Author: The Nation

  • Group, NGE to govts: stop harassing journalists, activists, CSOs, bloggers

    Group, NGE to govts: stop harassing journalists, activists, CSOs, bloggers

    Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) and Nigeria Guild of Editors (NGE) have urged the Federal Government to stop  the intimidation and harassment of journalists, activists, bloggers and civil society organisations (CSOs).

    The groups called for an end to the use of some provisions of the Cybercrimes Act, criminal and penal codes those peacefully expressing their views online, and immediately release those arbitrarily detained across the country.

    They said: “Using repressive laws and strategic lawsuit against public participation (SLAPP) lawsuits to intimidate and harass journalists, activists, bloggers and CSOs erodes democracy, respect for human rights and the rule of law in Nigeria.”

    The statement followed the press conference and interactive session titled: ‘The Escalating Restrictions on Civic Space, Media Freedom and the Deterioration of Rule of Law in Nigeria’, held today at the Radisson Hotel, Ikeja.

    The event was jointly organized by SERAP and NGE to mark the International Human Rights Day.

     The groups also said: “the use of repressive laws and SLAPP lawsuits to crackdown on peaceful dissent is entirely inconsistent with the Nigerian Constitution 1999 [as amended] and the country’s international human rights obligations.”

     According to the groups, “Nigerian authorities at all levels should show that they tolerate peaceful dissent and media freedom if the Nigerian people are to have any chance of holding them accountable on their constitutional oath of office, commitments and promises.”

    The statement, read in part: “Criminal defamation and SLAPP lawsuits are neither necessary nor proportionate under the Nigerian Constitution and human rights treaties to which Nigeria is a state party. Such lawsuits generate a chilling effect that inhibits the enjoyment of human rights and circulation of ideas and information.

    “A lawsuit challenging the legality and compatibility of some provisions of the Cybercrime (Prohibition, Prevention, etc.) (Amendment) Act 2024 with the rights to freedom of expression and information is pending before the ECOWAS Court.

    “As a matter of the rule of law, security and law enforcement agencies cannot and should not use the amended Act to continue to silence peaceful dissent pending the hearing and determination of the lawsuit by the court.

    “We are deeply concerned that Nigerian authorities at all levels and other actors continue to use repressive laws and misuse the judicial processes to normalize repression of the rights of journalists, bloggers, human rights defenders, activists, opposition politicians, artists and other Nigerians.

    “Impunity for those who threaten, intimidate and harass journalists, bloggers, human rights defenders and activists contributes to the hostile environment for these defenders of constitutionally and internationally guaranteed human rights in Nigeria.”

    Read Also: We have capacity to return Tinubu in 2027, says Fubara

    The group noted that the restrictions on civic space, human rights violations and suppression of the press in recent times take various forms ranging from extrajudicial to unlawful detentions, disappearances, malicious prosecutions and wrongful use of both legislation and law enforcement.

    The group stated that since the amendment of the Cybercrime Act in 2024, Nigerian authorities at all levels have consistently used the provisions of the Cybercrime Act including the provisions of section 24 on “cyberstalking” to harass, intimidate, arbitrarily arrest and detain and unfairly prosecute users of social media, activists, and journalists.

    According to them, Nigerian authorities at all levels increasingly use criminal defamation laws and other repressive laws to crack down on human rights and peaceful dissent, bringing frivolous lawsuits against journalists, bloggers, human rights defenders and activists.

     They expressed concern about the persistence of threats to journalists’ safety, and the potential chilling effect of strategic lawsuits against public participation (SLAPPs) and harassment, including by security agencies and politicians.

    “We note that journalists, bloggers, human rights defenders and activists play an indispensable role in documenting and reporting on human rights violations.

    “The right to freedom of expression applies to all kinds of information and ideas, including those that may shock, offend or disturb, and irrespective of the truth or falsehood of the content.

     “The provisions of section 24 of the Cybercrime (Prohibition, Prevention, etc.) (Amendment) Act 2024 are inconsistent with the provisions of section 39 of the Nigerian Constitution 1999 [as amended] and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights to which Nigeria is a state party.

     “Stories published online have been deemed ‘offensive’, ‘obstructive’, ‘insulting’ or ‘annoying’ with actionable consequences under amended provisions of section 24 of the Cybercrime Act 2024, even when the stories are true and factual.

    “Also, stories published through traditional media outlets (print and electronic) that were never sanctioned by the government have been picked on upon being rebroadcast or republished through online platforms.”

    “State governors, security and law enforcement agencies and officials frequently misuse the legal and judicial processes including through the use of SLAPP lawsuits to target journalists, human rights defenders, activists and civil society organizations with impunity.”

     They said that in August 2024 alone, at least fifty-six (56) journalists were assaulted or arrested while covering demonstrations across the country. According to Reporters Without Borders (RSF), Nigeria has dropped 10 spots to 122nd in the 2025 World Press Freedom Index.

    “Internet freedom of expression continues to decline due to an unprecedented pattern of arbitrary arrests and detention of bloggers after the enactment and amendment of the Cybercrime Act in 2024; most of whom are either pending at various police stations or courts of law.”

    “According to the Centre for Journalism Innovation and Development (CJID) Press Attack Tracker, there have been 110 verified attacks in the year 2024. In comparison to the previous year, the press attacks between the first and third quarter of 2024 have surpassed those of the entire year in 2023.

    “According to the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), at least three journalists in Nigeria have been detained since August on allegations of violating the country’s Cybercrime Act, despite the recent reform of the law, highlighting the continuing use of the law and defamation laws to target and harass journalists, and activists.

    “One journalist, known under the pen name Fejiro Oliver, has been behind bars since mid-September over charges of cyberbullying. On September 18, police detained Oliver, an investigative journalist and publisher of privately owned Secret Reporters news outlet, at his office in the Nigerian capital, Abuja, then flew him to Asaba, the capital of southern Delta State. Oliver’s real name is Tega Gobernadora.”

    “In August, Azuka Francisca Ogujiuba, publisher of the privately owned Media Room Hub news site, was arrested twice in Abuja for publishing a court injunction related to a disputed land sale. The first time, she was held for five hours; the second time, for three days. Police searched and retained her phone for five days.”

    “On August 11, she was released after interventions from friends, taking down the article, and writing an apology.”

    “On September 9, police in Ekiti State detained Sodeeq Atanda, a reporter with the privately owned Foundation for Investigative Journalism (FIJ), on allegations of cyberbullying, criminal defamation, conspiracy, blackmail, and malicious misrepresentation.”

    “Atanda was responding to a letter summoning him for questioning, following a complaint by a university vice-chancellor over FIJ’s allegations of sexual harassment. Atanda was reportedly detained for 11 hours, then freed without charge after multiple calls for his release. Police also reportedly invited FIJ founder Fisayo Soyombo for questioning on cyberbullying charges.”

    “According to the CPJ, at least 25 journalists faced prosecution under the Cybercrimes Act before the 2024 reforms. Five journalists have been prosecuted for cybercrime since the reforms. Five were harassed, but not formally charged, between March and May 2024.”

    “Ned Nwoko, senator representing Delta north, has renewed his call for the passage of the social media regulation bill, saying defamation has been weaponized in Nigeria’s online space. The proposed legislation sponsored by Nwoko passed for second reading on March 18 in the senate.”

    “The Federal Government also recently charged Sahara Reporters publisher and activist Omoyele Sowore alongside X and Facebook owners over Mr Sowore’s recent alleged ‘anti-Tinubu’ posts on the social media platforms.”

    “Two of the counts are brought under the Cybercrimes Act while the other three charges of criminal defamation, causing public fear and disturbance are brought under the Criminal Code Act.”

    “The suit dated 16th September,2025, was lodged at the Federal High Court in Abuja after Sowore allegedly refused to delete certain posts allegedly critical of President Tinubu. The charges were brought on behalf of the DSS and the Federal Government by the Director of Public Prosecutions at the Ministry of Justice.”

    “The DSS in May 2025 also filed a SLAPP lawsuit against Professor Pat Utomi, a former presidential candidate, accusing him of attempting to illegally usurp President Bola Tinubu’s executive powers by setting up a shadow government.”

    “In the suit marked FHC/ABJ/CS/937/2025, filed at the Federal High Court in Abuja, the DSS alleged that Utomi’s actions posed a threat to national security and constitutional order.”

    “The 2007 presidential candidate of the African Democratic Congress was named as the sole defendant in the suit. DSS operatives in October 2024 also filed a SLAPP lawsuit against SERAP over allegations of an unauthorised office invasion.”

    “These cases illustrate the growing use of SLAPP lawsuits by the DSS and other security and law enforcement agencies in Nigeria to target, harass and intimidate Nigerians for the peaceful exercise of their human rights.”

    “We are concerned that SLAPP lawsuits have a chilling effect on the exercise of the right to freedom of expression and other fundamental human rights protected under the Nigerian Constitution and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights.”

    “These cases illustrate the ongoing harassment, intimidation and misuse of laws and judicial processes in Nigeria to stifle the peaceful activities of journalists, activists, bloggers and CSOs and curtail the exercise of free expression in across the country.

    “These charges and lawsuits appear to be designed to intimidate and harass human rights defenders and constitute an unnecessary and disproportionate interference on the rights to freedom of expression, association, peaceful assembly and access to information.”

    “We therefore call on the Nigerian authorities to immediately release all journalists, activists, bloggers and other Nigerians detained solely for the peaceful exercise of their human rights and withdraw bogus charges against them.

    “Nigerian authorities should withdraw the SLAPP lawsuit brought against journalists, activists, bloggers and civil society organizations including the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP).”

