, to an endless stream of visitors, briefings and decisions, the President spent the period keeping the machinery of state steady at a time of heightened national anxiety. Beyond the physical exertion was the heavier burden, the psychological weight of security challenges, economic expectations and the relentless pressure of reform in a country impatient for results.
Rest, in that context, is not abdication. It is preparation.
More instructive still is the fact that from Europe, the President did not retreat into silence. Throughout the week, he remained visibly engaged with national affairs, taking decisions and addressing issues as they arose. And in that same week, he delivered two interventions that spoke directly to the soul of the Nigerian project, one on leadership responsibility, the other on citizen responsibility.
The first came on Tuesday, with his firm, unambiguous message on the take-off of the Nigerian Tax Reform Acts. By then, the public space had been flooded with half-truths, deliberate distortions and opportunistic alarmism. Some actors, well aware of how poorly understood tax policy is among the general public, chose to weaponise ignorance. They muddled facts with fiction, hoping to provoke resistance not because the reforms were harmful, but because they were consequential.
Tinubu’s response was characteristically resolute. The new tax laws, he insisted, would commence as scheduled on January 1, 2026. They were, in his words, a “once-in-a-generation opportunity” to build a fair, competitive and robust fiscal foundation for Nigeria. Not a revenue grab. Not a punishment for the poor. But a structural reset, one designed to harmonise taxes, reduce distortions and strengthen the social contract between the state and the citizen.
What stood out was not just the firmness of his tone, but the clarity of his intent. While acknowledging public debate and alleged discrepancies, he refused to allow unverified claims to derail a reform central to Nigeria’s economic survival. At the same time, he left the door open for institutional correction, pledging collaboration with the National Assembly to address any genuine issues identified during implementation. Reform would move forward, but due process would not be sacrificed.
It was leadership without drama, authority without arrogance.
Two days later, on New Year’s Day, the President addressed the nation again, this time with a wider lens. His goodwill message reviewed the gains of 2025, from macroeconomic stability and declining inflation to improved investor confidence, rising foreign reserves and a resurgent stock market. It outlined plans for 2026 across security, infrastructure, agriculture, social development and inclusive growth. It reaffirmed commitment to decentralised policing, forest guards and sustained action against terror networks.
But the most profound part of the address was not the statistics or the projections. It was the final section—A Call to Unity and Responsibility.
In that passage, Tinubu did something many leaders avoid: he turned the mirror towards the citizens. Nation-building, he reminded Nigerians, is a shared responsibility. Patriotism is not a slogan reserved for speeches; it is a daily ethic expressed through honesty, restraint, civic duty and respect for the common good. A model nation, globally respected and internally cohesive, cannot be built by government action alone if citizens continue to undermine the system through corruption, indiscipline and abuse of freedom.
It was an uncomfortable truth, but a necessary one. For years, Nigeria’s discourse has often assumed that leadership failure alone explains national stagnation. Tinubu’s message challenged that convenient narrative. If citizens insist on taking freedom to the point of lawlessness, if public morality continues to erode, then even the best leadership in the world will struggle to deliver lasting progress.
That call to patriotism framed everything else, the tax reforms, the security measures, the economic restructuring. Without responsible citizenship, reform becomes fragile. With it, reform becomes transformative.
Seen through that lens, the President’s week, from Europe to Abu Dhabi, from tax reform insistence to a sober New Year message, reveals a consistent thread: nationalism expressed not in noise, but in difficult choices. Tinubu’s actions reflect an ultruistic intent to stabilise Nigeria today so it can stand stronger tomorrow, even when those choices attract resistance.
As the country steps into 2026, the question is no longer whether the President is working hard. The record suggests he is. The more urgent question is whether Nigerians are ready to answer his call, to match reform with responsibility, leadership with citizenship, and ambition with discipline. Only then can the promise of growth, unity and national dignity truly take root.
When Presence Transcends Geography
If any doubt lingered that President Tinubu stepped outside the country without stepping away from governance, the sequence of his engagements through the week quietly put it to rest. Even from Europe, the President remained firmly at the centre of national life, demonstrating that leadership is not defined by physical proximity but by consistency of attention and purpose.
The week opened on a sombre note. Following the fatal auto crash on the Lagos–Ibadan Expressway involving Nigerian-British boxing star, Anthony Joshua, Tinubu publicly expressed deep sympathy, describing the incident as a tragedy that cast “a deep shadow on this season”. Beyond the public message, the President placed a personal phone call to Joshua, and another to his mother, offering prayers, comfort and reassurance. It was a gesture that underscored a human side of power, one that recognises grief, reaches out in moments of pain and reminds citizens that the state can still speak with compassion.
By Tuesday, the tone shifted from consolation to recognition and institutional stewardship. Tinubu congratulated the Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Mr. Wale Edun, on his appointment to the Royal Victorian Order by King Charles III. The honour, rooted in years of commitment to youth development through the Duke of Edinburgh’s International Award, subtly reinforced Nigeria’s growing international credibility, not just through markets and diplomacy, but through service and values.
That same day, the President approved the appointment of Rotimi Iseoluwa Oyedepo as Director of Public Prosecutions. In a reform-minded administration, such decisions are rarely dramatic, but they are foundational. They signal continuity, seriousness about justice-sector governance and attention to the quiet but essential architecture of the state.
Tinubu also used the period to reflect on leadership as sacrifice and service. His tribute to Kaduna State Governor Uba Sani at 55 recalled a generation shaped by pro-democracy struggle and personal conviction, drawing a line between past courage and present responsibility. Similar themes echoed in his message to Benue politician Mathias Terwase Byuan, whom he praised for principled party loyalty and grassroots engagement, values often drowned out in Nigeria’s noisy political arena.
As the week progressed, the President’s engagements broadened to embrace Nigeria’s institutional and generational diversity. From celebrating the 97th birthday and 52-year reign of Eze Isaac Ikonne of Aba, to congratulating Kogi State Governor, Ahmed Usman Ododo, on his birthday, Tinubu acknowledged both traditional authority and youthful leadership as pillars of national stability. His tributes to Professor Abiodun Adeniyi at 60 and Hadiza Bala-Usman at 50 further highlighted his emphasis on intellect, reform and disciplined public service.
Even the congratulatory notes to figures like Saleh Ahmadu, former FRSC Corps Marshal, Haladu Hananiya, and presidential aide, Abiodun Essiet followed a pattern; celebrating enterprise, integrity, community service and quiet dedication to nation-building.
Placed beside his firm insistence on the take-off of tax reforms and his New Year call to patriotism, these engagements complete the picture of a President governing on multiple planes at once. From Europe, Tinubu showed that authority does not dissipate with distance, and that leadership, at its most effective, is a continuous act of firmness, empathy and recognition.
As we welcome the first light of 2026, I want us to pause and look at where we stand as a people. That is because this moment is more than a transition from one year to the next. It is a solemn passage – an opportunity to reflect on the journey we have taken together; not just on what we have built, but what has awakened in us.
