The Nation Newspaper

Author: The Nation

  • The transience of power

    The transience of power

    • By Haroon Aremu Abiodun

    Sir: History, both Nigerian and global, teaches the same unforgiving lesson: power is transient. The Roman emperors, medieval monarchs, African strongmen, and postcolonial leaders all learned it the hard way. Thrones crack, offices expire, and legacies outlive incumbency. What survives is not the number of convoys or loyalists but the record clean or stained left behind. In Nigeria’s current season of reckonings, that truth is resurfacing with unusual force.

    The shockwaves were unmistakable when Chris Ngige, former Labour Minister and ex-governor of Anambra State, was arrested and hauled in for questioning. A man once seated at the heart of federal power was reportedly taken from his Asokoro residence in the quiet vulnerability of early morning. For his community, it was humiliation; for the political class, it was a warning that age, pedigree, and past relevance no longer guarantee insulation.

    Even more symbolic was the sight of a former Attorney General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, standing in the dock. Once the nation’s chief legal custodian, he now answers allegations tied to the abuse of office. Few images better capture the shift in Nigeria’s political weather than a former enforcer of the law now confronting it from the other side.

    Beyond the courtroom drama, a longer list of former power brokers now lives in various states of disgrace and uncertainty. Diezani Alison-Madueke, once among Africa’s most influential women, battles corruption cases from abroad, her name now shorthand for excess. Sadiya Umar Farouq and Betta Edu, both former ministers, saw promising public careers collapse under allegations of financial impropriety. Their stories read like cautionary chapters—warnings to those still drunk on authority.

    Then there is Yahaya Bello, the former Kogi governor who once projected invincibility. Youthful, audacious, and fiercely defended by loyalists, he moved like a political conqueror. Today, his public presence has shrunk to legal statements and whispered sightings as the EFCC circles. Popularity, it turns out, is seasonal; accountability is not.

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    Bukola Saraki’s fall remains another defining lesson. Once a dominant Senate President and national power broker, he lost his Senate seat, his political base in Kwara, and the aura of inevitability that once surrounded him. His defeat redrew political maps and reminded Nigeria that even the most sophisticated machinery can stall.

    Perhaps the most haunting image of all is that of Godwin Emefiele, former Central Bank Governor. A man who once controlled trillions and shaped national economic destiny now moves between courtrooms and custody. Prison sandals where polished shoes once stood have sent a message louder than any sermon: no office in Nigeria is above disgrace.

    Even death has joined the conversation. The passing of former President Muhammadu Buhari, once hailed as “Mai Gaskiya,” underscores the ultimate certainty awaiting all leaders. Applause fades, criticism lingers, and history deliberates long after burial. Likewise, the sudden death of Bayelsa’s Deputy Governor, Lawrence Ewhrudjakpor, jolted the political class with a reminder of life’s fragility and power’s impermanence.

    This season is both mirror and warning. It reflects what Nigeria has tolerated for decades and signals what may come next. Those now in office governors, ministers, legislators, agency heads—should feel uneasy. Every individual now facing prosecution once stood where they stand today, shielded by authority and cheered by crowds.

    The lesson is stark and unavoidable: the office you hold today will not protect you tomorrow. Immunity expires. Applause evaporates. Records remain. Misuse power, and humiliation will trail you long after the keys are returned. Steal public funds, and the shame will outlive your influence.

    Tomorrow, the name in the headlines could be yours—or that of your ally, mentor, or hero. Unless a different path is chosen now. For legacy. For dignity. For family. And for a nation that is watching closely, learning once again how every king, eventually, must fall.

    •Haroon Aremu Abiodun,

     Exponentumera@gmail.com

  • Nigeria needs an equal employment opportunity commission

    Nigeria needs an equal employment opportunity commission

    • By Samuel Jekeli

    Sir: Nigeria’s labour space is evolving rapidly, yet its institutional framework for protecting fairness at work remains largely reactive. Employment disputes are increasing in volume and complexity, driven by economic pressure, workforce diversity, globalization, and rising awareness of rights.

    Despite this reality, Nigeria still relies heavily on litigation and fragmented oversight to address discrimination, harassment, unfair labour practices, and systemic inequality. This gap points clearly to the need for a specialized Equal Employment Opportunity Commission designed for Nigeria’s unique context.

    At present, workplace justice in Nigeria is pursued mainly through the courts. While the National Industrial Court plays a critical role, it intervenes only after harm has occurred. Litigation is costly, slow, and intimidating, particularly for junior workers, vulnerable groups, and employees in informal or weakly structured organizations. Many valid complaints never reach the courtroom, not because they lack merit, but because the process itself is inaccessible. An employment equality commission would shift the system from reaction to prevention, addressing issues early before they escalate into full-blown disputes.

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    One of the deepest problems in Nigeria’s labour space is the absence of a centralized body focused solely on employment equality. Discrimination issues are scattered across institutions with overlapping mandates. As a result, enforcement is inconsistent and guidance is unclear. Employers are often uncertain about standards, while employees are unsure where to turn. A Nigeria EEOC would provide a single, recognizable authority responsible for receiving complaints, investigating workplace practices, issuing guidance, and promoting compliance across sectors.

    Another pressing issue is the imbalance of power in the employment relationship. In many workplaces, especially in the private sector, employees fear retaliation if they speak up. Job insecurity, high unemployment, and weak internal grievance systems discourage reporting. A neutral commission with investigative powers would provide a safer entry point for complaints, protecting whistle-blowers and ensuring that concerns are examined objectively rather than suppressed internally or ignored entirely.

    The Nigerian labour market also struggles with systemic inequities that are difficult to resolve through individual court cases. Gender-based discrimination, exclusion of persons with disabilities, religious bias, ethnic favouritism, and age discrimination are often embedded in recruitment, promotion, and pay structures. Courts typically address isolated cases, but they are not structured to identify patterns across industries or regions. An EEOC-type institution could analyse trends, conduct sector-wide investigations, and recommend corrective actions that go beyond individual remedies.