    “To uphold their obligations under the Nigerian Constitution and human rights treaties to which the country is a state party, Nigerian authorities should urgently act to prevent further spurious defamation cases and SLAPP lawsuits being filed by security and law enforcement agencies that target journalists, activists, and CSOs.”

    “Nigerian authorities should decriminalize defamation in Nigerian laws and protect journalists, activists, bloggers and civil society organizations from SLAPP lawsuits and other abusive litigation aimed at curtailing the peaceful exercise of human rights in the country.”

    “Nigerian authorities must ensure that no person is prosecuted or held criminally liable for defamation for activities protected under the Nigerian Constitution and international human rights treaties to which the country is a state party.”

    “Nigerian authorities should enact laws to protect journalists, activists, bloggers, CSOs, critics and other individuals from legal harassment through defamation charges and SLAPP lawsuits.”

    “Nigerian authorities must ensure that defamation cases and SLAPP lawsuits are not used by businesses as a tool to undermine legitimate rights and freedoms of affected rights holders, civil society organizations and human rights defenders.”

    “We urge President Tinubu and his government to publicly call on Nigeria’s state governors, the Nigerian Police Force, the Department of State Services (DSS) to uphold and ensure full respect for the rights of everyone in the country, including journalists, bloggers, human rights defenders and activists.”

    “We call on President Tinubu and his government, the country’s 36 governors and Federal Capital Territory (FCT) minister to genuinely uphold human rights, press freedom, ensure access to information to all Nigerians, obey court judgments, and respect the rule of law.”

    “We urge the National Assembly to promptly and comprehensively review the Cybercrimes Act and other restrictive legislation, and revise them as appropriate to bring them into line with Nigeria’s international human rights obligations and commitments regarding human rights and media freedom.”

    “We urge the international community to hold Nigerian authorities to account for violations of human rights in the country, including by calling on the authorities at both the Federal and state levels to immediately and unconditionally release anyone detained solely for peacefully exercising their human rights.”

    The press conference was attended by senior members of the media, civil society groups and other stakeholders. The stakeholders and participants made commitments to work together to ensure the full and effective implementation of the recommendations by the Nigerian authorities.

    Those who attended the event included: Eze Anaba, President, NGE and Editor, Vanguard; Onuoha Ukeh, General Secretary, NGE and MD, The Sun; Richard Akinnola, Media Law Centre; Gbenga Adefaye, Provost, Nigerian Institute of Journalism; Dr Iyobosa Uwugiaren, Editor, This Day/NGE; Martins Oloja, former Editor-Chief, Guardian; and Ayo Makinde, Channels TV.

    Others who attended the event included: ⁠ Others included: Korede Ogunbunmi, deputy director, FRCN; James Oluyombo Tokode, Con Editor, Nation; Ikechukwu Amaechi, MD, The Niche; Tony Iyare, Fellow, NGE; Rose Moses, Editor, NGE; Juliet Bumah, Editor, New Telegraph; Ugonma Cokey, Deputy Director, VON; Ronke Raji, Controller News, Channels TV; and Ufuoma Egbamuno, News Manager, Cool/Wazobia/Nig. Info.

    Other stakeholders included: Paulyn Ugbodaga, Editor in Chief/CEO, News Ultra 360; Emeka Madunagu, MD/CEO, Metrostar; Joy Anibgugu, Editor, Daily Independent; Daniel Badru, Senior Correspondent, Guardian; Oluwatosin Odusola, News Editor, Eko FM; Ijeoma Popoola, Deputy Editor in Chief, NAN; and Gabriel Akinadewo, MD, Freedom Online.

    Others who attended the event included: ⁠Charles Kalu, General Manager, Peoples FM; Chima Obinna, Editor, This Day; Steve Nwosu, MD/EIC, Peoples FM/UTV Abuja; and Peter Ekele, Editor in Chief, The Cabal Newspaper; Iheanacho Nwosu, Editor, The Sun; Zebulon Agomuo, Editor, Business Day; Summer Shagari, Director News, Arise TV; Dotun Oladipo, Managing Editor, The Eagle Online; Niyi  Ojemakinde, COO, Peak Radio; and Godwin Ukaa, Deputy Director News, VON.

  • Lawyers hail Agomoh’s choice as NBA-SPIDEL chair

    Lawyers hail Agomoh’s choice as NBA-SPIDEL chair

    Professor of Law Chidi Odinkalu has congratulated leading justice sector reform advocate, Prof. Uju Agomoh, on her election as the Chair of the Nigerian Bar Association Section on Public Interest and Development Law (NBA-SPIDEL).

    In a post on his verified Twitter/X handle, Odinkalu, who is often described by his admirers as the ‘conscience of the nation,’ noted that “#SPIDEL is in excellent hands.”

    His words: “The @nba_spidel has a new Chairperson. Welcome to the job, @DrUjuAgomoh. #SPIDEL is in excellent hands.”

    The post has opened a floodgate of congratulatory messages to the new NBA-SPIDEL Executive Committee which was inaugurated at the recently concluded Annual Conference of the section in Uyo, Akwa Ibom State.

    Prominent Bar Leader, Mr. Jibrin Okutepa SAN also hailed the new Executive Committee, even as he led the charge in setting agenda for the SPIDEL leadership, urging the team to “engage in so many public interest litigations.” He wrote: “Congratulations @Dr Uju Agomoh my new chair. I am happy for you. Spidel needs to engage in so many public interest litigations.”

    Continuing, he wrote: “For instance is there any relationship between the right to life and the failure of government to provide Nigerians with good roads, security, hospitals and other life-saving social amenities? We need to find out. Congratulations Uju.”

    On his part, Senator Dino Melaye wrote: “Congratulations to all our new excos. More grace. My new chairman and Vice, double twale.” Melaye is a member of NBA-SPIDEL.

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    Adding his voice to the floodgate of solidarity and congratulatory messages, former Nigerian Bar Association, Abuja Branch (Unity Bar) Chairman, Mr. Bulus Atsen wrote: “Congratulations to all the new members of the Executive.”

    He was joined by former NBA Jos Branch Chairman and Chairman of the Media & Publicity Sub-Committee for the NBA-SPIDEL 2025 Annual Conference, Mr. Yakubu Bawa. His words: “Congratulations to the newly elected leaders.”

    It is recalled that Agomoh had emerged as Chairman of the section while Mr. Paul Daudu SAN will serve as the Vice Chairman. NBA Calabar Branch Chairman, Mr. Enome J. Amatey emerged as the new Secretary while Saadatu Abdullahi Mohammed is the Treasurer. Other Executive Committee members include Barbara Tosan Onwubiko (Financial Secretary) and Mojirayo Ogunlana (PRO).

    The NBA-SPIDEL Annual General Meeting (AGM) also ratified the following senior lawyers as Council members, including Prof. Paul Ananaba SAN, Dr. Monday Ubani SAN and Mr. John Aikpokpo-Martins, all former NBA-SPIDEL chairmen; Mr. Ejike Ezenwa SAN, Mr. Ntufam Mba Ukweni SAN, Mr. Andrew Odum SAN, Mr. Kunle Edun SAN, Dr. Princess Frank-Chukwuani, and Mr. Okey Leo Ohagba, among others.

    Agomoh, who anchored the highly successful NBA-SPIDEL 2025 Annual Conference, attended the University of London (Queen Mary) and Westfield College where she obtained a Bachelor of Laws degree. She was later admitted to the Nigerian Bar. She is a Chevening scholar and has a doctoral degree in Criminology & Prison Studies.

    A profile by the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) titled “CELEBRATING WOMEN ICON” reads: “Dr. Uju Agomoh @ujuagomoh is the Founder and Executive Director of Prisoners’ Rehabilitation and Welfare Action (PRAWA), a leading NGO focused on security, justice, and development with regional and continental initiatives across Africa. She currently serves as the President of the International Corrections and Prisons Association (ICPA) Africa Chapter.

    “Dr. Agomoh is also the Programme Manager for the Speeding Up Project (Component 4.2) under the Justice for All Programme, a UK DFID-funded initiative in Nigeria. Additionally, she leads the Police and Human Rights Project, funded by the Swiss Embassy in Nigeria.

    “Previously, she was a Research Fellow at the Institute for Development Studies (IDS), University of Nigeria, Enugu Campus (2010–2013). She has also served on the Governing Council of the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) and is a member of the Steering Committee of the African Security Sector Network (ASSN).

    “Dr. Agomoh has made significant contributions to justice reform, with a focus on increasing access to justice, reducing offending behavior, and preventing violence and torture —particularly in low-income communities. Her work continues to shape policies and interventions for a more effective and humane justice system in Africa.”

  • Court orders status quo over installation of Onisemo of Lagos

    Court orders status quo over installation of Onisemo of Lagos

    The Lagos State High Court has ordered all parties to maintain the status quo in the dispute over the proposed installation of a new Onisemo of Lagos, pending further hearing in a suit challenging the selection process.

    The order was made following an application by members of the Onisemo Chieftaincy Family, who are contesting moves to install Mr. Lookman Bolaji Oluwa, also known as Lookman Noah Fagbayi, as the Onisemo of Lagos.

    The claimants (plaintiffs) in the suit are: Princess Olabiyi Kosoko, Mrs. Hawawu Abiodun Teluwo (suing for themselves and on behalf of the Onisemo Chieftaincy Family of Lagos) and Mr. Olusegun Adebiyi Gbolade.

    The defendants are: the Governor of Lagos State, the Attorney-General, Alayeluwa Oba Rilwan Babatunde Osuolale Aremu Akiolu I (the Oba of Lagos), Executive Chairman, Lagos Island Local Government; Secretary, Chieftaincy Committee, Lagos Island Local Government; Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs; Mr. Sodiq Abosupala and Mr. Lookman Bolaji Oluwa (a.k.a. Lookman Noah Fagbayi).