The dawn of a new year is often a moment of optimism. Our optimism is not abstract. It is grounded in the concrete work we have done. So, as we look forward, let us briefly reflect on where we are.
The story of Enugu today goes beyond our schools, roads and hospitals. It is written in our self-belief, in our partnership, and in the courage we summoned to imagine a future far brighter than the one we inherited. Three years ago, much of what we now take for granted existed only as hope in the hearts of a determined people. The smart schools rising in all our wards were once nothing more than a bold idea.
The revival of our assets, the transformation of our transport system, the return of water to our taps, the rebirth of security and confidence in our communities, the surge of investment and visitors to Enugu, all these were seeds – fragile, uncertain, demanding extraordinary faith. Yet we planted them. Together. We planted when the path was unclear, when the nights felt long, and when early steps brought more questions than answers. And because we stayed the course, the seed has grown into something that touches every life in this state today. Because we trusted each other, because we rejected despair and chose unity over division, Enugu stands this morning as one of the clearest success stories in our country. We have become a beacon for others who need hope and inspiration in what is possible when a people move with unity and purpose.
But Ndi Enugu, it is far easier to rise than it is to remain standing. And it is even harder to rise again, and yet again.
That is why this year demands more of us than the years before. 2026 is not a victory lap. It is a humble continuation of a journey that is nowhere near finished. This is the year where the work deepens, where the foundations we laid must be strengthened, where momentum must not only be sustained but accelerated.
Today, across the 260 wards of our state, Smart Green Schools stand ready for January opening. Digital whiteboards, Robotics labs, solar power, dedicated teachers, and the largest school feeding programme in our history await the children.
In two weeks, they will walk into schools that prepare them for the emerging world. Our healthcare system has taken a decisive turn. 260 healthcare centres, one in every ward, are nearing completion. Fifty-one secondary health facilities are being upgraded. Diagnostics that once required travel to Abuja or Lagos will now be available at home. Every child will have access to quality care.
Our transport system is being rebuilt piece by piece. Five modern bus terminals are already active, mass transit is expanding, city taxis are being replaced with safer, cleaner vehicles, and new terminals are coming to Emene, Udi, Awgu, 4-Corners and Obollo Afor. These are the beginnings of a system that will change how an entire state moves, lives and works.
Look around the city and you will see roads opening in every direction. You will see water where taps had been dry. You will see streetlights where darkness once slowed our steps. You will see small businesses reopening, foreign visitors returning, hotels filled again, conference halls alive with debate, and communities that no longer have to look over their shoulders because our security is working.
Our farmers now stand at the doorstep of a new agricultural economy, with 260 Farm Estates that would reach full traction this year. No farmer should lose his harvest to rot again. We are building both farms and futures.
Ndi Enugu, these achievements are the triumph of partnership. They are the result of your patience, your trust, your willingness to push through doubt and disappointment, your courage to believe when belief felt like a risk. And it is these same qualities that must guide us now, because the road ahead is bold and demanding.
What we have begun is not fleeting – it must now be secured for generations.
The year 2026 will test our discipline and endurance. It will test our ability to protect the progress we have made while reaching for larger goals. We need to ensure that revenue stays strong. The progress we are seeing depends on our ability to fund what we have started.
Our economic engines today are firing up with Enugu Air opening new regional routes; the International Conference Centre drawing business and investors; the New Enugu Smart City unlocking large-scale urban and commercial development; revived state assets and new industrial initiatives bringing production back to life; our natural resources adding strength to our revenue base; and a surge in real estate growth driven by confidence in the state.
This year, our four immersive tourism sites will be unveiled. These include a Zip Line – the first such in Nigeria – two canopy walkway, and a mind-blowing revamp at the enchanting Awhum Waterfall.
We have to build well, not quickly for applause but carefully for posterity.
Every kilometre of road, every block of concrete, every public building must meet standards that honour our children’s children. We will strengthen our public service. The scale of work ahead is too large for our current structures. We will recruit, reform, retrain, and insist on accountability. A season that demands excellence definitely abhors mediocrity.
And above all, we must resist complacency. Success can seduce us into comfort. Comfort slows our steps. And when steps slow, progress slips away. We cannot let that happen. Not now. Not when Enugu is being watched as the example of what disciplined leadership and united citizens can achieve.
Now let me speak plainly about what this New Year will bring. In 2026, life in Enugu will change in ever more visible and practical ways. Every urban road across our cities will be paved and upgraded with proper drainage and walkways, with many also receiving new streetlights to improve safety.
Projects like the 9th Mile 24/7 water scheme, the planned Ajali Scheme revamp and Oji River will continue to push clean water directly into more homes across Enugu. All 260 Smart Schools will open fully, offering digital learning, science labs, renewable power and a free daily meal to more than 300,000 children.
And in every one of our 260 wards, a fully equipped Primary Healthcare Centre will open, staffed and powered to deliver real care when it is needed most. The economic impact will be just as direct. Our farmers will gain access to mechanised tools, modern storage and processing that protect their harvests and increase their income.
Akanu Ibiam International Airport operations will expand with plans to grow Enugu Air’s fleet to 20 aircraft this year, accelerating trade, tourism and investment.
Strengthened security infrastructure, ongoing industrial revival efforts, growing support for small and medium enterprises, and expanded connectivity will ensure that more families feel economic opportunity through rising incomes, safer streets and a clearer path to a better life.
Despite these, we know that our resolve to provide a safe and secure state for Ndi Enugu will be tested by criminal elements. But let me be clear: no crime committed will go undetected and unresolved. We will track and prosecute everyone who has committed a crime. We will never drop our guards.
Let me end on a more personal note.
Progress is measured in numbers, yes, but it is lived in the stories we carry back home. Every morning when I leave for work, I see my father sitting by the balcony, watching the world outside with the quiet patience of age. And I often wonder what he sees of the Enugu that is emerging. What stories can a son bring back to a father who has witnessed this state through its most difficult seasons? This is the question for all of us. As we go out into the world: what stories are we bringing home to our elders and to our children?
Today, we can speak of a mother walking her child down a paved road to a smart classroom, certain that a healthy meal and lifetime opportunity await.
We can speak of a farmer whose harvest will no longer be left to rot because a processing hub stands close to his fields.
We can speak of a trader in Ogbete whose shop is busy again because the streets are secure. And we can speak of a young graduate choosing to stay, not leave, because opportunity in Enugu is finally growing as fast as his ambition.
These are the stories we now carry home: Stories of dignity restored; Stories of a state rising; Stories worthy of those who came before us and of those who will come after.
The strength of our state comes from the way we have worked together. We did not get here by chance. We got here through discipline, honesty and a shared decision to push forward even when the way was difficult. That same mind-set is what we need now.
This year calls for focus and commitment. It calls for every one of us to stay engaged, to stay informed, to hold ourselves and our institutions to high standards. We must protect what we have built, finish what we have started, and refuse complacency in any form. If we do that, the progress we see today will not fade. It will grow.