    Small and medium-sized organizations face a different but equally serious challenge. Many lack the HR capacity to design compliant policies or manage sensitive workplace issues effectively. Without guidance, mistakes are made not always out of malice, but out of ignorance. A national employment equality body could issue practical guidelines, advisory opinions, and compliance support, helping organizations align with the law while improving their people management practices.

    There is also the issue of court congestion. Employment-related cases add to an already stretched judicial system. Many disputes involve matters that could be resolved through mediation or corrective directives rather than full trials. An EEOC would act as a filter, resolving appropriate cases through conciliation and escalating only the most serious or unresolved matters to the courts. This would preserve judicial resources and reduce the emotional and financial toll on all parties involved.

    Beyond enforcement, a Nigeria EEOC would play a critical educational role. Workplace fairness is not achieved by punishment alone. It requires awareness, training, and cultural change. Through outreach programs, employer engagement, and public reporting, such a body could raise national standards and normalize fair employment practices as a core element of organizational success rather than a legal burden.

    From an economic standpoint, the benefits are significant. High turnover, disengagement, and workplace conflict are costly. Organizations that operate in environments perceived as unfair struggle to retain talent and maintain productivity. A credible employment equality framework would improve workforce stability, enhance Nigeria’s labour reputation, and align the country more closely with international labour expectations, an increasingly important factor for investors and development partners.

    In the end, the need for a Nigeria EEOC is not about creating another institution for its own sake. It is about closing a critical gap in labour governance, protecting dignity at work, and building a system where fairness is enforced consistently, not accidentally. A labour market that works for everyone requires more than laws on paper; it requires institutions designed to make those laws real in everyday working life.

    •Samuel Jekeli,

    FCT Abuja.

  • Tunji-Ojo: Redefining public service

    Tunji-Ojo: Redefining public service

    I can’t exactly recall who it was that forwarded to me a short video clip of an encounter between Interior Minister, Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo and a station officer in one of Federal Fire Service (FFS) stations in Abuja. In the clip, the minister had stopped by, apparently on an unscheduled visit to know the state of the fire trucks stationed in the premises particularly the state of their readiness in the event of an emergency. An encounter would turn out as much a revelation as it is a testimonial on the state of the nation’s public service: not only was the entire place in deplorable conditions, the few trucks parked in the premise had no water – the official excuse being that the trucks had gone out for operations days before had not had enough time to take in fresh supplies of water!

    The account, later put out by the minister would convey not so much his palpable disappointment (which was evident in the brief encounter), but a firm, even barely stated resolve, to clear the mess the same way he had battled the daemons in the service points under his watch: 

    “Today, I paid an unscheduled visit to the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) FCT Command and the Federal Fire Service command, Wuse Zone 3 station. The visit helped in the conduct of an on-the-spot assessment of our facilities, and the general preparedness of our gallant officers to address incidents as they can emerge quite unexpectedly. The orders of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu (GCFR) are clear in his yesterday’s national address to the nation where he noted that all hands must be on deck in our collective responsibility to secure this great nation. Security is life, and Mr President is trusting our officers to deliver on the issue of internal security and the protection of critical national assets.

    As Minister of Interior, I believe that they will deliver on this, so that we can all be proud of Nigeria, and be able to call this great country a home. More importantly, I will continue to conduct unscheduled on-the-spot assessment of paramilitary commands across the country, as I want to see things the way they are. For me, I want to see the sort of service that Nigerians are getting across all our agencies because like what I always say, a good service is not good enough for Nigerians, but the best, always”.

    Minister Tunji-Ojo is right to expect the very best from his front line officials. After all, he is known to have improved the capacity of the agency with the purchase of new equipment, rapid response vehicles, and systems that enhance response time. The story of how the minister has remodelled Federal Fire Service Academy in Abuja is out in the open. But what chance would he have had to turn things around without such surprises designed to keep operatives on their toes? 

    No doubt, a lot has been written about Nigeria’s Interior Minister, Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo, as one of those bright faces that have delivered not just values to the Bola Tinubu administration, but unparalleled innovations. Talk of redefining the public service in its entirety, Tunji-Ojo, whom his friends call BTO, appears to have captured the imagination of Nigerians as an exemplar of the kind of leadership that Nigeria sorely requires particularly at this time of transition: resourceful (IT-savvy); disciplined and focused – a goal getter. Given that Nigerians are not the easiest to please, it is a measure of the value he represents that Nigerians continue to speak of him in glowing terms.

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    Here is a minister who moved the mountains where others before him could only skate in circles. Where others saw problems, he thought of them as challenges – and so solvable. Just when successive ministers had sold the passport problem as intractable, he chose to tackle it headlong. First was the issue of the 200, 000 backlog which he inherited. The problem, we were led to believe at the time, was shortage of passport booklets! How the backlog was cleared in a matter of weeks must go on record as the stuff of a genius. There was also the issue of debts said to be to the tune of N28 billion – and this, ironically, for services for which Nigerians are required to pay upfront! This, we now know, have since been retired with Nigerians still wondering about the magic deployed by BTO to clear the mess. With the seamless process currently in place, Nigerians readily testify that the nightmare once associated with passport acquisition is over.

    While it is no secret that the minister possesses a background in Information Technology, the marvel is how he has managed to bring the discipline of that technology into virtually every aspect of the job entrusted to him in a public service traditionally known to resist change – and still get fulsome praise for the results!

    A good example is the collapse of the 96-odd decentralized personalization centres to a single, secure, centralized and highly efficient passport processing centre, located at the NIS Headquarters in Abuja. That initiative, midwifed by Tunji-Ojo, not only aligns with global best practices but has significantly improved the quality, security, and also reduced the processing and issuance time of Nigerian passports.