    At the hearing, Otunba Martins Ogunleye, counsel to the claimants, informed the court that while the first to sixth defendants had been served with the originating processes, service was yet to be effected on the seventh and eighth defendants.

    He moved a motion ex parte dated September 23, 2025, supported by a 22-paragraph affidavit, eight exhibits and a written address, urging the court to grant interim reliefs.

    Read Also: We have capacity to return Tinubu in 2027, says Fubara

    No legal representative appeared for the defendants at the session.

    In the substantive application, the claimants sought, among other reliefs, an order of interlocutory injunction restraining the Oba of Lagos, his servants, agents or privies from installing, coronating or performing any installation rites on the eighth defendant as the Onisemo of Lagos, pending the hearing and determination of the suit.

    Ruling, Justice N.O. Ojuromi held that interim injunctions are preservatory in nature and meant to maintain the res pending the determination of a motion on notice.

    The judge noted that the claimants relied heavily on Exhibit F, a letter from the third defendant dated September 13, 2025, allegedly informing the eighth defendant that his selection had been gazetted and that installation would soon follow.

    However, the court observed that the letter predated the service of the originating processes on the third defendant, which occurred on November 19.

    The court further held that the applicants had not sufficiently demonstrated steps allegedly taken by the defendants after service of court processes to justify the grant of an interim injunction without hearing from the other side.

    The court ordered that all parties should maintain the existing situation and adjourned the case to January 9, 2026, for report of service on the seventh and eigth defendants, with a promise of expedited hearing once service is completed.

    In an affidavit in support of the application, Princess Kosoko, the first claimant, deposed that she is the Secretary of the Oshokeji Ruling House of the Onisemo Chieftaincy Family of Lagos.

    She stated that the suit was instituted to challenge the “purported selection” of the eighth defendant as Onisemo of Lagos, insisting that he is not a member of the Onisemo chieftaincy family and does not belong to the Oshokeji Ruling House, which she said is the only ruling house entitled to produce the next Onisemo.

    Princess Kosoko further averred that it is the turn of the Oshokeji Ruling House to present the next Onisemo following the death of the last title holder, Chief Lekan Adamson, in 2019, adding that the third claimant was duly selected by the ruling house as the Onisemo-elect, as evidenced by Exhibit B.

    She alleged that in May 2025, the eighth defendant invaded the Onisemo Palace at 127/129 Enu-Owa Street, Lagos, laid claim to the stool.

    She said the family promptly petitioned the relevant authorities, including the Governor and other defendants, disowning the eighth defendant’s claims, but alleged that the authorities failed to act.

    Princess Kosoko disclosed that a separate court action seeking pre-emptive injunctive reliefs had earlier been filed by family members.

    She added that letters were also written to government officials urging them to maintain the status quo.

    She expressed shock at the emergence of the letter from the third defendant, which allegedly conveyed that the eighth defendant’s selection had been approved and gazetted, noting that the approval was allegedly signed on July 31, 2025, but backdated to April 2025, despite the pendency of court proceedings.

    Princess Kosoko warned that the actions of the defendants were capable of causing unrest within the family and the community, stressing that the stool of Onisemo is a traditional and cultural institution whose desecration could not be compensated with monetary damages.

    She maintained that the eighth defendant would suffer no loss if restrained, as he had not been formally installed, and undertook to indemnify the defendants in damages should the injunction later be found to have been wrongly sought.

    The case continues on January 9, 2026.

  • ‘Lawyers abattoir’ to ease yuletide burden

    ‘Lawyers abattoir’ to ease yuletide burden

    The Nigerian Bar  Association (NBA), Ado-Ekiti Branch, has launched a welfare initiative tagged “Lawyers’ Christmas Abattoir” as part of efforts to cushion the economic pressure associated with the yuletide season for its members.

    Chairman of the branch, Dr Taiwo Omidoyin, said the initiative was designed to reduce the financial obligations lawyers often face during the festive period.

    Under the scheme, beef and chicken will be sold to members at 50 per cent of the prevailing market price, with live cows butchered and sold per kilogramme, alongside subsidised poultry.

    He explained that the Christmas Abattoir was the fourth edition of the branch’s Lawyers’ Market Initiative, which was introduced to provide economic relief to members amid the prevailing economic challenges.

    Omidoyin recalled that the first edition, held in August 2024 at the peak of food inflation, saw essential food items sold to members at half the market price, while the second edition followed in November 2024 during a nationwide increase in the cost of cooking gas.

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    He added that the third edition, tagged Lawyers’ Fruits Market, was organised during the Lent and Ramadan period in March 2025, when fruits were distributed free of charge to members.

    Omidoyin reiterated the commitment of his administration to members’ welfare, saying that professional excellence must go hand in hand with mutual support and social responsibility.

    He added that his administration would continue to introduce relief programmes to ease financial pressure on members during challenging periods, assuring that the initiatives reflect a commitment to compassion and responsive leadership beyond professional engagements.

    One of the beneficiaries, Mrs  Bolanle Scholastica Ojo, lauded the leadership of the branch for what she described as a timely and thoughtful intervention.

    She said the initiative would significantly reduce household expenses during the festive season, saying: “Buying meat at half the market price makes a big difference.”

    Another beneficiary, Dr. Ifeoluwayimika Bamidele, an associate professor in the College of Law, Afe Babalola University, described the programme as a reflection of pragmatic and responsive leadership.

    “This is not the first time the NBA Ado-Ekiti leadership is coming to the aid of members. From food items to gas and now meat for Christmas, the impact is real and commendable,” he noted.

  • Senator seeks stronger partnership with lawyers

    Senator seeks stronger partnership with lawyers

    • NBA Ilorin honours Mustapha

    Senator Saliu Mustapha has underscored the need for strong collaboration between lawyers and legislators.

    He described such synergy as essential not only to tackling insecurity but also to Nigeria’s overall national development.

    The lawmaker, who represents Kwara Central Senatorial District, spoke in Ilorin, the Kwara State capital, during a dinner organised in his honour by the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), Ilorin Branch.

    According to Mr Mustapha, sustainable national development cannot be achieved in an atmosphere of insecurity, weak justice delivery and ineffective laws, stressing that lawmakers and legal practitioners must work together to strengthen the country’s institutions.

    He explained that while legislators are saddled with the responsibility of enacting laws that respond to societal needs and emerging security threats, lawyers play a pivotal role in interpreting and applying those laws to ensure justice, stability and social order.

    “National development goes beyond infrastructure and economic growth. It also includes security, justice and public confidence in the rule of law,” the senator said.

    “The fight against banditry and terrorism is not the responsibility of the military and security agencies alone. It is a collective effort that requires the synergy of lawmakers who make the laws and lawyers who interpret and apply them.”

    Mustapha noted that ineffective prosecutions, prolonged trials and weak legal processes often undermine development efforts by emboldening criminals and discouraging investment.

    “As legislators, our duty is to make clear, robust and responsive laws that address the realities on the ground.

    “However, those laws can only achieve their purpose when members of the Bar interpret them in ways that strengthen justice delivery and ensure swift dispensation of cases,” he added.

    He maintained that a functional criminal justice system would not only deter crime but also create a safer environment for economic activities and national growth.

    “When justice is delayed or compromised, criminals are encouraged, and development suffers. But when laws are clear, and justice is swift, society becomes safer, and progress is guaranteed,” he said.

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    The senator commended the NBA Ilorin Branch for its professionalism, ethical standards and commitment to the rule of law, describing the Ilorin Bar as a model of courage and discipline within the legal profession.

    “The Ilorin Bar has remained consistent in standing for justice, even in difficult times. Your contributions to the growth of our justice system and society are invaluable,” he said.

    Mr Mustapha expressed gratitude to the association for honouring him with induction into the NBA Roll of Honours, describing the recognition as humbling and a call to greater responsibility.

    He said the honour would further motivate him to champion legal reforms, strengthen justice institutions and support initiatives aimed at promoting peace, security and national development.

    “I am deeply honoured to be counted among distinguished Nigerians who have contributed to the growth of our state and country. I assure you of my continued support for causes that promote justice, peace and national cohesion,” he said.

    At the event, Mr Mustapha was formally inducted into the NBA Roll of Honours, joining notable personalities such as former Kwara State Governor Muhammed Lawal, former Senate President Bukola Saraki, and the late General Abdulkareem Adisa.

    Senior members of the legal profession in attendance included Mallam Yusuf Ali (SAN); Mrs Ronke Adeyemi; Mr K. K. Eleja (SAN); Mr AbdulRazak Gold (SAN); and Mr Taiye Oniyide (SAN), among others.

  • Judicial gridlock: implications of prioritising electoral justice above socio-economic justice

    Judicial gridlock: implications of prioritising electoral justice above socio-economic justice

    • By Fidelis Oditah, KC SAN

    In every democracy based upon the rule of law, the judiciary plays a central role as the third organ of the government, resolving a succession of issues between private persons and between individuals and the state. 

    In Nigeria, our courts are an important public resource and a pillar of the rule of law and our democracy, performing a difficult and very visible role with meagre resources. If the role is properly performed, our courts can strengthen our democracy and economic prospects by (i) enforcing contract and property rights, (ii) protecting human and social rights, (iii) ensuring that elected leaders have mandate and legitimacy, (iv) ensuring that the law is respected and enforced in accordance with and well-known procedures, and (v) ensuring political and institutional accountability. In this way, our courts can be a force for good by promoting economic development, good governance, a culture of accountability and respect for law and institutions, social cohesion and national stability. If they fail to perform the role effectively, the converse would be the case – illegitimacy of political leaders, poor governance, impunity and social upheaval.