So, I implore you: stay the course. Support the work. Demand accountability.
Yet, amidst the air of optimism typical on a day like this, 2025 may still have been, for some, an endless trial, or even a test of strength and faith. Let us rekindle our time-honoured sense of community, embrace ennobling work ethic in our workplace and in our homes, and tear down walls of exclusion.
Our promise remains firm: we’re still determined to leave no one out in the cold. Public funds will continue to be channelled solely into projects that uplift lives.
The future of our dear state will be shaped by the choices we make together in this moment.
I wish every family across Enugu State a peaceful, joyful and prosperous New Year. Tomorrow is here. Let us build it.
Experts, activists say food must be properly labeled to avail buyers choices
The debate over Genetically Modified Organisms (GMOs) is growing in Nigeria. Since the government set up the National Biosafety Management Agency (NBMA) in 2015, the country has approved GMO crops like cotton, beans, and maize. Supporters say these crops can help farmers harvest more food, use fewer chemicals, and fight hunger. But critics fear they may harm health, damage the environment, and mislead consumers since foods are not clearly labelled. The key question remains: can GMOs solve Nigeria’s food problems without putting people’s health at risk? Chinyere Okoroafor and Udeh Onyebuchi report
On a humid afternoon at Mushin market in Lagos, a fruit seller, Sani Musa pushes his wheelbarrow of oranges and bananas through a busy aisle. According to him, he has been hearing people talk about “GMO foods,” but admits he has no idea what it really means.
“All I know is that apples and grapes come from abroad, and we just sell them the way we receive them. If GMO is inside, nobody tells us,” he said.
His position captures the heart of a debate that is spreading from laboratories and government offices into Nigerian kitchens and markets: are genetically modified foods safe for human health? With more Nigerians going hungry, the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) estimates over 26 million people face acute food insecurity in 2025 — the government is leaning heavily on biotechnology to increase yields and secure food supply. But health fears, consumer mistrust, and poor regulation have turned the debate into one of Nigeria’s most contested public health issues.
What is GMO?
A GMO is food that has been changed by scientists in the lab. They take the seed of a crop, like maize or beans, and add or remove something from its “bloodline” (genes) so it can grow faster, resist pests, survive drought, or look better.
For instance, normal beans may be eaten by insects, but GMO beans are changed so insects won’t eat them. Another instance is that GMO maize can survive with little water.
So, GMOs are crops or foods that don’t grow exactly the way they would naturally. They’ve been scientifically adjusted in the lab, so pests won’t destroy them. They can survive drought, and they produce higher yields.
How GMOs entered Nigeria’s food system
Nigeria formally joined the global biotechnology race in 2015 when former President Goodluck Jonathan signed the National Biosafety Management Agency (NBMA) Act into law, creating a body to regulate the safe handling, transfer, and use of genetically modified organisms.
Since then, the country has approved several GM crops, including Bt cotton, pod borer-resistant (PBR) cowpea in 2019, and more recently TELA maize, engineered to withstand drought and pests.
But with each approval came louder public debate: Are Nigerians being used as test subjects? Do the real gains go to farmers, multinational biotech firms, or the ordinary consumer? These questions quickly moved from research labs into the headlines, forcing regulators to defend their decisions and reassure the public.
Regulators’ assurances
The National Biosafety Management Agency (NBMA), Nigeria’s primary GMO regulator, maintains that all approved crops are safe, stressing that its decisions are guided strictly by science and global standards.
The agency says no GMO enters the country without passing through rigorous checks, covering toxicity, allergenicity, nutrition, and environmental risks, and is subject to post-release monitoring, as with TELA maize. It also publishes applications for public review, involves independent experts, and enforces compliance with sanctions.
The National Biotechnology Development Agency (NABDA), which promotes biotechnology, argues that GMOs are vital for food security.
Its Director General, Prof. Abdullahi Mustapha, says Nigeria cannot ignore proven technologies amid hunger and climate threats.
He highlights GM seeds as tools for higher yields, drought resistance, farmer wealth creation, and reduced chemical use, while calling for better science communication to counter misinformation.
The National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC) has likewise assured Nigerians that GM foods are safe when proper standards are followed.
The Director General, Prof. Mojisola Adeyeye, explained that NAFDAC works hand-in-hand with NBMA and will not approve any GMO without NBMA’s certification.
She also stressed the importance of clear labeling, so consumers know what they are buying.
Global voices have echoed these assurances. Bill Gates, through the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, has been a strong promoter of biotechnology for Africa, arguing that GMOs can help smallholder farmers cope with climate change, pests, and hunger. In interviews and op-eds, Gates has emphasised that opposition to GMOs ignores scientific evidence and denies African farmers the same tools available elsewhere in the world.
Global scientific consensus, including reviews by the World Health Organisation (WHO) and FAO, supports that approved GM crops are no riskier than conventional ones. Evidence from South Africa, where GM maize has been cultivated for over 20 years, shows increased yields and reduced pesticide use.
In an interview, nutritionist Dr. Bamidele Iyanu told The Nation that, “Scientifically, GMOs are not harmful when properly regulated. They can help Nigeria fight hunger and climate change. But without strict labelling and education, people will never trust it.”
The fears, criticisms
Despite regulators’ assurances, civil society groups like the Health of Mother Earth Foundation (HOMEF) and Environmental Rights Action (ERA/Friends of the Earth Nigeria) remain strongly opposed to GMOs.
They argue that Nigeria is approving crops like TELA maize without adequate health testing or transparent public consultation.
HOMEF notes that no detailed risk assessment studies are available on the NBMA or UN biosafety platforms, raising doubts about independent safety checks.
The groups warn of possible health risks such as allergies or toxic effects, especially when GMO crops are grown with heavy pesticide use.
According to HOMEF’s Director, Nnimmo Bassey, “Nigeria cannot afford to be a testing ground for technologies whose risks are still contested globally.”
Environmental concerns are also prominent. Activists fear GMO maize could contaminate local varieties, erode biodiversity, and weaken Nigeria’s seed-saving culture.
They also highlight the risk of farmers becoming dependent on foreign seed companies because GMO seeds are often patented and cannot be freely reused.
Another major worry is the lack of labelling and consultation. Groups say most Nigerians only learned of TELA maize through the media, and without clear labelling, consumers cannot make informed choices.
“If Nigerians cannot even identify what they are eating, then there is no transparency,” an Environmental Rights Action (ERA/Friends of the Earth Nigeria), campaigner warned.
Critics further argue that promised benefits, higher yields, pest resistance, and drought tolerance, may not reflect reality under Nigeria’s diverse farming conditions.
Instead, they call for the government to suspend TELA maize approval and invest in agroecology, indigenous seed systems, and climate-smart practices as safer alternatives for food security.
Molecular biologist and public health advocate, Dr. Casmir Ifeanyi, notes that Nigeria risks rushing into a biotechnology future without fully understanding the long-term effects on human health, the environment, and food sovereignty.