    His record at the nation’s gateways – the airports – would again attest to the same zeal undergirded by knowledge. Under his watch, some 40 e-gates across the Abuja, Lagos, Kano, Port Harcourt airports have been deployed to facilitate easy passage and maximum comfort. He has equally deployed the “Smart Border Solution” cutting edge technology with the implementation of Smart Border Management and Advanced Passenger Information Systems (APIS). Then is the INTERAS- Electronic Record and Archival Systems, aimed at digitizing records and streamlining operations across various services and agencies, the ECOWAS National Biometric Identity Card (ENBIC) and the new digital platform, Comprehensive Expatriate Residence Permits and Automated Card (CEREAL) application process – the common thread of which is to make service delivery less cumbersome with efficiency and effectiveness as goal.

    He has equally paid due attention to the Nigerian Correctional Services. He has ensured the completion of ultra-modern furniture, leather, and shoe factories to afford inmates the opportunity of comprehensive rehabilitation and skills acquisition; the rehabilitation, renovation, and upgrades of some correctional centres across the country has been done. And then, a 4.81 tier petabytes Command and Control centre with 4.1MW  battery capacity solar farm which was established to serve the need of Nigeria Correctional Service.

    What I consider the most touching of the interventions by the minister is his mobilisation of N585 million from corporate bodies as part of their Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) initiative to pay the fines of 4,068 inmates serving jail terms for petty offences in various correctional centres across the country. That, to me is a novelty, beyond the call of duty. But then, that is the essence of public service – touching lives in meaningful ways. If only for this, the man they call BTO deserves to be garlanded.

    Merry Christmas dear readers.

  • The Papiri puzzle

    The Papiri puzzle

    Reports, at the weekend, said 115 more pupils of St. Mary’s Private Catholic Primary and Secondary School, Papiri in Agwara council area of Niger State, who were abducted on 21st November, this year, had regained their freedom. These were in addition to 100 pupils freed in early December. Fifteen teachers who were also kidnapped as well secured their freedom this time.

    Gunmen had attacked the remote community at wee hours on the fateful day, storming the school about 2a.m. on motorbikes and operating for nearly three hours. Reports at the time were that 315 people, comprising 303 pupils and 12 teachers, got abducted. About 50 pupils managed to escape within the first 24 hours and were reunited with their families (security insiders said the 50 children were part of those who fled when the bandits struck and returned home, rather than that they escaped from the abductors’ hold), leaving – so it was reported – 265 persons in captivity.

    On the heels of the attack, government deployed security operatives including police tactical units as well as military ground and air personnel in the area to comb nearby forests for the abductees. National Security Adviser (NSA) Nuhu Ribadu, leading a Federal Government delegation, visited Kontagora to meet the Catholic Bishop of the Diocese, Bulus Dauwa Yohanna, and distraught parents of the abducted pupils. At that meeting, he assured that the abducted pupils were in stable condition and would be returned safely. “God is with them and God is with us. Evil will never win. They are going to come back. I give you that assurance,” he stated during the visit.

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    On November 7th, 100 pupils returned from the abductors’ den, leaving (as it was reported) 153 pupils and 12 teachers still being held captive. Even at that time, there was only report of the schoolchildren being freed, with nothing said about how their release was secured and what happened to the abductors when the children were being freed. This fuelled speculation as to the possibility that the children were released on terms that insulated the abductors from backlash, if not indeed that there was some negotiated reward by way of ransom payment.

    Latest report indicated that 115 schoolchildren and 15 others, to wit abducted teachers, got freed at the weekend in a forest between Agwara and Borgu council areas of Niger State. These were said to be all remaining abductees in captivity, which the Office of the NSA deployed security vehicles and personnel to evacuate. The catch is that the math of the Papiri abductions no longer added up, with the unexplained discounting of the number of abductees to 280 from the 315 earlier cited on repeated occasions.

    There must be transparent reckoning of the Papiri abductees such that all persons affected are accounted for, lest they get crowded out of national conversation. The public also needs to know what has happened to the abductors.  

  • Rethinking the war on terror

    Rethinking the war on terror

    • By TJ Ishola

    There comes a time in the life of every nation when euphemisms become dangerous, when diplomatic grammar becomes a coffin for innocent citizens, and when the pretence of “managing” terror becomes the very oxygen that sustains it.

    Nigeria has reached that point. The recent spate of attacks, in which villages were sacked, Christians slaughtered, travellers ambushed, and families wiped out, has once again revealed a bleak truth: our enemies do not pause, our enemies do not negotiate, and our enemies certainly do not respect appeasement. They advance because we retreat. They escalate because we hesitate.

    With the appointment of General Christopher Musa (retd) as Minister of Defence, Nigeria stands at a crossroads. His background, forged in the fires of counter-insurgency operations, signals a decisive shift away from armchair security management toward operational clarity. Predictably, this change has unveiled tensions between those who favour decisive action against terrorism and those who prefer endless explanations, negotiations, and pacification.

    As former Chief of Army Staff and elder statesman, Lt Gen T.Y. Danjuma, once stated with stark military clarity: “The best form of defence is attack.” It is a principle Nigeria has historically ignored, often at substantial cost. With the new Defence Minister, the doctrine is back, it’s measured, driven by intelligence, and absolutely firm.

    And the reaction to it has been revealing.

    Many Nigerians have been shocked by recent public responses to the defence minister’s reported order, which is publicly described as a tougher stance against armed bandits and terrorists. Though communities affected by kidnappings, killings, and displacement have welcomed a firmer approach, a different chorus has unexpectedly emerged.

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    Some commentators, including Professor Yusuf Usman, have publicly urged the president to restrain the defence minister, describing his posture as “too harsh,” “too fast,” and “too sharp.” In his view, as expressed in public commentary, the bandits are “not strangers,” but “sons and daughters, brothers and sisters” who merely “need attention” and should be engaged through dialogue rather than force. He has argued against what he terms a “total war” approach and warned that military pressure could escalate violence.

    Such arguments are not new, but their timing is instructive. They emerge precisely when the state begins to assert itself.

    No serious nation denies the humanity of criminals. But no serious nation elevates the comfort of perpetrators above the safety of victims. To describe armed groups that have kidnapped schoolchildren for years, razed villages, violated women, murdered farmers, and terrorised highways as misunderstood “freedom fighters” is not mediation—it is moral inversion.