    The court has a central role to play in the economic development and prosperity of our country. Just as economies are underpinned by trade, so trade is underpinned by the fabric of law and the civil justice system.  The law itself provides the basic structure within which commerce and industry operates.  It safeguards the rights of individuals, regulates their dealings with others. An important aspect of the rule of law is the enforcement of contract and property rights in a timely and effective manner by impartial courts. A steady neglect or decline in the rule of law in many developing countries has been a major reason for the decline in the development prospects of such countries.  If foreign and domestic investors lose faith in the ability of our law and the judicial system to protect their investments and property rights or to adjudicate disputes in a timely and fair manner without undue or improper influences, they would be reluctant to invest.  The result would be a flight of capital out of our country to other countries where these values are given greater primacy.   The extent to which we can attract business to our country depends in part upon investor perception of the quality of our civil and criminal justice system.  If our system of civil and criminal justice is perceived to be inefficient and ineffective, we would lose out to more efficient systems. Nigeria needs a strong, independent and effective civil and criminal justice system to trade itself out of poverty and into prosperity.

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    In order to perform this role, a civil or criminal justice system must possess three qualities: it should be just, fair and effective in resolving disputes. How does our system measure against these three benchmarks?

    We all know that our courts are gridlocked. Cases can stay in court for 20-30 years. Litigants would have died and everyone would have forgotten what the dispute is about, save possibly in land matters.

    I would like to start with the well-known but unfortunate case of OKAFOR v NWEKE – to court room advocates, the case is a 2007 Supreme Court decision that only a legal practitioner  may sign a court document such as a writ of summons, statement of claim, notice of appeal or motion. In that case, it was a motion issued in 2005 seeking “trinity relief” to cross appeal that was signed JHC Okolo SAN & Co. But the case is germane to our topic of judicial gridlock. The case started life at the Onitsha High Court in 1955. Judgment was delivered at first instance in 1998 after 39 years. An appeal to the Court of Appeal was allowed in 2001 and it was concluded fittingly on 17 January 2025 after 70 years of various interlocutory skirmishes on the basis of two technicalities – one, that the notice of further or additional grounds of appeal in the Court of Appeal was signed by JHC Okolo SAN & Co; two, the original notice of appeal was abandoned because the Appellant’s Brief of Argument at the same Court of Appeal was signed by the same JHC Okolo SAN & Co. Both documents were invalid because neither was signed by a legal practitioner with the result that the appeal from the decision of the High Court of Onitsha in 1998 was dismissed.

    The Okafor v Nweke case started in 1955 and 1959 at the Onitsha High Court seeking a declaration of title to land. The 1959 case was eventually tried on the basis of a Further Amended Statement of claim filed on 20 April 1993 – 34 years after the case was filed – and judgment was delivered 9 April 1998 in favour of the plaintiffs – 5 years later and 39 years after the case was filed at the High Court. Costs of N10k were awarded. A notice of appeal was filed on 22 June 1998 containing two grounds of appeal. Further/Additional Grounds of Appeal were filed in Jan 1999 and an appellant’s brief of argument in February 1999. Both were signed “JHC Okolo SAN & Co”. On 25 January 2001, the Court of Appeal allowed the appeal on the ground that the existence of the 1955 proceedings made the 1959 proceedings an abuse of process. An appeal to the Supreme Court was filed on 2 April 2001 and amended on 7 September 2020.  The Supreme Court held that the Additional grounds were incompetent because of the signature, leaving the original grounds which were deemed abandoned because of the incompetent brief of argument. The court stated that a brief of argument was jurisdictional and that an unsigned and incompetent brief was incapable of conferring jurisdiction on the Court of appeal.

    There are numerous other examples.

    Why did I say we should start from here? The case illustrates two fundamental problems with Nigerian civil justice system: first, inordinate delay; second, Nigerian courts’ excessive and self-destructive obsession with matters of form and procedure rather than of substance. Both problems feed off each other: because litigants and their lawyers know that the courts are obsessed with form and procedure, they take every possible formal or procedural objection, wrapping it up in the garb of “jurisdictional” objection, and run it to the Supreme Court. Interlocutory applications are a bane of Nigerian civil justice system and have become veritable instruments in the unending war of attrition as lawyers, both advocates and judges, indulge themselves in matters of form at the expense of justice. In Nigeria, the problem is not access to justice; it is exit from justice. How do you extricate and disentangle yourself from the Nigerian justice system once you have had the misfortune to get entangled?

    Refer to AIHL v Meridien – enforcement of arbitral award since 2011. Challenge enforcement all the way to Supreme Court. As we got bailiff to execute judgment, judgment debtor brought fresh proceedings in 2023 to restrain enforcement. That proceeding has not been argued. Since June 2025 there have been 6 adjournments. I will read out the reasons for the adjournments.

    No system can function like that or serve public interest if it is this ineffective.

    There is a lot of lamentation by judges about spurious and abusive litigation which choke up the court. What have they done about it?

    How did we get here?

    In my view, there are many reasons for the judicial gridlock:

    a. Lack of institutional capacity – understaffing, weak, incompetent, inexperienced and corrupt judicial officers caused by inappropriate recruitment and promotion practices, political influences over judicial appointment and promotion processes, and poor work ethic, outdated and decaying court infrastructure due to decades of neglect and underfunding, chaotic court registries.

    b. Weak case management – judges are unable to manage cases before them and accede to almost every spurious request for adjournment. Often court rooms are over congested and judges accept requests for adjournments with gratitude.

    c. Poor case listing practices – far too many cases are listed daily which do not get a hearing for a variety of reasons; sometimes cases are listed without regard to the availability of counsel due to poor communication between court registries and counsel.

    d. Unclear definition and allocation of jurisdiction between the Federal High Court and the State High Courts based on section 251 of the Constitution of Nigeria 1999 especially the meaning of “simple contracts”. It is a disgrace that after 52 years of litigation, we still have no clarity regarding the respective jurisdictions of the Federal High Court and State High Court. Section 251(1)(e) allocates jurisdiction to the Federal High Court over disputes “arising from the operation of the Companies and Allied Matters Act (CAMA) or regulating the operation of companies incorporated under CAMA”. A dispute relating to the removal of a director from office is apparently within section 251(e) , but a claim by a director for wrongful termination of employment contract is said to be a “simple contract” and therefore outside the jurisdiction of the Federal High Court.  In a similar vein, a dispute involving “an Armada of Technical Contracts” concerning oilfields and mining is apparently within section 251(1)(n) , but not dispute relating to the claim for a 1.5% profit interest in an oil block. 

    e.Poor and inefficient administrative practices including the transfer and promotion of judges in the middle of a trial – more problematic in the Federal High Court. All part-heard trials have to commence afresh once the trial judge is promoted, causing avoidable delay and wasted costs.

    i. One solution to the problem is to allow a promoted judge to conclude all part heard cases especially trials: see section 396(7) of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act 2015 which provides as follows: “Notwithstanding the provision of any other law to the contrary, a Judge of the High Court who has been elevated to the Court of Appeal shall have dispensation to continue to sit as a High Court Judge only for the purpose of concluding any part-heard criminal matter pending before him at the time of elevation and shall conclude the same within a reasonable time.”

    ii. The provision was intended to solve the problem created by the 1979 Supreme Court decision in Ogbunyiya v Okudo (1979) 6-9 SC 32 and the 2009 decision in Our Line Ltd v SCC Nigeria Ltd (2009) 17 NWLR (Pt 1170) 383. In Ogbunyiya v Okudo, Justice Nnaemeka-Agu delivered a judgment in a case that had been pending before him as a Judge of the High Court of Anambra State – notwithstanding that he had been elevated to the Court of Appeal two days earlier. The Supreme Court set aside the judgment on the basis that when he gave the judgment he had ceased to be a Judge of the Anambra State High Court and therefore lacked jurisdiction.

    iii. Unfortunately, in the Orji Uzor Kalu case – Ude Jones Udeogu v Federal Republic of Nigeria (2022) 3 NWLR (Pt 1816) 41, the Nigerian Supreme Court declared section 396(7) of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act 2015 (‘ACJA’) to be inconsistent with provisions of sections 253 and 290 of the Constitution of Nigeria 1999 and that it is thus void to the extent of that inconsistency. Section 253 provides that “the Federal High Court shall be duly constituted if it consists of at least one Judge of that Court.” Section 290 provides that a person appointed to any judicial office shall not perform the functions of the office until he has taken the Oath of Allegiance and the Judicial Oath; the section also now includes requirements relating to declaration of assets. The court held that it had interpreted the previous equivalent of this provision (s. 254 of the 1979 Constitution) to mean that a person elevated to a higher court ceases to be a judge of the court from which he was elevated.

    iv. The Supreme Court set aside a conviction on the basis that Justice Idris Mohammed had been promoted to the Court of Appeal even though he had not been sworn in when he concluded Orji Uzor Kalu’s trial. The Supreme Court said that it did not matter that Orji Uzor Kalu’s lawyer had requested for Justice Idris to conclude the trial. As a result, a trial that had commenced in 2007 was set aside without regard for the legislative intent or the public interest or the fact that some of the witnesses might have died and that a fresh trial would be all but impossible. In the UK, for example, promoted judges sit in their former courts to assist with a few cases. High Court Judges sit with Court of Appeal Judges where more hands are required. We are on our own in refusing to give effect to a clear and very desirable statutory provision designed to address the scourge of delay in the administration of civil and criminal justice.

    f. Widespread misuse of interlocutory appeals and requests for stay of proceedings – partial solution in section 306 of the ACJA 2015.