“With the rapid approvals of GM crops including Bt cotton, Bt cowpea (“Beans”), herbicide-tolerant maize (TELA maize), wheat, and even proposed transgenic or gene-edited cassava and banana, our nation risks rushing headlong into a biotechnology future without asking the most important questions: what are the long-term consequences for human health, our environment, and our food sovereignty.?”
Pointing to several scientific concerns, Dr Ifeanyi noted that Bt crops can affect soil microorganisms and non-target organisms, potentially disrupting ecosystems; herbicide-tolerant crops like TELA maize encourage repeated spraying of glyphosate, classified by the International Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC) as “probably carcinogenic”; and existing risk assessments often rely on foreign data, leaving gaps in knowledge about local dietary patterns, genetics, and exposure pathways.
Chemical overuse is another worry. Contrary to industry claims, Dr Ifeanyi noted that Bt and herbicide-tolerant crops can increase reliance on pesticides and herbicides over time, creating a cycle of resistance that elevates chemical loads in soil, water, and food.
The biologist advocates a time-bound moratorium on new GMO approvals, mandatory labelling of all GM foods, investment in local research on health and ecological impacts, and strengthening of biosafety regulations through independent safety testing and meaningful stakeholder consultation.
He also encourages the development of agroecological alternatives and locally bred improved varieties to protect seed sovereignty and reduce dependence on multinational seed companies.
For many Nigerians, the core issue is not just health, but trust. As consumer Iya Bisi, a mother of three, put it: “I buy food stuff for consumption. I don’t know which one is GMO because there was no label on them. Whether GMO or not, I can’t tell. They should try and label it, so we can have an idea of what we are eating every day.”
Lawmakers step in
The GMO debate has also reached the corridors of power. In 2024, the 10th House of Representatives called for a suspension of GMO commercialisation in Nigeria, citing safety and regulatory concerns. The motion, moved by the representative of Ilorin West/Asa Federal Constituency of Kwara State in the House of Representatives, Muktar Shagaya, urged the federal government to halt the introduction of new GMOs until a comprehensive investigation by the Committee on Agricultural Production and Services was completed.
A joint committee hearing in November 2024 involved 97 NGOs, civil society groups, and scientific experts, all voicing concerns about potential health and environmental risks. Civil society organisations, including HOMEF and ERA, applauded the House’s intervention, arguing that it reflects the worries of millions of Nigerians uneasy about the unlabelled and unconsulted introduction of GMOs into the food system.
The move underscores growing public and institutional demand for transparency, stricter regulation, and thorough risk assessment before any further GMO approvals.
Voices from Lagos markets
At Lagos markets, where most Nigerians buy their food, the GMO debate feels distant but real.
A trader, Uchenna Obinna, is quick to defend his produce. “I buy directly from my state Ebonyi and I know we don’t use GMO. Whatever I sell here is directly from the farm. Sometimes consumers assume because the beans are neat, so it is GMO. Everything is directly from the farm.”
For Francis Ugwuanyi, who sells wheat products in Mushin, the complaints are exaggerated. “If Nigerians are saying GMO has filled the market and therefore they won’t eat wheat again, I suggest they come to the market and buy it, prepare it for themselves. People who have been buying from me haven’t complained that I sold nonsense to them.”
But consumer confusion is evident. Ella Okorie, a store attendant, says supermarkets are often in the dark. “Most of what you see in these food sections are imported while some are gotten from the market. When we buy them, it wasn’t written GMO, so they shouldn’t expect us to know. The organic ones spoil like the rest.”
Fruit seller Musa Dogo, who sources his bananas and pawpaws from Mile 12, says: “I don’t know there are different types of fruit. But people haven’t complained to me before. I have a shop here where even cars stop to buy. I don’t know about GMO.”
From Kano, Aliyu Abubakar, who supplies fruits to Lagos supermarkets, insists his produce is safe. “My own fruits are from farms. I have a farm in my state where they bring it to Lagos. I don’t know about GMO, but at least mine is from my farm in the village.”
Yet others, like Dorcas Udaw, a tomato seller, remain sceptical: “We prefer natural foods. I don’t trust these so-called GM crops. When a foreign thing is added, it is no longer natural. Customers ask me sometimes, and I just tell them to buy what they know.”
For Glory Akilose, a student in Yaba College of Technology (Yabatech), the issue is one of governance. “I have read about genetically modified maize and soy. To me, it sounds like a smart way to get more food from less land, especially with how prices are rising. But in Nigeria, there’s no transparency. If it’s safe, why not label it clearly?”
In the end, voices in the markets remain divided. Many traders believe their food is natural and safe, though few understand what GMOs really mean. Some see the fears as overblown, others are doubtful of the crops’ safety, while younger buyers link the issue to poor transparency and demand clear labelling. What cuts across is confusion, mistrust, and a strong desire to know exactly what is on their plates.
The labelling problem
Across the board, Nigerians say the same thing: we don’t know what we are eating — a confusion made worse by weak enforcement of GMO labelling rules.
Unlike the European Union (EU), which mandates clear labelling of all GMO foods, Nigeria has no strict labelling enforcement.
According to the NBMA Act, labelling is required for GMO imports, but in practice, many products enter markets and supermarkets without clear identification.
This means consumers cannot distinguish between genetically modified and conventional products in markets or supermarkets.
Advocacy groups have seized on this gap. The Corporate Accountability and Public Participation Africa (CAPPA) has repeatedly called for mandatory and transparent labelling, arguing that Nigerians have a right to know what they consume.
CAPPA argues that the absence of transparent labelling only deepens public mistrust, fuels misinformation, and exposes ordinary people to potential risks without their consent.
This lack of transparency fuels misinformation. Some consumers, for instance, assume neat-looking beans are GMO, while others confuse imported fruits with genetic modification.
Science vs suspicion
Independent scientific reviews suggest that GMOs are safe when rigorously tested, but experts admit that uncertainties remain, especially in countries like Nigeria where monitoring and regulatory capacity are limited.
A 2022 review in the Journal of Food Quality and Health noted that while no health hazards from GMOs have been proven in humans, long-term studies in African contexts are scarce. Without local research, Nigerians are left to rely on foreign data, which critics argue does not reflect local realities.
According to Dr Iyanu, this gap is what keeps fears alive. “People don’t reject technology for the sake of it. They reject it when they don’t trust the people implementing it.”
The way forward
Nigeria’s GMO debate exposes a wider crisis: the disconnect between science, policy, and public trust. While regulators and policymakers argue that biotechnology can solve hunger and climate-related crop losses, citizens remain concerned about hidden health risks, weak labelling, and increasing corporate control over food systems.
According to Dr Ifeanyi, bridging the gap requires robust local science and not borrowed evidence, transparent regulation, strict enforcement of labelling, public education campaigns, and inclusive dialogue with farmers, traders, and consumers.
“My views are not anti-science. On the contrary, it is a call for better science; science that is independent, locally grounded, transparent, and accountable to the people whose lives and health are at stake.