    If terrorists are human, then so are their victims. If bandits deserve empathy, then kidnapped children deserve justice. If dialogue is proposed for those wielding guns, what language is reserved for those buried by them?

    Nigeria must be careful not to allow the language of sympathy to become a shield for impunity.

    Nigeria has tried dialogue. Nigeria has tried amnesty. Nigeria has tried negotiations. Nigeria has tried ransom payments. Nigeria has tried back-channel emissaries.

    Each attempt has ended the same way: stronger bandits, richer kidnappers, bolder terrorists, and more traumatised citizens.

    The country must finally confront a hard truth: appeasement has not reduced violence; it has commercialised it. Kidnapping has become a business because it pays. Banditry has expanded because it is tolerated. Negotiation has become profitable because it carries no consequence.

    When governors are praised for “engaging” armed groups, the message is clear: violence earns relevance. When ransom payments are quietly made, the message is clearer still: terror works.

    That message must be reversed.

    For too long, Nigeria’s security architecture has operated reactively, arriving after attacks, counting bodies, issuing condolences, and convening meetings. Terrorists strike at will because they expect delay, hesitation, and negotiation.

    The current defence minister’s approach, emphasising firmness, deterrence, and proactive engagement marks a necessary correction.

    This does not mean indiscriminate force. It means decisive, intelligence-led force. It means denying terrorists the initiative. It means entering forests before kidnappers emerge from them. It means making armed criminality a high-risk occupation rather than a lucrative career.

    As Danjuma’s maxim reminds us, defence begins not at the point of impact, but at the point of intent.

    One of Nigeria’s most under-discussed security problems is not just terrorism itself, but terrorist sympathy and justification within elite and intellectual spaces. When respected voices frame violent criminals primarily as victims of circumstance while minimising or relativising their crimes, they weaken national resolve and confuse moral clarity.

    This is not a call to criminalise dissent. It is a call to recognise that narratives matter in war.

    Every justification offered for terror delays action. Every excuse extends suffering. Every appeal for endless dialogue buys time for kidnappers, not for victims.

    Those who materially support, facilitate, shield, or knowingly legitimise terrorist groups, whether financially, politically, or logistically—must face investigation under Nigeria’s laws against aiding and abetting terrorism. No society can defeat armed violence while romanticising its perpetrators.

    Perhaps the most urgent reform Nigeria must embrace is the complete cessation of ransom payments. What began as desperate survival tactics has mutated into a structured economy of abduction. The moment money stops flowing, the business model collapses.

    Rescue operations, intelligence penetration, and forceful disruption must replace negotiation. The safety of citizens must be pursued through strength, not tribute.

    Conclusion: This Trajectory Must Not Be Derailed

    The early signals from the new Defence leadership have already triggered resistance, not from terrorists alone, but from those uncomfortable with a state that finally chooses firmness over familiarity.

    Nigeria must not retreat. The country must stay the course: proactive, not reactive; decisive, not deferential; protective of victims, not indulgent of criminals.

    The era of appeasing terror through dialogue without consequence, ransom without restraint, and sympathy without accountability must end.

    As Lt Gen T.Y. Danjuma warned, the best form of defence is attack. Not reckless force, but resolute action guided by intelligence, law, and moral clarity.

    Nigeria owes this not just to the dead, but to the living, and to a future that must no longer be negotiated with men who trade in fear.

    •Ishola writes from United Kingdom.

  • Youths and Detty December

    Youths and Detty December

    The Christmas season is a time to catch fun as the Nigerian youths would say. It is a season for what one can describe as unending open air party for everyone. In many parts of the country, it is the best time for traditional marriage ceremonies, church weddings, title-taking ceremonies, community football competitions, masquerade displays, carnivals and sundry street parties. But should Christmas be only about partying?

    The slang ‘detty’ December is increasingly gaining notoriety. The Ai describes it as a vibrant energetic Nigerian slang term for wild, non-stop festive season in December, meaning to “party-hard” and “let loose” with concerts, parties, and events, a period also boosting tourism and culture, especially with the diaspora returning home for holiday celebrations. It says that efforts to make the word ‘detty’ gain traction can be alluded to Mr Eazi’s usage and trade-marking efforts.  

    The Youths of St. Mulumba (YSM), made up of young Catholics committed to faith, discipline, and service, took a slightly different route to the detty December. The YSM Region 3, made up of Lagos Island sub-council, Badagry sub-council, Festac Town sub-council, Satellite Town sub-council, Ojo sub-council and Amuwo-Odofin sub-council organized a mega rally, at the Navy Town Stadium, Navy Town, Lagos, last Saturday, with the theme: Faith in Action: Building the Future Together. The one-day event started with a Holy Mass, and featured a talk by Moyo Falola, a creative digital marketer, advertiser, graphic designer, artist, and member of the YSM, Badagry sub-council.            

    This writer commends the theme of the mega rally as a guide to every youth as they celebrate Christmas. While partying, the celebrants must have faith in what they are celebrating, which is the birth of Jesus Christ – true God and true man. The Christian faith teaches that Christ came to redeem man from the original sin of Adam. While celebrating, they must not lose track of the fundamental message of Jesus’s birth, and ministry, which is, His examples of humility. For Christian believers, despite being a divine King, in humility Jesus choose to be born in a manger, not in a Castle, as befitting His status.

    Interestingly, the lowly birth of Jesus Christ, never affected His rise to greatness. Born to a poor carpenter, Joseph and a young maiden, Virgin Mary, in the lowly city of Bethlehem, Christ became the greatest man that ever lived. Despite Jesus’s poor background, he sat among the leading scholars of His time, teaching in their synagogue. One of Jesus’s greatest show of humility was the washing of the feet of His apostles, during His last supper with them, which is akin to a master washing the feet of his servants. 