    g. Excessive and self-destructive obsession with form and procedure at the expense of justice. In Statoil & Texaco v NNPC at the US District Court SDNY in 2020, it was stated that Nigerian courts use “hyper-technicalities” to obscure and miscarry justice. That was a case arising from an arbitration where NNPC was alleged to have overlifted tax oil. 

    h.         Adjudication in Nigeria is formulaic and involves excessive box-ticking which prevents analysis. Take two examples (a) once a statute prescribes a particular way of doing something, no other way is permissible (b) where a statute provides a condition precedent to the commencement of an action, failure to fulfil the condition will deny the court jurisdiction to hear the matter.  We take refuge in box-ticking, formulas and catchphrases instead of analysis. The biggest impetus for this misadventure is the celebrated case of Madukolu v Nkemdilim which set out a three-pronged test for evaluating the competence of a court. It is universal solvent of all competence and procedural issues. Once you tick the boxes nullification follows as surely as night follows day. No analysis of the duty of the court, the purpose of the statute or legal rule in question, considerations of prejudice or lack of it.

    i.          Perhaps the biggest challenge is the so called “jurisdictional” objection. To be clear, the problem is not the existence of useful procedural tools such as the preliminary objection or the trial of a preliminary issue. The problem is a fundamental misunderstanding of the nature of a truly jurisdictional objection. In Nigerian courts, there is a fundamental and unfortunate conflation of “jurisdiction” and “admissibility”, with tragic consequences.

    j.          I’m concerned that Nigerian law is going down a blind alley from which it needs to extricate itself; I cannot see any light at the end of the tunnel. Unless the rampaging misunderstanding of “jurisdiction” is brought under control, the problem of gridlock will get worse:

    i.          A court’s jurisdiction is almost always statutory, ie the authority of a court to decide matters brought before it – does the subject matter fall within the statutory power of the court, eg section 251 of the Constitution, in relation to the Federal High Court, and section 254C in relation to the National Industrial Court? That is substantive or subject matter jurisdiction. There is also personal jurisdiction in the sense that a court could exercise its authority over persons who are present within its territory or have otherwise submitted to its jurisdiction. We are not concerned with that.

    ii.         The procedure for bringing a case before the court and invoking the statutory jurisdiction of the court is another matter. The question of “jurisdiction” concerns the constitutional and statutory powers of the court to hear and determine disputes brought before it. The question of “admissibility”, on the other hand, relates to the claim before the court rather than to the power of the court, and asks whether this is a claim which can be properly brought. Have all the correct pieces of paper been filed? Are the papers correctly signed by a legal practitioner? Has the Claimant paid the court fee? Has the Claimant complied with any pre-condition, contractual or statutory –amicable dispute resolution, eg a meeting of the parties’ representatives; it could be statutory pre-action notice. The important thing is that they are all matters of procedure or admissibility, rather than of jurisdiction.

    iii.        The significance of the distinction for present purposes is that “jurisdiction”, being substantive, cannot be waived , but “admissibility”, which is merely procedural, can be waived. 

    iv.         This distinction was explained by Justice Ayoola in the Supreme Court in 2002 in Mobil Producing (Nig) Ltd v LASEPA  as follows:

    “…an irregularity in the exercise of jurisdiction should not be confused with a lack of jurisdiction which takes cognisance of the general meaning of the word “jurisdiction” as the “the authority which a court has to decide matters that are litigated before it or take cognisance of matters presented in a formal way for its decision”. (See Halsbury’s (op cit) para. 715). Procedure for invoking the jurisdiction of the court should not be confused with the authority of the court to decide matters which on the face of the proceedings have been properly presented in the formal way for its decision and which are within its jurisdiction.

    v.          Sometimes admissibility is referred to confusingly as “procedural” jurisdiction.

    vi.        Many of the issues incorrectly described as “jurisdictional” in Nigeria are analytically matters of “admissibility” as they affect the claim rather than the statutory power of the court. For example, the question whether an originating process can be signed by a law firm rather than a legal practitioner is a question of “admissibility” as it affects the claim sought to be asserted, rather than jurisdictional – the power of the court. If this simple distinction is observed, it would clarify a lot of confusion in Nigerian law and practice.

    vii.       In Solumade v Kuti , in which a writ of summons was signed by M A Bashua & Co, the late Oseji JSC (giving the lead judgment) expressed sadness at the fact that the proceedings which commenced in 1998 to resolve a land dispute, and in which there had been a trial and an appeal to the Court of Appeal should be set aside after 23 years because of “what the law sees as an incompetent originating process” . Take note of the powerful dissent of Agim JSC.

    k.         Perhaps the source of the error which has burdened civil and criminal practice in Nigeria is the often-cited statement by Bairamian FJ in Madukolu v Nkemdilim  that

     “Put briefly, a Court is competent when-

    (1) it is properly constituted as regards numbers and qualifications of the members of the bench, and no member is disqualified for one reason or another; and

    (2) the subject matter of the case is within its jurisdiction, and there is no feature in the case which prevents the Court from exercising its jurisdiction, and

    (3) the case before the Court is initiated by due process of law, and upon fulfilment of any condition precedent to the exercise of jurisdiction.

    Any defect in competence is fatal. For the proceedings are a nullity however well conducted and decided. The defect is extrinsic to the adjudication. But is it?

    i.          The first requirement is truly jurisdiction. So also the first part of the second requirement. But the third requirement is not in any sense jurisdictional. So also the second part of the second requirement. Both confuse “jurisdiction” or competence of a court properly so called, with “admissibility” of a claim. Issues of jurisdiction go to the existence or otherwise of a court’s statutory power to judge the merits of a dispute; issues of admissibility go to whether the court will exercise that power in relation to the claims submitted to it. For example, “there is no feature in the case which prevents the Court from exercising its jurisdiction”, concerns “admissibility” of a claim rather than the power of the court. Similarly, the claim being “initiated by due process of law, and upon fulfilment of any condition precedent to the exercise of jurisdiction” is about admissibility of the claim rather than the power of the court. The fulfilment of conditions precedent has also been confirmed in the field of arbitration as a matter going to the “admissibility” of a claim rather than the jurisdiction or power of the tribunal.

    ii.         This catchphrase and box-ticking have done untold damage to the administration of civil and criminal justice in Nigeria.

    l.          In many jurisdictions, the distinction between rules that are mandatory and those that are directory has largely fallen into disuse. Compare, for example, the approach of the UK Supreme Court in R v Soneji   involving section 72A(3) of the Criminal Justice Act 1988 with the case of Zakari v Nigerian Army .

    m.        In Soneji, Kamlesh Soneji and David Bullen pleaded guilty and were convicted in April 2000 of conspiracy to convert property and move the proceeds abroad knowing the same to represent the proceeds of criminal conduct. Confiscation orders, which were required to be made within 6 months of conviction, were made in January and February 2002 – more than 18 months after. The convictions were upheld. Lord Steyn said it was not useful to ask whether the rule prescribing a 6-month time limit was mandatory or directory. Instead, the true question to ask was whether parliament intended that a failure to comply with the 6-month timetable should deprive the court of jurisdiction and invalidate all proceedings and orders made thereafter, ie to focus on the consequence of non-compliance with the prescribed time-limit. He held that the intention of parliament was not that non-compliance deprived the court of jurisdiction. He also pointed out that it was in the public interest not to allow a convicted offender to escape confiscation simply because of errors of the judicial process.

    n.         In Zakari v Nigerian Army, Zakari, who was the chairman of a task force sent to investigate the illegal use of Nitel lines for 419 business by yahoo boys, received a bribe of N40k from the suspect company and he released employees of the company that had been arrested. He was court marshalled and convicted. He challenged his conviction on the basis that the court-marshal had a panel of 4 members one of them was his junior. Sections 129(b) and 133 of the Armed Forces Act required a court martial panel to have three members all of whom should be senior to or at least the same rank as the accused officer. In this case, 3 of the 4 officers were senior or same rank as Zakari. The Supreme Court set aside the conviction, saying that once a member of the panel was disqualified notwithstanding that the officers constituting the quorum were qualified, the entire proceedings would be a nullity. At page 106D, Justice Ngwuta said that the argument that the fourth member was superfluous as the quorum was 3 members was “curious” and self-defeating, because “If a court, properly constituted by way of membership brings in an additional member who is not qualified to sit, it loses its competence to adjudicate because its composition has changed resulting in a change of the number and qualification of membership”, citing the case of Madukolu v Nkemdilim.

    o.         The Zakari case illustrates one of the tragedies of adjudication in Nigeria – which is the recourse to formulas, catchphrases and clichés instead of analysis of legislative intent and public interest. The Supreme Court did not ask whether the legislator intended that the entire proceedings should be nullified if the quorum was present but an additional person sat. It did not matter that the Capt Zakari, the gatekeeper, joined the thieves. It did not matter what the public interest required. All that apparently mattered to the Supreme Court was that a fourth superfluous member of the panel sat. That is a very peculiar and narrow understanding of the judicial function and duty.

    p.         Zakari

    q.         You could add the Orji Uzo Kalu case.

    r.          In Okafor v Nweke No 2, the Supreme Court held that an unsigned brief of argument deprived the court of jurisdiction to hear the appeal. How can that be correct? We are just wasting our time!

    s.          Hyper technicality!

    t.          In Makinde v Adekola (2022) 9 NWLR (Pt 1834) 13 there was an unsuccessful challenge to a brief of argument which was allegedly written in a wrong font said to contravene the Supreme Court Rules!

    u.         In Okafor v Nweke No 2, there was also an unsuccessful challenge to a court document which did not contain the address of the second respondent.

    v.          Fittingly, the Okafor v Nweke case ended after 70 years of fruitless litigation on the basis that the Notice of further/Additional grounds of appeal as well as brief of argument were signed by JHC Okolo SAN and Co!

    w.         In criminal litigation, section 396(2) ACJA 2015 provides that jurisdictional and other objections should be taken with the merits and rules upon when judgment is delivered. Partial solution in civil litigation in proceedings begun by originating summons, now reflected in civil procedure rules eg Order 29 of the Federal High Court Rules 2019 – must be raised within 21 days otherwise will be dealt with at the conclusion of the proceedings.