Nigeria cannot afford to gamble with public health and food sovereignty. The House of Representatives has taken an important first step by listening to the people’s voices and calling for caution.
“Now, the Federal Government must show leadership by enshrining a moratorium into law, funding independent local research, and restoring trust through labelling and transparency. Our food system is more than a marketplace; it is the foundation of our national health, culture, and identity. To protect it is not to resist progress, but to ensure that progress is safe, equitable, and truly Nigerian,” he said.
Residents of Ajah and surrounding communities are set to benefit from a one-week free medical outreach planned in commemoration of the 86th birthday of foremost Nigerian industrialist, philanthropist, and Chairman of the Eleganza Group of Companies, Chief (Dr.) Razaq Akanni Okoya, CON.
The initiative, tagged: Okoya @ 86 Medical Outreach, will be part of the business mogul’s long-standing commitment to community development, healthcare delivery, and humanitarian service. The outreach will run from Monday, January 5 to Monday, January 12, 2026, between 9:00am and 4:00pm daily, at Oluwaninsola Estate, opposite Eleganza Bus Stop, along the Lekki–Ajah Expressway, Lagos.
Speaking on the initiative, Okoya, the man behind the renowned Eleganza products, described the outreach as his personal way of giving back to the host communities of his businesses and residence, while emphasising the importance of accessible and quality healthcare.
“This is a step towards our enduring commitment to health, dignity, and well-being, in appreciation of the community where I reside. Most importantly, health is wealth. This is my token of appreciation to Almighty Allah for preserving my life to see another year. I will be 86 years old in January 2026, which is a milestone, and I am healthy and happy,” he said.
He added that his philosophy remains anchored on the belief that a healthy society is the foundation of sustainable development.
“I so strongly believe that good health is essential to life. I have been in the manufacturing industry for over six decades, providing employment opportunities for teeming young Nigerians, while Eleganza products continue to enjoy wide patronage. By providing access to healthcare, we are improving productivity and prioritising societal sustainability. Everybody deserves the opportunity to thrive and live a healthy life,” Okoya stated.
The outreach is expected to benefit over 1,000 residents and will offer a comprehensive range of medical services. These include general medical consultations, blood pressure monitoring, blood sugar checks, HIV testing, eye screening with provision of corrective glasses where required, dental checks, breast and prostate cancer screening, wellness guidance, health education, and medical referrals.
Beneficiaries will also receive free medications and gain valuable insight into their overall health status.
Beyond healthcare, Okoya’s philanthropic footprint spans religion, education, and social welfare. Many years ago, he built a mosque in honour of his late mother, which has since become a major centre of worship for the local community, attracting up to 500 Muslim faithful weekly for Jumu’ah prayers, with bread regularly provided to worshippers as part of his charitable commitment.
Eleganza Group of Companies remains one of the largest employers of labour in Nigeria, providing jobs for thousands of Nigerians across its manufacturing and commercial operations. Okoya also believes in quality education and the foundation under his name in recent years has thrown its weight behind the Nigerian educational sector as several undergraduate students are beneficiaries of the Alhaji Akanni Okoya Scholarship Awards.
Over the years, Okoya has also supported hospitals and medical institutions across the country with donations of life-saving equipment, reinforcing his belief that service to humanity is a divine responsibility.
Born on January 12, 1940, Alhaji Razaq Akanni Okoya, CON, the Aare of Lagos, is the founder of Eleganza Group of Companies and RAO Investment Properties, with business interests spread across Nigeria and parts of West Africa. His journey from humble beginnings to becoming one of Nigeria’s most respected industrial magnates is widely regarded as a testament to vision, resilience, and unwavering commitment to national development.
Peter Obi’s announcement last Wednesday that he has joined the African Democratic Congress (ADC) brought new energy to Nigeria’s opposition politics. Still, questions about who will get the presidential ticket—Obi or former Vice President Atiku Abubakar—could threaten the alliance. Deputy Political Editor Raymond Mordi looks at the challenges facing the new coalition partners.
Excitement grew in the Southeast last Wednesday as a convoy of vehicles headed to the Nike Lake Resort in Enugu. Inside, many key figures from Nigeria’s opposition gathered, waiting for Peter Obi. When the former Labour Party (LP) presidential candidate arrived, he did more than announce his move to the African Democratic Congress (ADC).
He set in motion what could become Nigeria’s most significant political shift since the All Progressives Congress (APC) was formed more than 10 years ago.
“This decision is guided solely by patriotism and national interest,” Obi declared, framing his move as a mission to “rescue Nigeria from poverty, disunity and democratic decline.”
The choice of Enugu was important. As the political centre of the Southeast, it demonstrated Obi’s strong influence in a region where he won a significant victory in the 2023 general election. The crowd was also telling: party leaders, civil society members, former allies from his LP days, and new supporters from across the country all suggested this was more than just a personal decision.
Political economist Pat Utomi, who has long supported Obi, said the move came after “wide-ranging consultations across political, civic, and regional lines.” Utomi explained that the ADC appealed to them because it was “less encumbered by legacy factions” and more open to negotiation among its leaders.
“It is very significant because he didn’t defect alone,” says Chief Chekwas Okorie, founding national chairman of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA). “He practically took all the political heavyweights in the PDP in the Southeast, those with him in the LP, and even some APGA chieftains—including the only APGA lawmaker in the Senate, Eyinnaya Abaribe.”
Okorie believes this move is more than just symbolic. “That is a significant challenge to the APC in the Southeast, irrespective of the defections we’ve seen. It’s not going to be a one-party thing running through the whole country like a knife running through butter. So, it would compel the presidency to return to the drawing board and reassess its 2027 strategy.”
Marriage of convenience:
The event in Enugu marked the official start of a grand coalition. Political heavyweights have decided that joining forces through the ADC is their best chance to challenge President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in 2027.
Obi’s move is the latest and most exciting in a series of high-profile defections that have turned the ADC into the leading platform for a united opposition.
Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar joined the party in November, confirming his fifth presidential bid. Nasir el-Rufai, the former Kaduna governor and a key architect of the APC’s 2015 victory, brought his formidable northern network weeks earlier, vowing to “repeat what we did in 2015.” Former Rivers State Governor Rotimi Amaechi and a growing list of federal lawmakers have also signed on.
Experienced leaders lead the coalition. Former Senate President David Mark is the interim national chairman, and former Osun Governor Rauf Aregbesola is the national secretary. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has officially recognised this leadership team.
“The vehicle of ADC kick-started yesterday (last Wednesday) with one ignition kick, and that is the excitement that His Excellency Peter Obi has brought to it,” says Tanko Yunusa, national coordinator of the Obidient Movement, Obi’s formidable youth support base.
Filling the opposition vacuum:
The rise of the ADC is a response to the decline of opposition politics. The ruling APC, led by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, continues to attract opposition governors, lawmakers, and local leaders. Leadership struggles and many defections have weakened the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). The Labour Party (LP), which gained momentum in 2023 through the Obidient Movement, is now mired in internal conflicts and legal battles.