    For the youths of St. Mulumba, and every youth out there, the message is that with humility in action, attaining the greatest goals in life is possible. If one is humble, and is dedicated passionately to a cause, then achieving a set of goals is very possible. That is faith in action. For example, many of the present movers and shakers of the world were not born with silver spoons; neither are they the most educated. The world-famous Bill Gates, is reputed not to have finished his university education. Yet with his skill and passion, he became the richest man on earth, for several years.

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    The story of the Blessed Carlo Acutis, canonized on September 7, after dying at age 15, in 2006, for his deep faith and use of the internet to spread devotion, particularly to the Holy Eucharist, resounded deeply with what the youths should also busy themselves with, in detty December. Falola who alluded to the well celebrated actions of Carlo Acutis in his presentation, told his fellow young adults that they can live fully as a young person and still put their Christian faith in action.

    The youths from the six sub-councils, also engaged in competitive activities amongst themselves. The program included a march past, a quiz competition about the life/history of the founder of the Order of the Knights of St. Mulumba, Rev. Fr. Anselm Ojefua, and the Order which was founded in 1953. The also engaged in various sporting activities, like egg race, fill in the basket, penalty kicks, and gele-tying and make-up by the boys and knotting of tie by the girls.

    The events culminated in an open air dance party and feasting. With the DJ blaring modern music, the young adults between 14 and 25 years had a fun-filled early Christmas party. Many of them were meeting for the first time, but the conviviality was awesome. They mingled, chatted, did selfies, danced, ate together, played and competed, with the hope of building the future together. The choreograph of their march pasts, in their different colours, enthralled the leaders who had gathered to witness the first mega rally of the Youths of St. Mulumba, Lagos Metropolitan Council.

    Leading the eminent personalities from the Order of the Knights of St. Mulumba was the Deputy Supreme Knight, Sir Dan Egwu, followed by the Metro Grand Knight, Sir Godwin Nosa Ehigiator. In his message, Sir Egwu reminded the youths that they are the hope of tomorrow, for the organization and for Nigeria. He urged them to embrace the values of faith, unity and selfless service. In his message Sir Ehigiator, said the event reflects a shared commitment to nurturing faith, discipline, and leadership amongst young people.         

    Deputy MGK, Sir Benjamin Ofodile, represented by Sir Falola, reminded the youths that the event was not just a celebration, but a call for action. A similar sentiment was expressed by the coordinating Deputy Grand Knight, for region 3, Worthy Brother Vincent Iwueze (Festac Town sub-council). He said the event celebrates the vitality, faith, and promise of our youths. No doubt, the call on the youths to build the future together and have faith in action, applies to the youths of Nigeria at large.

    Interestingly, many states in the country are keying into the tourism potentials of detty December. With massive diaspora returns, the tourism and entertainment industry experience a boom. Clearly, Nigeria has the great potential to increase its GDP from the tourism and entertainment industry. With a very clement weather in most states of the country, especially in December, when winter makes most European tourism centres very unattractive, states in Nigeria can take advantage to increase their internally generated revenue, by promoting tourism.

    For the Youths of St. Mulumba, their catch word for any similar mega rally will remain to pray and play. As DGK, Amuwo-Odofin sub-council, this writer commends his brother DGKs, WB Anthony Obioha, Badagry sub-council, WB Bernard Ebuzoeme, Lagos Island sub-council, Sir Vincent Ojukwu, Satellite sub-council, Sir Chijioke Muoneke, Ojo sub-council and the body of mentors, who helped members of YSM, Region 3, to build their faith together, through action. The seeds of friendship, sportsmanship and community engagement, which have been sown among the youths, will bear fruit.

    As we celebrate Christmas, let every Nigerian youth, key into the message.

  • Dangote Vs the oil cabals

    Dangote Vs the oil cabals

    • By Ray Ekpan

    For something like 12 years or so, we almost got used to having cars as our beds and our petrol stations as our bedrooms. We were always short of petrol, a sad irony for a major oil producing country. In fact, at festive seasons we always stayed in the long queues for days waiting for fuel. Part of the culture was that you had to pack food from home in a food flask because you did not know how long you would stay in the queue. If you got out of your car to go and fetch food somewhere, you would lose your space in the queue. That would mean that you will stay longer at the petrol station with hunger harassing you until you were able to go home.

    Nigerians are long suffering people. They endured this torture for part of President Goodluck Jonathan’s tenure and all of the eight years of President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration. There are not many countries in the world where their leaders would subject them to this mayhem and they would continue to meekly accept their leadership. But Nigerians quietly tolerated this for years. If their leaders failed them, why did they fail themselves? That is what I call followership failure.

    For those dozen years or so, our four state-owned refineries based in Port Harcourt, Warri and Kaduna were dead or almost dead, producing nothing or almost nothing. We reportedly spent $25 billion (about N11.35 trillion) on their repairs yet nothing positive came out of that huge expenditure. There were no protests by marketers, or labour leaders or workers, or students or Nigerians of any class whatsoever. None at all; yet the workers in those refineries were being paid salaries regularly, salaries without service, payment without performance. And Nigerians remained deaf and dumb.

    Then on May 22, 2023, Buhari went to Lagos and commissioned the Dangote Refinery built by Aliko Dangote with $20 billion of his hard-earned money. We the consumers were excited that with the opening of that huge refinery, there was now an expiry date for our snoring at petrol stations. We did not know that some cabals existed that thought that the birth of that refinery was the beginning of their bitterness. It wasn’t long before they showed their colours.

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    The Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of the Nigerian Mainstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA), Farouk Ahmed, was the one who fired the first shot. He claimed that Dangote refinery’s fuel was inferior to imported petroleum products because it contained higher sulphur levels.

    I am not an expert in the oil business but as an analyst, I did not believe Ahmed for three reasons: (a) If a man decided to invest $20 billion in such a major industry he was not likely to manufacture inferior products that would make his investment useless; (b) If a man has established a solid reputation as an investor in about six countries and was not thrown out for malpractices, he was not likely to do so now, especially in his own country; (c) I thought if Ahmed was sincere about what he was saying, he needed to engage the Dangote refinery leadership quietly instead of making a damaging statement openly. His statement turned out at the end of the day to be false, which means that he had a hidden agenda. And one of the core functions of the authority is “to promote private sector participation and investment in the midstream and downstream sectors.”