    14.       Costs in civil litigation

    a.         Role of costs in civil litigation.

    b.         Incentives?

    c.         Basis for assessment – standard or indemnity. In th

    d.         Are costs awards realistic? Unless and until the courts begin to exercise properly the power to award costs, the courts at all levels will remain congested.

    e.         In any rational system of civil procedure, adverse costs orders are the principal deterrent against abuse of litigation.

    f.            In addition, the successful party should recover his costs reasonable (or a substantial proportion thereof) from the unsuccessful party. 

    g.         The threat of adverse costs can induce parties to settle their proceedings either without recourse to the courts or without a trial.

    h.         Unfortunately, although our courts have powers to award costs, surprisingly they have exercised the powers almost without exception in a manner which not only encourages wasteful and irresponsible conduct of litigation, but also appears to penalise the successful party by awarding what can fairly be described as nominal costs. 

    i.          There are many consequences of the derisory cost regime:  (a) encourages frivolous litigation; (b) gridlock; (c) discourages investment and thereby undermines positive policies aimed at improving the investment climate in Nigeria; (d) impoverishes our jurisprudence – no time to think calmly and produce quality judgments; (e) over burdens the judicial infrastructure; (f) damages the health of judicial officers especially judges. 

    j.          See examples from costs in arbitral proceedings – (a) Econet shareholder dispute No 1 against Celtel – £5,701,442, plus US$1,170,738; (b) Econet No 2 against FBC Assets £2,106,404 plus US$711,779; (c) Total v NNPC (2013) – £4,456,424 plus US$1,945,732; (d) Total v NNPC (Nov 2025) – 3 Nigerian arbitrators awarded US$304,406 plus $38,785 ($343k), plus N100m, plus N12m (N112m) where purely local counsel was used. Why aren’t our courts awarding costs at this level?

    k.         Wasted costs orders.

    l.          Sanction erring lawyers especially senior lawyers including imposing wasted costs.

    HOW DID THESE PROBLEMS AFFECT ELECTORAL LITIGATION?

    15.       In some cases, election litigation, both pre and post, went on for several 4 years, eg Dr Fayemi against Mr Oni (Ekiti State), Peter Obi against Andy Uba (Anambra State), Adams Oshiomole v Prof Okunbor (Edo State). Hence those states have off cycle governorship elections. In the case of State and National Assembly litigation, some cases remained in court until after life of the Assembly – assemblies have a fixed 4-year lifespan from the date of inauguration.

    16.       That’s why our selfish lawmakers decided to give themselves and their electoral litigation priority over all other litigation, both civil and criminal.

    17.       Against the backdrop of judicial gridlock – case backlogs, procedural delays and institutional inefficiencies that collectively obstruct the timely delivery of justice – Nigerian legislators decided to (a) create special tribunals to hear post election disputes, and (b) give priority to electoral litigation affecting politicians alone. They did so constitutionally in section 285 of the Constitution of Nigeria 1999 – timelines for filing pre and post election disputes (14 and 21 days respectively) and for disposing of such disputes (180 days for first instance: court or tribunal) and 60 days for appeals. To cut out interlocutory appeals, section 285(8) provides that ruling on any preliminary issue or interlocutory issue affecting the jurisdiction of the court or tribunal shall be made at the time of the final judgment. 

    18.       Non-electoral political litigation also enjoy disproportionate priority even without a statutory provision. For example, the Rivers State political crisis pitting the Governor against the House of Assembly, the originating summons was filed on 15 July 2024 and the judgment of the Supreme Court was handed down on 28 February 2025 – a mere 7 months: a Federal High Court judgment was delivered in favour of the defected lawmakers on 30 October 2024, and the Court of Appeal delivered its judgment on December 13, 2024. The Supreme Court, on the 28th of February delivered its judgment on the matter on February 28.

    19.       In contrast, in the case instituted at the Supreme Court by some governors elected on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) challenging the suspension of Rivers State’s democratically elected officials under an emergency rule. The matter could not be slated for hearing at the Supreme Court until the end of the 6-month emergency Rule. The matter was only recently heard at the Supreme Court on November 28, 2025 and judgment delivered on 15 December 2025 striking out the proceedings for want of locus by PDP Governors.

    20.       There may be perfectly good reasons for that, but in the court of public opinion and public perception, the reality is different.

    21.       Thus electoral and other political cases receive expedited hearing schedules, specialised tribunals, and heightened judicial scrutiny compared to ordinary civil and criminal socioeconomic cases. This preferential treatment creates a two-tier justice system where politically connected litigants can access swift resolution while ordinary citizens face interminable delay.

    22.       To meet the demand for prioritised justice, a huge amount of judicial resources is diverted to electoral and political cases at the expense of socio-economic litigation involving land and property rights, commercial disputes, human rights, etc, further exacerbating the gridlock problem. According to the research carried out by the Kimpact Development Initiative, there were 1,893 pre-election cases after the conclusion of party primaries in June 2022. With only 77 Federal High Court judges in Nigeria available to decide these 1,893 pre-election cases, as prescribed by the Electoral Act , of which 815 were appealed and more than 400 reached the Supreme Court.  The sheer number made is created a logjam that forced the suspension of regular proceedings, leaving thousands of other litigants in limbo as they struggled to meet the 180-day deadline.

    23.       As regards post-election litigation, 1,209 petitions were filed, according to Policy and Legal Advocacy Centre (PLAC)’s 9 April 2025 report , with 840 appeals filed. 21 governorship election appeals went to the Supreme Court.  For example, in the 2023 general elections, 338 judges were deployed to 98 election petition tribunals across Nigeria. These judges were drawn from various courts, including State High Courts, Federal High Courts, and the National Industrial Court. When these judges are assigned to election tribunals, every case pending in their home courts is put on hold.

    24.       According to PLAC:

    The Court of Appeal is responsible for constituting Election Petition Tribunals (EPT) and therefore holds the official records and statistics of the number of petitions filed by parties. According to the Court of Appeal, the official number of petitions filed following the general elections held in February and March 2023 is 1,209, out of which 206 were withdrawn, leaving 1,003. A total number of 840 appeals were filed at the Court of Appeal, 21 appeals were filed at the Supreme Court with respect to the governorship elections, and 2 appeals were filed at the Supreme Court with respect to the presidential election.

    CONSEQUENCES OF THE PRIORITISATION OF ELECTORAL AND POLITICAL CASES

    25.       In IPCO, Tomlinson J (2007) described the delays in Nigeria’s civil justice as “catastrophic” and in the Court of Appeal (2008) the Nigerian proceedings were described as “sclerotic” – pretty strong condemnation. In the Total v NNPC (2020) SDNY, adjudication in Nigerian courts was described “hyper technical”.

    26.       The prioritisation of electoral and political litigation has further exacerbated the problem of gridlock which have catastrophic economic and social consequences.

    27.       Economically, the gridlock harms investment and impedes economic development. Law and dispute resolution are central to investment climate and our national prosperity. An important aspect of the rule of law is the enforcement of contracts and property rights. If disputes are unresolved for decades, it means that a key ingredient of the rule of law is missing. The consequence is flight of investment, loss of revenue, unemployment, etc. The Project Eagle aircraft dispute – has been in court for 10 years and aircraft is unusable. Same for wet lease disputes involving Jimoh Ibrahim’s Virgin Nigeria. For 14 years Meridien has been seeking to enforce ICC arbitral awards obtained in 2011 in respect of a dispute arising from the termination of a hotel management agreement in 2006 – nearly 20 years.

    28.       The gridlock also creates weak and unaccountable institutions which undermine our democracy. Every one of us is familiar with the mantra “Go to Court” – because there is no expectation that justice can be obtained from the courts.

    29.       The World Bank’s Ease of Doing Business rankings consistently place Nigeria among the lowest-ranked countries,  partly due to the difficulties in enforcing contracts and resolving commercial disputes through the judicial system.

    30.       The United States Department for Commerce highlighted Nigeria’s “slow and ineffective judicial system”  and “lack of effective judicial due process”  in its Country Guide for US exporters.

    31.       The commercial implications of judicial delay are particularly severe for small and medium size enterprises, which lack the financial resources to sustain prolonged litigation. For these businesses, legal disputes over contracts, debts, or property rights can become existential threats when resolution takes years rather than months. The resulting economic distortion privileges large corporations with greater litigation capacity while stifling the entrepreneurial activity that drives inclusive growth. The economic costs of judicial gridlock in socio-economic matters thus represent both an immediate business constraint and a long-term development challenge.

    32.       Gridlock also leads to unfair settlements because instead of facing the prospect of interminable litigation, investors opt to cut their losses and move on.

    33.       The gridlock also has harmful social consequences.

    34.       The law and the resolution of disputes are instruments for social engineering, integration and change. Gridlock undermines the social contract between the citizens and those who exercise power in their names. Justice delayed is justice denied and encourages self-help.

    35.       The prioritisation creates a significant disparity in access to justice which disproportionately impacts ordinary Nigerians, whose access to legal remedies for economic and social grievances becomes increasingly theoretical rather than practical.