“Nature abhors a vacuum,” political economists often say, and the ADC is trying to fill that gap.
The big question now is whether this group of prominent figures can come together as a strong team to challenge Tinubu’s re-election. Or will they face the same internal problems that hurt past opposition efforts?
The allure of a unified front:
The ADC’s main strength right now is its lineup. It has brought together the three most well-known leaders of the anti-Tinubu opposition, each with their own base of support.
Peter Obi’s youth and southeastern appeal: Obi’s move is likely the coalition’s most significant boost. In the 2023 election, he showed he could bring together young, urban voters from different backgrounds, especially in the South. His joining the ADC has “effectively planted the ADC’s flag in the Southeast,” where he is still very popular. His supporters seem ready to follow him. Just days after he joined, major support groups—the Obidient Movement, the Big Tent, the Coalition for the Protection of Democracy, and the Coalition for Obi—set up a joint steering committee to plan for the next general election.
“They have made that position very clear,” Yunusa says. “They are going to move in their millions into the ADC.”
Okorie also believes this is more than just for show. “The impression in the APC circles was that southern governors would automatically deliver their states,” he says. “But we’ve seen that governors’ defections don’t necessarily translate to votes. Nigerians are more politically sophisticated now.”
He mentions Delta State in 2023, where Peter Obi beat both the APC and the PDP, even though there were strong incumbents backing the PDP flagbearer. “These defections don’t impress me at all,” Okorie adds. “Nigerians never follow those kinds of leads.”
Atiku Abubakar’s northern network and experience: Atiku gives the coalition strong connections in the North, which is key to winning nationally. His political network, built over many years, brings organisation and helps balance the APC’s influence in the region. He quickly welcomed Obi, calling his move a “landmark development,” showing he is open to working together, at least for now.
The scene in Enugu was revealing. “The presence of Aminu Tambuwal says a lot,” Okorie observes. “Tambuwal is one of the caliphate’s princes. Seeing his excitement suggests that the North is watching this very closely.”
El-Rufai’s kingmaker credentials: Adding El-Rufai is both symbolic and strategic. As a former APC insider, his move is a clear criticism of the ruling party. His talk of repeating the 2015 merger success appeals to those hoping for a major opposition victory.
A leadership of elders: With David Mark and Rauf Aregbesola at the helm, the coalition gains stability and experience. Their job is to manage egos, help reach compromises, and offer a balanced ticket that can handle internal competition.
The fault lines beneath the surface:
Despite its big names, the ADC coalition is fragile. It is built on competing ambitions and unresolved differences.
1. The presidential ticket dilemma:
Atiku, Obi, and Amaechi all want to run for president. National Publicity Secretary Bolaji Abdullahi says the ticket is “open to all eligible aspirants,” but only one will be chosen.
Most people believe Atiku has the advantage because he has been in the party longer, has more resources, and a strong northern network. However, Obi has made it clear he will not “play second fiddle” in 2027.
“It’s possible Obi went to the party because he was assured of the ticket,” Okorie insists. He added, “Don’t forget, it took a long time for him to reach a decision, to the point that some of his followers were already confused.
“But now he has taken a position, and one would imagine that he has also consulted very widely. So, if there is another level of challenge, it will also be to Atiku, who, before now, would have been considered as an anointed candidate of the ADC. With Obi’s eventual defection to the ADC, Atiku may no longer be the party’s anointed candidate.”
Political analyst Prof. Gbade Ojo captures the stalemate succinctly: “If Atiku surrenders, Peter Obi will run. If Atiku insists on running, then Obi becomes his running mate.”
A ticket combining North and South, Muslim and Christian, could be powerful. However, convincing Obi to be a running mate again, as he was in 2019, will be difficult.
From within the APC, scepticism is sharper. “Obi cannot defeat Atiku in any primary,” argues Mashood Erubami, a civil society activist-turned-politician in Oyo State. “Wherever Atiku has contested, he has done everything necessary to secure the ticket. Obi is likely to leave the ADC in annoyance after losing.”
2. The Obidient wildcard:
Obi’s supporters are loyal to him, not to the ADC. Yunusa has promised that the Obidient Movement will stay with the party even if Obi loses the primary, but that promise will be tested if supporters feel let down.
“Even his loyal supporters would not permit him to be Atiku’s running mate again,” Erubami insists. “That is not what they bargained for.”
3. Grassroots and structure:
Apart from its national leaders, the ADC lacks strong local structures like the APC. El-Rufai’s influence in Kaduna or Obi’s popularity in the Southeast does not guarantee a nationwide effort to get out the vote.
Okorie points out that this was a significant weakness for the LP in 2023. “The party didn’t have polling agents in over 120,000 polling units,” he says. “Obi was like a one-man riot squad.”
He believes the ADC is better prepared this time. The APGA leader said, “Many party aspirants will be able to sponsor their nominations and campaigns. The LP didn’t have that leverage in 2023. Obi had already purchased the PDP presidential nomination form for N50 million before he abandoned the party for the LP.
“So, he was practically begging people to come and contest the other positions on the platform of the party. This time, there will be candidates in every contestable office. That means funding, agents, and nationwide presence—something they never had before.”
4. The APC magnet:
Tinubu’s position as the incumbent is still a decisive advantage. Governors and lawmakers keep joining the ruling party, increasing its influence and resources. “The party’s popularity has been boosted by the number of governors who have defected,” Erubami says, adding that performance, not sentiment, will decide the 2027 election.
Scenarios for 2027:
Several pathways now present themselves.
The unity ticket scenario: If Atiku and Obi agree to run together, either as Atiku-Obi or Obi-Atiku, they would present the most substantial challenge by combining northern support with southern and youth appeal.
The fractured primary scenario: If the primary is contentious, the coalition could break apart, making it easier for Tinubu to win a second term with little opposition.
The third-force scenario: Even if united, the ADC must overcome the advantages of incumbency and state power. Its chances depend on making the most of the ongoing economic hardship. “The coalition could capitalise on insecurity, economic hardship and over-taxation,” Prof. Ojo notes.
Conclusion: A vehicle in search of a driver:
Right now, the ADC has plenty of energy but no clear leader. Obi’s move has given it momentum, but personal ambition could still slow things down.
The coalition is clearly strong, but also vulnerable. Its future—whether it changes Nigeria’s opposition or becomes just another warning—depends on whether it can unite its powerful members into one team.
The road from Enugu to Aso Rock is a long one. The first challenge, deciding who will lead, is already approaching.
For Governor Ahmed Aliyu, his annual budgets are more than a financial document; it is a deliberate and clear expression of his governance priorities, a roadmap for development, and a framework for accountability. Each of his budgets reflects not only projected revenues and expenditures, but also a stated commitment to transparency, effective governance, and the delivery of tangible outcomes. Through these budgets, the administration has sought to translate promises into action and intent into measurable results.