    His action was the exact opposite of this core function.

    It was obvious from Day One that the Dangote Refinery was going to face unanticipated challenges: NNPCL refused to supply crude oil to the refinery. Dangote had to import crude oil from the United States. President Tinubu then directed NNPCL to sell crude oil to Dangote and accept naira. Was NNPCL happy with that decision? I don’t know.

    Then NUPENG and PENGASSAN wanted their own share of the Dangote cake by asking to be allowed to collect tolls per truck while loading. In response to that, Dangote decided to buy thousands of CNG trucks. Were the two labour organisations happy with Dangote’s decision? Of course not. The fight continued as the two labour unions insisted that Dangote staff must be allowed to join their unions. Dangote asked his staff to indicate if they wanted to join PENGASSAN. About 800 of them indicated interest. They had just walked into a trap without knowing. Dangote sacked them accusing them of 22 cases of sabotage including fire incidents. NUPENG and PENGASSAN declared a strike over the sacking of the staff. The National Assembly decided to intervene. It asked Dangote to reverse the sack. He did but sent them to the cement factory.

    The marketers are worried that Dangote Refinery’s entry into the market is taking meat, massive meat, from their mouths. Recently, the refinery brought its price of petrol down to N699 and the marketers are jittery that their pepper soup may soon disappear.

    In the Punch of December 18, a major marketer said that “since Dangote crashed the gantry price of petrol to N699 per litre, we have lost over 90% of marketers who lift products from our depots. There is no way you can sell the product at Dangote’s price to make a profit.”

    That is the issue.

    The marketers don’t care about us, the consumers. All that they want is to make humongous profits at our expense. That is why they are fighting Dangote because the Dangote Refinery is changing the market dynamics. That is why they are accusing him of trying to be a monopolist. How can his refinery be a monopolist when there are 10 other refineries in the country including the four owned by the federal government? For the whole time that the four refineries have been dormant, I am not aware that the regulators and or the trade unions have paid serious attention to their revival. Have they? Their major interest is in importation, in burning away our foreign exchange, in keeping people in full employment abroad, in punishing Nigerians with high prices, in rendering Nigerians jobless while they smile broadly to the bank.

    That is the crux of the matter, the genesis of their grouse against Dangote. The regulator does not care about the protection of the consumer which is one of its core functions. In November, the NMDPRA had advised President Bola Tinubu to shelve plans to ban imports of refined petroleum products because, according to them, local output cannot meet the national demand which the regulators put at 55 million litres per day.

    President Tinubu has got the two CEOs of the regulatory agencies Ahmed of NMDPRA and Gbenga Komolafe of the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC) fired and their replacements have been promptly appointed. Whether they admit it or not, their forced resignation is a vote of no confidence on their performance. Their successors must take note of that because the day of reckoning will come.

    Yes, petroleum product importation is the restaurant with limitless food, limitless feast and non-stop “chopping” by those who step their feet into that restaurant. And anyone who gets in there wants to stay there for ever. Anyone who interrupts or blocks their chopping must be brought to a standstill. That is their unwritten mandate.

    Nigeria must prioritise local production of petroleum products over importation. Local production is what Nigeria First is about because it has immense benefits: enhanced employment, retention of our foreign exchange, availability of products at reasonable prices and energy security for the country.

    Those who are fighting to bring down the Dangote Refinery are unpatriotic. They are not fighting against monopoly. They are fighting for their stomachs. That fight is against Nigeria’s self-reliance, national interest and the welfare of the people. Dangote could have spent the $20 billion he invested in the refinery on items of limitless pleasure for himself. He could have bought rows of expensive palaces in various parts of the world. He could have built the refinery in any other country except Nigeria and he would have had peace. Some countries are asking him to come and invest in their territory and yet we here don’t appreciate his massive investment in his homeland.

    President Tinubu must stand by Dangote and all those who invest in Nigeria because they all have alternative investment choices. We must note that if we treat a Nigerian investor shabbily that is a disincentive to other potential investors, local and foreign. 

  • In defence of Ahmed Farouk and Malami

    In defence of Ahmed Farouk and Malami

    Nigerians are angry. For close to two weeks, they have agonized over Ahmed Farouk, ex MD of NNPCL and Abubakar Malami, the immediate past Attorney General and Minister of Justice’s alleged betrayal of sacred trust entrusted on them as public servants by the nation. The former was challenged over indiscriminate issuance of licences for PMS importation – an act, they said, could derail the government current drive towards energy self-sufficiency. He was also alleged to have spent about $5m school fees on his four primary school children in Switzerland. Such money, many have argued must be a product of corruption.

    The latter was accused of hiding under Buhari’s presidency to serve other tendencies. As a ‘charge and bail’ lawyer before joining Buhari’s crew of ‘loyal gatekeepers’, many are asking for the sources of his alleged stupendous wealth.

    For their ‘treachery’, the battle cry at home, on the street, in the social media and even in the hallow chambers of our National Assembly is “hang them”.

    But the problem is that we know that “hang them” is a language of those shut out of the system or those driven by greed. And since everyone seems to be angry with the Nigerian state, it can be said that there is a bit of Farouk and Malami in all of us.

     We rail at PENGASAN, IPMAN and DAPPMAN only because we don’t have the opportunity of becoming part of them. From ethnic nationalities, the owners of our society, whose arrogant spokespersons insist no one gets what they cannot get, to our political leaders who see Abuja as place for securing their own fair share of the national cake, and the governed, who swear at the politicians for not stealing enough monies from Abuja which they claim belong to no one, we have all betrayed the nation.