    36.       The prioritisation of electoral justice at the expense of economic and social justice reinforces inequality and alienation. Law should foster rather than hinder the growth of social life and cohesion in our community, facilitate the recognition of the sanctity of human life, maintain and enhance human dignity. Unfortunately the priority accorded to electoral and political cases prevents the realisation of these ideals and prevents law from addressing fundamental issues of poverty, inequality, and economic rights. This systemic imbalance not only perpetuates institutional dysfunction but also exacerbates socioeconomic disparities, erodes public trust in democratic institutions, and ultimately compromises Nigeria’s developmental progress.

    37.       Thus, beyond its economic effects, the deprioritization of socio-economic justice exacerbates structural inequalities and undermines the protection of fundamental human rights.  When cases involving land rights, labour disputes, consumer protection, and access to essential services face interminable delays, the justice system effectively denies redress to vulnerable and marginalised populations. This justice gap reinforces patterns of exclusion and disadvantage, particularly for those who lack the political connections to expedite their cases.

    38.       This erosion of public trust is particularly damaging in a democracy, where judicial institutions depend on public confidence to effectively fulfil their constitutional role. The institutional consequences of this trust deficit are multifaceted. As citizens lose faith in formal justice mechanisms, they may increasingly resort to other ways of settling scores including self-help, violence or mob justice.

    39.       This withdrawal from state institutions further weakens the social contract and undermines the rule of law.

    WHAT ARE THE SOLUTIONS TO THE GRIDLOCK PROBLEM?

    40.       What’s the way forward from Nigeria’s slow and ineffective judicial system? I would suggest 10 solutions.

    41.       First solution – better funding and resources for the judiciary. Recruit more judges and other court officials, upgrade the court infrastructure and make greater use of information technology.

    42.       Second solution – reduce bribery and corruption in the judiciary because often it is unclear where incompetent ends and corruption begins –  zero tolerance to judicial corruption. Stop giving corrupt judges a smack on the wrist or reinstating dismissed corrupt judges. One-year suspension without pay gives the appearance of tolerance of corruption, as does placing them on a watch list or not being eligible to apply for promotion. In most systems, it would be unthinkable that a judge with a past history of corruption could ever be considered for elevation.

    43.       Third solution – courts should exercise stronger case management powers free from appellate court interference. The aim of a managed system of dispute resolution is to ensure that cases are disposed of fairly and justly and above all that each case is allotted its appropriate share of the court’s resources.  Case management orders will therefore balance the interests of the parties to proceedings and the public interest in ensuring that the parties do not use more than their fair share of a public resource – the courts.  Case management powers underpin and seek to achieve this balance by ensuring that a judge makes procedural orders which are best for the active management of the case.

    44.       Fourth solution – limit interlocutory appeals and their effect on existing proceedings by combining jurisdiction objections with merits hearings, eg section 306 of the ACJA provides that applications for stay of proceedings shall no longer be heard until judgment. Further, such application can longer operate to stall continuation of trial. Section 306 has the potential to curb the misuse of interlocutory appeals to scuttle criminal trials.

    45.       Fifth solution – strengthening prosecution and investigation in criminal litigation– a lot of the cases that are brought to court have been very poorly investigated and the evidence in support is so deficient that one wonders why such cases should be brought to court at all.

    •          Proliferation of charges instead of investigation of 1 to 10 charges and selecting the best.

    •          There should be greater separation and independence between the investigators and the prosecutors.

    •          Better resourcing of investigation and prosecution.

    46.       Sixth solution – sort out the mess arising from the definition and allocation of jurisdiction between the Federal and the State High Courts, which is a major cause of delay in the administration and delivery of civil justice.

    47.       Seventh solution – reform the way cases are listed – by reducing the number of cases listed and the way they are listed so as to reduce multiple bookings for the same lawyer. And create better communication with counsel.

    48.       Eight solution – judicial attitude needs to change –

    •          Many Judges do not sit on time because of indiscipline.

    •          Many fail to sit in pursuit of personal business – parties, school runs, attendances at seminars and conferences.

    •          Resistance to use of modern technology.

    •          A lot of wasted time because of failure to inform counsel that Judge will be absent.

    •          Cynical attitude of the courts – if a party fails to take a procedural step on time, he is sanctioned, eg default fees, strike out or dismissal for want of diligent prosecution.

    •          But there is no sanction where a Judge misses time limits

    •          Inability to give Bench Rulings, which means that every point, however small or immaterial, will be adjourned for a Ruling.

    •          No evidence that the adjournment for Ruling gives rise to well considered Ruling. Instead, in the vast majority of cases, counsel is kept waiting in court while the Judge belatedly writes a Ruling on a matter that had been adjourned for a Ruling for several months.

    49.       Ninth solution –cure the defective system for the appointment and promotion of Judges and reduce political influence on the appointment and promotion of judges. Excessive lobbying for appointment to the Bench has meant that merit has been largely surrendered to patronage.

    •          The new trend of judges and politicians seeking to appoint their children, relatives and mistresses as judges.

    •          Serving Judges lobby politicians for promotion to the higher Bench, which is shocking.

    •          Judges nurture unnecessary social relationships because they believe they need such relationships to progress on the Bench.

    •          Senior Judges ask lower court Judges to throw cases as favour

    •          These make it all but impossible for the Judges to be independent or impartial.

    •          What is required is a merit based and rigorous selection process.

    50.       Tenth solution – impose proper costs and sanction erring lawyers especially senior lawyers including imposing wasted costs and professional discipline. As regards professional discipline, the Legal Practitioners Disciplinary Committee (LPDC) is shamefully non-functional. Professional misconduct complaints lodged in 2020 are yet to be investigated.

    FINAL THOUGHTS

    51.       No system of civil or criminal justice administration is or can be perfect. Ours has been described as “catastrophic”, “sclerotic” (rigid, unresponsive, losing the ability to respond, hard and insular) and “hyper technical”. Is our judiciary incapable of adapting?

    52.       Credible civil and criminal justice systems do not fall from trees and are not delivered by angels such as the biblical Angel Gabriel. They are the result of deliberate choices made and implemented. Such credible justice systems, like other great things, do not occur by fiat or impulse, but are the products of deliberate choices made and achieved by bringing “small things” together. It is those “small things” that coalesce and guarantee fair hearing and inspire public confidence in our justice system.

    53.       For example, English law and adjudication are exported worldwide. London is the number centre of international commercial and investment arbitration. In more than 70% of cases in the English commercial court, neither party is English. English law and English courts have been chosen because of the confidence in English law and adjudication by the courts. This has enabled many small English law firms to become global firms. The value added by lawyers alone is more than US$50 billion annually. You can only imagine the direct and indirect consequences.

    54.       Our judiciary can play a very important role in making Nigeria a good destination by solving at least the judge-made problems which cause gridlock. A lot of the gridlock is due to judge made rules which are outdated and unfit for purpose. There are at least four reforms which are low hanging fruits that can be plucked quickly and effectively: (a) redefining truly jurisdictional questions and keeping them separate from admissibility questions – could invite amicus briefs, could involve a presentation to senior judges, or host civil justice summit; (b) make court rules combining jurisdictional objection with merits hearings as is done in originating summons proceedings and election litigation (section 285(8) of the Constitution); (c) reforming the award of costs – costs must be assessed, not just announced. Reasonable costs must be awarded. We do it in arbitrations in Nigeria. Why can’t the courts do the same? (d) improved work ethic and attitudinal change – CPR works in England but not in Nigeria. Case management conferences work in England but not in Nigeria. Fast track works in England but in Nigeria? Why? No civil or criminal procedure rule is self-executing. Human beings must implement.

    55.       Unless these issues are addressed, no amount of funding can ease the gridlock.

  • Man seeks justice over late father’s will

    Man seeks justice over late father’s will

    Kolawole Adesina’s struggle to have his late father’s will read by the Lagos State High Court has exposed a bitter family feud and allegations of fraud that threaten to unravel a longstanding legacy of wealth and trust.

    The son of the late Prince Emmanuel Olanipekun Adesina, a former senior UBA manager, Kolawole embarked on a mission to recover his father’s missing investments, which he alleges were misappropriated by some family members during his father’s declining health and after his death in 2006.

    His quest to uncover the truth has nearly cost him his life and resulted in legal battles that further deepened the family rift.

    Prince Adesina was married to the late Mrs. Frances Omorolaun Adesina, with whom he had two children: Kolawole and Adenike Oluwabunmi Adesina-Kupolati. With their children living abroad for decades, the couple took in a nephew, Franklin Erinle, who later became central to the controversy.

    After the father’s death, the family estate was administered by Mrs. Adesina and the children under Letters of Administration issued by the High Court in 2009. Properties including buildings in Ikeja and Iwaya were divided among the family. However, Kolawole noted that for 15 years after his father’s passing, he was excluded from accessing his father’s belongings or clarifying matters with his mother, causing rising tensions.

    The turning point came in January 2022 when Mrs. Adesina fell ill with kidney failure and dementia, prompting Kolawole to stay back in Nigeria and take care of her. Upon entering his late father’s locked room for the first time in 15 years, Kolawole discovered boxes and bags containing critical documents revealing widespread forgery, theft, and disappearance of family assets, including evidence suggesting his father had been impersonated to unlawfully sell properties.

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    Following Mrs. Adesina’s death in April 2022, Kolawole learned from the reading of her will that many assets previously under Letters of Administration reappeared in her will. More concerning was the fact that Franklin Erinle, who was never an administrator for the father’s estate, was named an administrator in the mother’s will, raising serious doubts about the estate’s management.