Except for the 2023 budget inherited from his predecessor, Aminu Tambuwal, the 2024 and 2025 budgets crafted under Governor Aliyu’s leadership have consistently focused on fundamental questions: which challenges matter the most? How can public spending deliver the greatest benefit to the people? And how limited financial resources can be deployed to drive holistic development across the state?
Sokoto State’s 2025 and 2026 budgets, presented under this administration, provide a timely opportunity to interrogate these questions. Coming at a period marked by fiscal pressure, persistent insecurity, and deep social needs, the two budgets together offer a useful lens for assessing not only the promises embedded in Governor Aliyu’s 9-Point SMART Agenda, but also the extent to which those promises have been translated into service delivery.
Beyond the figures and optimistic projections lies a more important story, one about the choices made, and the gap that often exists between allocation and impact.
This article examines the 2025 and 2026 budgets side by side to assess whether spending priorities align with stated goals and whether past performance supports the promises contained in the 2036 budget. In doing so, it seeks to shift the conversation from how much was spent to how effectively public resources have actually worked and are working for the people of Sokoto State.
Like James W. Frick eloquently stated: ”Don’t tell me where your priorities are. Show me where you spend your money and I’ll tell you what they are.”
We have established that budgets are more than financial documents; and that they are also moral statements that reveal what the Ahmed Aliyu administration values, prioritizes, and how it imagines the future. And that Sokoto State has boldly confronted the security challenges, development deficits, and deep socio-economic vulnerabilities that it inherited, and that the annual budgets are a declaration of its intent to rewrite its development trajectory.
Governor Ahmed Aliyu’s 2026 budget therefore deserves careful, critical, and balanced scrutiny.
The proposed 2026 budget is striking in both its size and ambition. With a total outlay of approximately ₦758.7 billion, it is among the largest in the state’s history. Yet size alone is a poor measure of success. What matters most is the structure of the budget, the realism of its revenue assumptions, the clarity of its priorities, and its capacity to translate spending into tangible improvements in citizens’ lives. And on these the governor is spot on.
One of the most notable features of the 2026 budget is its strong tilt toward capital expenditure, with roughly 72 % allocated to capital projects and only 28 % to recurrent spending. This no doubt signals a development-oriented agenda. This is not surprising considering that the governor has never hidden the fact that roads, schools, hospitals, water infrastructure, and agricultural investments are essential for long-term economic development of the state, especially because of the significant infrastructure gaps it inherited.
While capital-heavy budgets come with inherent risks, the performance of the 2024, 2025 budgets show that it’s achievable. So for Sokoto State, the question of how much is allocated to capital projects, and how much is actually delivered doesn’t apply. The fear that the Sokoto State budget might suffer the same fate with Nigeria’s public finance history that is littered with ambitious capital budgets, but ultimately undermined by low implementation rates, abandoned projects, and inflated costs is not supported by facts. Indeed for Sokoto State, the challenge will not be ensuring that capital allocations translate into completed, functional assets rather it’s about increasing its budget performance from about 65% to an ambitious 75%.
Infrastructure, by its nature, does not sustain itself. Roads require ongoing maintenance, hospitals depend on steady supplies of consumables, and schools rely on qualified teachers and learning materials. Within this context, there are strong indications that the relatively lean recurrent budget has been structured to sustainably operate and maintain the assets already constructed.
Any serious analysis of the 2026 budget must interrogate the revenue side with equal rigour. While Sokoto State continues to rely significantly on federal allocations, its Internally Generated Revenue (IGR) has increased substantially in recent years, contributing a more meaningful share to the total income. This improvement, driven by stronger fiscal discipline and revenue administration, places the state in a better position to withstand external shocks such as oil price volatility or adjustments in federal fiscal policy. As a result, the revenue projections underpinning the 2026 budget are not particularly vulnerable. Notably, the state has so far been able to finance its numerous development projects without resorting to borrowing from commercial banks, underscoring a cautious and sustainable approach to public finance.
The administration’s emphasis in avoiding borrowing is highly commendable, especially in an era where many states are weighed down by unsustainable debt. Fiscal restraint enhances credibility and protects future budgets from excessive debt servicing. Yet caution must not become paralysis. Strategic, well-structured borrowing for productive investments especially in sectors like agriculture, water, and energy to accelerate growth should if necessary be considered, especially its capacity to deliver long-term returns.
Budgets speak through their allocations. In the 2026 proposal, security, education, health, agriculture, and water infrastructure have emerged as priority sectors for the administration of Governor Aliyu. This alignment broadly reflects both the state’s development needs and Governor Aliyu’s stated policy agenda.
Security spending is particularly significant. Given persistent banditry and insecurity in parts of eastern Sokoto State, allocating huge resources to security infrastructure, logistics, and coordination with federal agencies is not an option. Without improved security, investments in education, agriculture, and commerce cannot yield their intended results.
Health and education allocations are also notable, with health receiving around 16% of the total budget, exceeding some minimum benchmarks and underscoring the administration’s recognition of human capital development. Available evidence suggests that sustained investments in primary healthcare, maternal services and essential medical supplies are beginning to strengthen health outcomes and reduce avoidable morbidity, key drivers of long-term improvements in life expectancy.
In education, increased funding for teacher development, school infrastructure, and learning materials has contributed to increased enrollment, attendance, and instructional quality. While improvements in literacy rates typically emerge gradually, these interventions are creating conditions that support stronger learning outcomes. Together, progress in health and education is enhancing human capital and, by extension, improving productivity and economic participation, particularly among young people and rural communities.
Agriculture, the backbone of Sokoto’s economy, also features prominently. If effectively implemented, investments in irrigation, extension services, and value chains would significantly improve food security, rural incomes, and employment.
Another encouraging aspect of Governor Aliyu’s 2026 budget process is the administration’s emphasis on citizen engagement through town-hall meetings and consultations. Participatory budgeting helps align public spending with community needs and strengthen public trust. While participation must extend beyond consultation, it’s the responsibility of the citizens to track implementation, and hold public officials accountable for results. The governor has shown by words and actions to be a democrat and accountable. The N200,000 monthly imprest for schools was the outcome of the town hall meeting.
Another lens for evaluating the 2026 budget is its alignment with the governor’s broader policy framework, because the coherence between policy statements and budgetary allocations enhance credibility and effectiveness.
The allocations largely reflect the administration’s stated priorities in health education, water, agriculture, and security. This coherence is important. Budgets that contradict policy statements undermine credibility and effectiveness.
Equally important is continuity: whether ongoing projects are completed before new ones are initiated, and whether lessons from past implementation challenges have been incorporated into the 2026 plan.
The other question that must be asked is how does the 2026 budget build on previous budgets? Are ongoing projects being completed before new ones are initiated? Have the lessons from past implementation challenges been incorporated into the 2026 budget? Continuity and institutional memory are often overlooked but critical for development planning.
Ultimately, the success or failure of the 2026 Sokoto State budget will not be determined in the House of Assembly or on paper, but in communities across the state. Will rural farmers see better access to water and markets? Will mothers find functional primary healthcare centers? Will children learn in safer, better-equipped schools? Will roads reduce travel time and improve commerce?