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    If you are in doubt, let us again take a short journey through memory. At the 1957 London Independence Constitutional Conference, two of the dominant ethnic groups, the Igbo and the Fulani, betrayed the minorities over creation of states. In 1962, they again removed one of the legs of a tripod holding Nigeria together. Between the census crisis of 1962/63 and massively rigged 1964 election, the remaining two wobbling legs of the tripod finally collapsed. With each group insisting no one gets what the other could not get, our politically naïve military was dragged into politicians’ battle for supremacy. The result was a civil war driven by greed but fraudulent fought in our name.

    In 1993, a jolly good fellow and a generous giver, MKO Abiola, a man without any ideological orientation made billions through Nigerian state and ITT. (We all remember Fela Anikulapo’s famous lyric “ITT: International thief thief”). But as a generous giver, he shared the fortune so cheaply acquired among Nigerians, building mosques, churches, hospitals, schools, sport centres across towns and villages in Nigeria.  Many analysts believe it was the secret of his landslide victory in 1993, defeating Bashir Tofa round and square even in his Kano stronghold.

    But the ruling Fulani hegemonic class in the north according to Babangida’s rain doctors did not want a Yoruba presidency. Arthur Nzeribe placed a paid newspaper advertisement declaring “Igbo will not accept a Yoruba presidency”, Evans Enwerem, who later became a senate president during OBJ presidency, issued a press statement declaring “Igbo will go to war if Abiola’s election is de-annulled”. Odumegwu Ojukwu’s opposition to Yoruba presidency was reported by the PM News of October 17, 1994 with a howling headline “Hang MKO Abiola, Ojukwu tells Abacha”.  Ojukwu later became Abacha’s ambassador to Europe to de-market MKO Abiola.

    If the federating ethnic nationalities have no faith in their country, it should not surprise anyone why their political representatives only think of what they can get out of Nigeria and not what they could do for Nigeria.

    For instance, all through the military era and up to 1999, there was a general consensus among Nigerians that NNPC had become a cesspool of corruption. Sanitising NNPC required our leaders political will, a virtue in deficit among our successive leaders.

    When the former CBN governor, Lamido Sanusi Lamido reported a possible disappearance of $20b not paid by NNPC into the federation account, during the leadership of Diezani Alison-Madueke as Minister of Petroleum Resources, who has since been indicted by both Britain and the US for money laundering, it was Sanusi that got fired by President Jonathan and replaced by an unqualified and incompetent Godwin Emefiele, a choice many argued was informed by ethnic consideration.

    As for the new breed politicians and new inheritors of power in Abuja, they made it clear it was time to recoup their expenses on the 1999 electoral battle. The PPPRA, with a staff strength of 249, supervised by an unwieldy board of 49, earning a whopping salaries and allowances of N57 billion per annum became an instrument through which N1.7 trillion was stolen according to a House of Representatives probe report.

    As for the governed, the policy was ‘if we cannot beat them, we join them”. As fortune seekers in a world of the survival of the fittest, we try to bribe our way into getting our children employed by NNPC which pays salaries that will make our doctors and university lecturers green with envy. And once we get our children into NNPC or the CBN, we keep quiet in order not to get choked.

    When it comes to treachery against Nigeria, we are all tarred with the same brush. That a part of a whole cannot be holier than the whole was clearly demonstrated during President Tinubu’s inaugural speech. The address brought out the Farouk in all of us in bold relief. He had hardly finished saying “subsidy is gone” when PMS disappeared from filling stations across the nation. And where they were available, PMS procured at less than N200 per litre was going for N700. Retail prices for pepper, tomatoes, beans, corn went up as much as 500% within two days. In agrarian Ekiti State where farmers had abandoned farming and waited for pepper and tomato to come from the north, chiefs had to go to the open market to chide market women for their greed.

    The difference between Farouk’s case and Abubakar Malami is that having seduced Buhari by adding his divorced daughter, a mother of four to his harem, Malami was beyond reproach. And this was despite his efforts to confer constitutional rights meant for Nigerians on cows and mischievous attempt to equate criminal Fulani herdsmen who forcefully took over reserve forests in the south with documented legitimate Igbo traders and urban immigrants in the north.

    Malami’s current travail stemmed from the Cable’s December 22, 2017 publication of his attempt to appoint two Nigerian lawyers, Oladipo Okpeseyi, a senior advocate, and Temitope Isaac Adebayo, lawyers to the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) at a cost of $16m to work on a job already completed by another lawyer. It was for this reason, it was claimed, Kemi Adeosun, in April 2018 as minister of finance, refused to approve the payment of $16.9 million in fees to the two lawyers for the “recovery”.

    Besides recovery of assets, the current investigation is said to also cover probe of several bank accounts allegedly linked to the former minister, as well as his multi-billion-naira investments in Kebbi State.

    I think this is important because Junaid Mohammed once described Malami as “Kano charge and bail lawyer” who opted to handle Buhari’s judicial cases, pro bono, at a time Buhari had no money to pay lawyers.

    But today  there is a trending video of Rayhaan Group of companies described as the biggest private conglomerate in Nigeria, consisting of a string of luxury hotels, largest rice milling factory in Africa, Rayhaan Academy and newly approved Rayhaan University  and Security Companies, all managed by 29 years old Malami’s son.

    While we all agree Nigeria has become an orphan repeatedly pillaged by leaders of ethnic nationalities, politicians, pastors, Imams etc., I think the ongoing search for sponsors of terrorism should not spare the likes of Abubakar Malami. He might have one or two things to say about sympathisers and sponsors of terrorism in view of his defence of their activities not just in the north but also in the ‘reserved forest’ of the south. In retrospect, when one looks back at Malami’s endless war with Rotimi Akeredolu, the late governor of Ondo State over the illegal take-over of his state’s reserved forest by criminal herdsmen. It will appear Malami was determined to export northern tragedy to the south.

  • Universal Insurance gets stable outlook rating

    Universal Insurance gets stable outlook rating

    Agusto & Co. has assigned a “Bbb-” long-term rating to Universal Insurance Plc, reflecting the company’s long operating history, improved profitability, low loss ratio, moderate liquidity position and effective deployment of digital initiatives.