    A major breakthrough came when a longtime family caregiver, Aminat Ibrahim Sherima, delivered a sealed letter from Prince Adesina dated 2002, indicating the existence of a last will and testament lodged at UBA Bank for safekeeping. Subsequent lawyer inquiries confirmed the bank was holding a formal will lodged since January 2006, contradicting prior claims that the late banker died intestate.

    Questions now surround the role of the family’s law firm that facilitated Letters of Administration for the estate while allegedly holding knowledge of the will that was never executed—adding to suspicions of estate mismanagement.

    Kolawole’s pursuit of justice has come with significant personal cost. In February 2023, he was attacked with acid by unknown assailants following a peace meeting with Erinle. He has also faced charges of threat to life, malicious damage, and conduct likely to cause breach of peace, resulting in a week’s detention at Kirikiri prisons before the court dismissed the cases for lack of diligent prosecution.

    Meanwhile, the Probate Registrar’s attempts to read the original will have stalled amid legal objections from Adenike’s lawyers, Afe Babalola & Co,  who argue the will is “highly suspicious” and subject to ongoing police investigations.

  • Joint ECOWAS force

    Joint ECOWAS force

    • Sub-regional squad against insecurity is a welcome plan

    Member-nations of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) are set to raise a joint counter-terrorism force as part of a renewed drive to tackle growing insurgency across the sub-region. The Chairman of ECOWAS Authority of Heads of State and Government, President Julius Maada Bio of Sierra Leone, made this known at the 68th Ordinary Session of the body recently held in Abuja.

    President Bio voiced concern about the activities of multiple terror groups operating across West Africa, saying such groups were exploiting the fragility of the region’s borders to stage cross-border attacks and destabilise ECOWAS member-states.

    According to him, the proposed joint security force is aimed at reinforcing collective defence mechanisms and enhancing coordinated responses within the regional bloc in the fight against terrorism. “We must strengthen border cooperation to counter terrorism,” he said, stressing the need for closer intelligence sharing, coordinated military action and sustained political commitment to safeguard lives and restore stability across the region.

    The ECOWAS chair noted that the bloc, in its 50 years of existence, had worked at bolstering regional security because of rampant cases of insecurity that had militated against the development of member-countries. The body, he added, now plans on addressing its mandate as an economic community.

    But while at it, member-states are advancing plans to operationalise the ECOWAS standby force, including the establishment of a 1,650-person counter-terrorism brigade by the end of 2026, supported by sustainable funding arrangements.

    In a message to the meeting, Nigeria’s President Bola Ahmed Tinubu canvassed united action by ECOWAS nations against military coups and other threats of insecurity in the sub-region. “The external threats confronting West Africa today demand nothing less than a united front. Terrorism, violent extremism, unconstitutional changes of government, transnational organised crime, cyber insecurity, climate shocks, food insecurity and irregular migration do not respect borders,” he said.

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    He added: “No single member-state, regardless of size, can achieve enduring stability alone. Our security, prosperity and resilience are collective responsibilities. We must sit at the same table, speak with one voice and act with shared resolve.”

    The proposed joint counter-terrorism / counter-insurgency force should strengthen security arrangements within the sub-region, which currently revolves around a Multi-National Joint Task Force (MNJTF) that fights cross-border terrorism in the Lake Chad Basin. This force underwent mandate expansion from being a Nigerian initiative in 1994 to a regional African Union (AU)-backed force in 2015, incorporating troops from Cameroon, Chad, Niger and Benin Republic.

    It evolved from a border security force to a counter-terrorism force with expanded scope of operation. It recorded successes in degrading terrorists, but has also faced complex regional dynamics. The force’s past operations focused on combating Boko Haram/ISWAP insurgents in the Lake Chad Basin, dismantling terrorist strongholds, liberating abducted civilians, seizing insurgents’ assets and creating safe zones for return of displaced persons. But it has had to contend with challenges like underfunding and equipment shortages.

    Until now, there has been no joint sub-regional initiative against insurgency and terrorism. Article 3 of the ECOWAS Protocol for Conflict Prevention, Management, Resolution, Peacekeeping and Security (1999) stipulates that combating insurgency is an objective of the regional body. Essentially, it cites the fundamental goal of ECOWAS’s security architecture as aiming for regional stability through proactive and coordinated action.

    Even with its relatively limited mandate, the MNJTF has been helpful in containing the virulence of insurgents. Until Niger Republic broke away from ECOWAS, along with Mali and Burkina Faso under military regimes that seized power in those countries, the northern neighbour served as some buffer against unrestrained migration of Sahelian terrorists into Nigeria.

    The beauty of a concerted front against a menace was also illustrated in Nigeria’s decisive role recently in putting down a coup attempt by renegade soldiers in Benin Republic.

    So, the plan for a joint ECOWAS force against insecurity is most welcome. We think it is indeed long overdue. The test of its functionality will be how member-states enthusiastically subscribe to this initiative through required funding and contribution of troops.

  • Retirement freeze

    Retirement freeze

    • A significant security measure for critical times

    One of the measures by the army authorities following the nationwide security emergency pronounced by President Bola Tinubu is the suspension of all statutory and voluntary retirements for certain categories of officers.

    The directive, vide an internal memo dated December 3 and signed by Maj. Gen. E. I. Okoro on behalf of the Chief of Army Staff, stated that the suspension became necessary to retain manpower, experience, and operational capacity as the Armed Forces expanded in response to rising insecurity.

    The memo referenced the Harmonised Terms and Conditions of Service Officers (HTACOS) 2024, which stipulates that although officers are ordinarily expected to retire upon reaching their age limit, completing 35 years in service, or after repeated promotion or conversion failures, service extension is permissible under Paragraph 3.10(e) in the interest of the military.

    Those in the category are said to be officers who failed promotion examinations three times; those passed over three times at promotion boards; those who have reached the age ceiling for their ranks; those who failed conversion boards three times, and officers who have attained 35 years of service.

    While the affected officers may apply to continue serving beyond their normal retirement dates, those not inclined to service extension could continue with the normal retirement procedure.

    The measure comes with a caveat: “Officers desirous of extension should note that upon extension, they are not eligible for career progression, including promotion, career courses, Nigerian Army sponsorship, self- sponsored courses, secondment, or extra-regimental appointments.”

    The Army was unequivocal on why the measure had become necessary, which is – the need to “retain manpower, experience, and operational capacity” in the context of the rising insecurity. “It has become expedient to temporarily suspend all statutory and voluntary retirements from the Nigerian Army with immediate effect,” the authorities stated.

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    Interestingly, while the measure didn’t even pretend to be anything but strictly a military affair and thus covered by relevant service rules, it is noteworthy that it left enough room for flexibility to ensure that only those willing to participate are made to sign up with conditions spelt out. We consider this important, if only to stave off agitations that may arise from possible misinterpretation of the statutes governing the extension in the future.

    Yet, it bears stating that while the argument for retaining these capable and willing officers, particularly the category caught up by the relevant service rules, will remain valid for all times and seasons, two issues that are just as pertinent to the military’s quest for renewal need also to be urgently addressed.

    The first is the tradition of ending the careers of highly trained officers because their juniors had been appointed to higher command positions even when such officers still have a lot to offer and their service years are yet to run out. This is usually the case when new service chiefs are appointed. We believe that there should be room for such highly trained officers within the military establishment to continue serving, if only to justify the huge investment on them.

    The second relates to the global tradition of military reservists. Although the Armed Forces Act is said to provide the foundation for an armed forces reserve, the tradition of mobilising reserves—as is common in more developed jurisdictions—is unfortunately yet to take root here.  It is about time the leadership of the Armed Forces began to formalise the framework for reserve activation.

    To the extent that many of our retired officers continue to signal their willingness to lend their expertise to taming the twin monstrosities of banditry and insurgency, the least the nation could do is to avail them of a forum to put their specialised knowledge to use.

  • Dangote’s next battle!

    Dangote’s next battle!

    • By Zayyad I. Muhammad

    Sir: The Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) 2021 does not prohibit the importation of petroleum products into the country. There is no outright ban; rather, what the law supports a deregulated market with regulatory oversight governing imports.

    Aliko Dangote’s grievance with the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA) under Engr. Farouk Ahmed centres on the continued issuance of import licences to petroleum marketers. And the failure to impose heavy levies and taxes on imported petroleum products. According to the NMDPRA, Nigeria’s petrol imports increased to an average of 52.1 million litres per day in November. NMDPRA further disclosed that the Nigerian National Petroleum Limited NNPCL imported the bulk of Nigeria’s petrol requirements in November, with total imports by all marketers amounting to 1.563 billion litres during the month.

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    In the first round of this battle, Dangote appears to have “won,” as President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has replaced Engr. Farouk Ahmed of the NMDPRA and Gbenga Komolafe of the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC). They have been succeeded by Oritsemeyiwa Amanorisewo Eyesan as Chief Executive Officer of the NUPRC and Engr. Saidu Aliyu Mohammed as Chief Executive Officer of the NMDPRA, subject to senate’s approval.

    The bottom line is that the battle is not about to end anytime soon.  The new chief executives cannot ban the importation of petroleum products by the NNPC or other marketers, because there is no law to back them. However, they are likely to engage Dangote cautiously to avoid the fate that befell Farouk Ahmed and Gbenga Komolafe – which is not a good thing for any industry regulator.

    If Dangote truly seeks full market patronage, pricing is key. His products must match or beat the cost of imported petroleum products. Marketers operate on a simple philosophy: buy good, sell good. If Dangote Refinery’s prices and processes are competitive or superior to imported products, no marketer would endure the challenges of sourcing foreign exchange, freight costs, and time delays when a cheaper and readily available alternative exists at their doorstep.

    •Zayyad I. Muhammad,

    Abuja.