Encouragingly, the Ahmed Aliyu administration has demonstrated capacity for timely implementation of the budget. The establishment of a procurement agency, the appointment of competent leadership, and the political will to act decisively suggest an understanding that without robust implementation frameworks, even the most well-intentioned budget risks becoming a catalogue of missed opportunities.
Governor Ahmed Aliyu’s 2026 budget is, by many measures, ambitious and development-oriented. Its emphasis on capital investment, social sectors, and fiscal restraint reflects a desire to reposition Sokoto State for long-term growth. And it’s an ambition that is matched by realism, discipline, and transparency.
In the end, history will not judge the 2026 budget by its size, but by what it delivers. So for the government, the challenge is clear: turn numbers into impact, plans into projects, and allocations into lasting improvements in the lives of Sokoto’s people.
Prince Adewole Adebayo, the presidential candidate of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) in the 2023 general election, speaks with journalists on the coalition talks, civil society, insecurity, and Nigeria’s future. The Nation Correspondent in Akure, Tosin Tope was there. Excerpt.
Why have you not joined Atiku Abubakar, Peter Obi, and others to form the coalition into African Democratic Congress (ADC) party?
I cannot force out a government elected for a fixed term. I do not believe in coups or sabotage. I can criticize and warn Nigerians. We are talking with others about coalition, but opposition must be principled. Disliking Tinubu is not enough. Whoever replaces him must not be worse. If three people argue over roasting, frying, or boiling a chicken, none of them is good for the chicken. Some coalition seekers come straight from the EFCC investigations or prison. Politics cannot be a refuge for criminals or opportunists. Coalition is only possible with patriots – people who love Nigeria, are accountable, and have clean records.
Is it true you singlehandedly blocked the coalition to be organised in the SDP?
I’m not saying single-handedly. I convinced my party people that if we cannot help the Nigerian people, let’s not kill them. It’s better to not enter government than to enter government and become the enemy of the people. You can’t do it. It’s just not right. Nigeria has a lot of people who have never tasted government before.
All of the people who have been in the government since independence today are not up to 1%. Nigeria is not short of talent. So, if you want to stop what is going on, you need to bring fresh people or select among those who have served before who have relatively good records.
You have to see that the motivation is not about some people being incapable of being outside government for 6 hours. They will be disoriented because they are used to a free car, free housing, and passing toll gates without paying, and free medical care. These are the things they defend in the name of fighting for you. They just can’t survive without government patronage. If they are ministers today, tomorrow you put them as the chairman of a nursery or primary school board. They go there. They just must drive an SUV, what is happening is not important. And that is what is motivating their politics. So, it’s their style. I’m not saying they should not be in politics.
The main reason why I entered politics and devoted my life to politics was because of that lie that Nigerians were telling themselves that they had no alternative.
In a few months’ time, the process for the 2027 election will commence, and I know you are interested in the race. Are you not worried that Nigeria is gradually turning into a one-party state?
I’m not worried at all, because logic suggests to you that if you have a one-tendency elite, it’s a matter of time before they will stop pretending to be different and morph into one political party. If you look at most of the political parties that have been in existence since 1998, when we started this current transition, which is now 26 years of uninterrupted similar governments, the elites are the same.
Most of the political parties are the same. They are mostly neoliberal. The elites are uniformly corrupt, uniformly thoughtless. So you can find someone who has been in government for eight years, and then when they are asked to summarise their political philosophy, they don’t know it. But you can find out their political philosophy when they leave office and the EFCC charges them to court and says about the fraud that they committed.
So these elites don’t understand the sense of a republic. They don’t take the job seriously. They don’t have a sense of leadership. They don’t need anyone. And they are not accountable to anyone. And their economic philosophy is contrary to what is in the Constitution. Even though they swear by the Constitution every time they assume office that they will abide by the Constitution, particularly Section 12 of the Constitution, fundamental objectives and the rising principle of frequency.
So this way you summarise all of them, behaving similarly all across over time and crisscrossing from one party to the other seamlessly without having to renounce anything.
But in reality, there cannot be a one-party state. Because the natural dialectic is that any union between hungry people and the overfed people cannot last. Any union between unemployed people and the people who are causing their unemployment cannot be together. A union of poor people and those who stole all their wealth cannot endure.
We are reaching a point where the real position is not for a one-party state. The elites, decadent as they are, are the leftovers of the crumbs of military rule. If you look at the history of most of them, their careers began with working for military governments during the dark days of military dictatorship, helping them to hide money.
You said civil society is weak and the media compromised. What can Nigerians do going forward?
First, stop lying to yourselves. If the economy is bad, say it. You cannot claim progress while begging for food, rent, and school fees. Second, organize. Civil society must wake up. It used to check government power. Now, it is a recruitment ground for political appointments. The media must return to accountability journalism. Third, serious patriots must join politics. Politics determines leadership, and leadership determines whether we live in hell or paradise. That is what we are doing in the SDP. If you join us and you are corrupt, we will remove you. Real change requires patience, discipline, and ideological clarity.
What is your view on the U.S. airstrikes against terrorists in Nigeria?
I am still in fact-finding mode. I have not seen credible local confirmation of any strikes in Sokoto or Kwara. Security is the responsibility of the Nigerian government. The government has not convinced me it lacks the capacity to defeat terrorists. Foreign cooperation is acceptable, but Nigeria must remain in command. I would not want to be Commander-in-Chief in my own country while another country announces strikes on my behalf. Boko Haram and similar groups are not invincible. The media must also be responsible. If foreign media report attacks, Nigerians cannot verify locally. It is a national embarrassment. We must know what is happening in our own country.
The Adebayo National Marathon is entering its 2nd year, can you give us a brief intro for establishing the marathon?
It has given people purpose and the opportunity to use their strength and stamina, and we put people together, and this is me, and this is you. If you want to be successful, you have to endure this. You have to plan, you have to focus, you have to work hard, and you have to project. You have to prepare for this. You have to compete for this. You have to endure. Because just as individuals are running their races, companies are also running their races. This is why development is a marathon.
What’s the turnout like this year?
We have the planning committee, Omoleye Sowore is the chairperson, the secretary, Dr. Olu Agunloye is a member, there are a few other members, but they are all around, mostly around competitiveness.
Why particularly a marathon? And why the choice of Ondo State?
There’s nothing particular about the marathon. So it’s just that today is for a marathon. Other days are for other sports.
Sports is the beginning of good health. It’s the beginning of having a strong military.
And if you start with young people, it’s the beginning of developing a character. Because to wake up in the morning and train for a marathon that’s taking place a year from now, is a way to develop character, to follow purpose, and to also become part of an international community. And if you check the elevation of Ondo City, we are fairly as good as the average East African area, apart from the Mountain Range, Mount Kenya, and a few other spots.
But generally, we are high enough in the topography to be able to do just a few kilometers from here to this mountain range and the range of runners.