    The rating agency noted that Universal Insurance ability to maintain a solvency margin of 184.9 per cent, well above Agusto & Co.’s minimum threshold of 100 per cent, indicates a strong capacity to support its underwriting activities.

    The strong growth according to Agusto was driven by initiatives aimed at deepening relationships with customers and insurance brokers, alongside improvements in customer experience through digital platforms.

    It noted that as at 31 December 2024, Universal Insurance’s shareholders’ funds stood at N13.2 billion, representing a 27 per cent year-on-year increase, supported by full profit retention.

    The company maintained a sound insurance revenue of N13.8 billion, representing a 71.9 per cent increase from the prior year.

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    The company’s reinsurance arrangements were tested in 2024 amid a spike in claims from the oil and gas segment. Gross claims more than doubled to N3.6 billion, but reinsurance recoveries reduced net claims by 48 per cent to N2.3 billion. As a result, the average loss ratio improved by 220 basis points to 14.7 per cent, significantly better than the 33.1 per cent industry average.

    It noted that the company’s investment portfolio grew by 14.5 per cent to N10.5 billion at the end of 2024.

    Operating cash flow strengthened significantly in 2024, rising 98.4 per cent to N3.1 billion, supported by higher premium collections and reinsurance recoveries. This covered liabilities for incurred claims 1.5 times, outperforming the industry average. However, liquidity metrics remained broadly stable due to an increase in estimated claims liabilities.

    Improved underwriting performance and favourable portfolio valuations helped drive profit before tax to N2.1 billion, up sharply from N526.7 million in 2023.

    Pre-tax return on assets and equity improved to 11.4 per cent and 17.4 per cent, respectively, although both remained below industry averages.

    Claims payments in early 2025 moderated performance, but expected reinsurance recoveries are projected to support a rebound in profitability for the full year.

    Based on these factors, Agusto & Co. assigned a stable outlook to Universal Insurance Plc’s ratings, reflecting expectations that improved underwriting discipline, successful capital raising and enhanced digital capabilities will support the company’s financial profile over the medium term.

    Commenting, Dr. Jeff Duru, Managing Director/ CEO of Universal Insurance Plc, said “We acknowledge the recent “Bbb-” credit rating assigned to our company. It is indeed a reflection of hard work and the current macroeconomic environment and the ongoing investments we are making to support long-term growth and resilience.

    “We are fully focused on strengthening our balance sheet, improving operating efficiency, and executing initiatives that we believe will enhance the metrics of our credit standing over time. Management remains committed to maintaining transparent communication with our stakeholders and to delivering sustainable value for shareholders including customers and employees.”

  • Ohanaeze chapter backs policy on compulsory Igbo teaching

    Ohanaeze chapter backs policy on compulsory Igbo teaching

    • Group seeks pardon for Nnamdi Kanu

    The Abia State chapter of Ohanaeze Ndigbo Worldwide has endorsed the state government’s decision to make the teaching and learning of the Igbo language compulsory in schools across the state.

    The endorsement was given during an expanded meeting of the state executive council of Ohanaeze Ndigbo with chairmen of the union from the 17 local government areas of Abia State.

    Ohanaeze said the policy aligns with its core objectives, particularly the preservation and promotion of the Igbo language and culture.

    The group also urged parents to complement the government’s efforts by speaking Igbo to their children at home to prevent the language from becoming extinct.

    “As a body committed to promoting the Igbo language, we do not want our language to become extinct. We want our people to understand, speak, and learn Igbo.

    “Our culture is paramount, because people are identified by their culture. Abandoning our culture means abandoning our heritage, and that is not what we want,” the union said.

    The group noted that Governor Alex Otti’s decision to make Igbo language instruction compulsory in nursery and primary schools reflects one of the cardinal visions of Ohanaeze Ndigbo.

    Lamenting what it described as a growing preference among some Igbo parents for their children to speak only English, Ohanaeze urged parents to encourage their children to communicate in their mother tongue.

    “A people without culture risk extinction. We want to promote our culture and be proud of it. These are the ideals Ohanaeze Ndigbo stands for, and these are the paths we want to promote in Abia State,” the union added.

    Abia State President of Ohanaeze Ndigbo, Dr. Chukwuemeka Okwuonu, also appealed to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to exercise his prerogative of mercy by granting a presidential pardon to the detained leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), Nnamdi Kanu.

    He told reporters: “The issue of Nnamdi Kanu is very dear to Ohanaeze. I recall our meeting in Awka during Igbo Day, where the National President clearly stated that the case of Nnamdi Kanu should be resolved through political negotiation. That was before his conviction.

    “Although he has now been convicted, Ohanaeze Ndigbo is still pressing for him to be granted a pardon. As the Abia State chapter, we are appealing to our dear President, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, to graciously grant Nnamdi Kanu a presidential pardon.”

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    He added that Otti had previously visited Kanu at the correctional facility and had assured that efforts were ongoing to explore political and legal options for his release.

    Dr. Okwuonu also expressed concern over the low participation of Igbos, including Abians, in the ongoing Continuous Voter Registration (CVR) exercise being conducted by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

    “Recent statistics show that Igbos, including Abians, are not fully participating in the voter registration exercise. This is a civic responsibility.

    “When we seek anything in Nigeria, there is a process, and voter registration is one of those processes. Unfortunately, the Southeast is not doing well in this regard,” he said.

    The Abia State chapter of Ohanaeze Ndigbo reaffirmed its loyalty and support for the leadership of the National President, Senator Azuka Mbata, and commended Governor Otti for what it described as the “giant strides” recorded by his administration in the last two years.

    According to the union, improvements in infrastructure, security, and governance have made the state increasingly attractive to investors and residents.

    It said: “We can see that the governor is making giant strides. Movement within Umuahia and other parts of the state has become easier due to improved road networks and the conducive environment created by the administration.

    “Ohanaeze wants to state clearly that Abia State is very safe. Any narrative suggesting otherwise should be disregarded. Abians are happy and secure in their state.”

    The group urged Nigerians and investors to consider Abia State as a destination for business and residence, describing it as one of the safest states in the federation.