Author: The Nation

  • Awoniyi in doubt ahead of Eagles World Cup qualifiers

    Awoniyi in doubt ahead of Eagles World Cup qualifiers

    Super Eagles striker Taiwo Awoniyi could miss Nigeria’s 2026 World Cup qualifiers against Lesotho and Zimbabwe later in November because of a niggling injury, Soccernet reports.

    Awoniyi missed the Super Eagles’ last two friendly games because of an injury. He spent three weeks on the sidelines before returning to action last week against Liverpool.

    However, the 26-year-old striker is yet to reach full fitness. Ahead of Nottingham Forest’s games against Aston Villa, Steve Cooper is not confident that Awoniyi will start as the Nigerian’s situation is a ‘complex’ one.

    He is also unsure of the Nigerian’s availability during the international break.

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    “The question of international duty [for Awoniyi] is a conversation for next week,” Cooper said per Nottingham Post.

    “At the moment we are just focusing on what we might be able to get out of him this weekend ([against Aston Villa].”

    With his current situation, it is unlikely that Awoniyi will make the squad. The former Union Berlin man would look to return to full fitness before coach Jose Peseiro releases his squad. Napoli star Victor Osimhen is also a doubt for the game. However, Terem Moffi and Victor Boniface could provide adequate cover.

  • Ekiti to host maiden Triple Slam tournament

    Ekiti to host maiden Triple Slam tournament

    Creativity and ingenuity come to the fore as Ekiti State is set to host the maiden Triple Slam, which is a mix of sports, dance, and music. 

    According to the CEO of Phoenix Athletics Sports Limited, Bayo Olanlege, Triple Slam is expected to recreate a long-existing tradition of mixing sports with entertainment. He said it is also a veritable platform that would engage Ekiti youths who are 18 years and above, gainfully.

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    Powered by the Bet9ja Foundation, Olanlege, the former Ekiti State Football Association, said the tournament will positively change the narratives in the sports and entertainment sectors in the state. He added: “Though Triple Slam is designed as an annual event, the activities involved in preparing for the event by the participating packs will take months. A pack is made up of four boys and four girls, 3v3 basketball team, and a rapper. Therefore, a pack has a mix of 12 boys and girls,” he explained.

  • Doku dazzles as Man City hit Bournemouth for six

    Doku dazzles as Man City hit Bournemouth for six

    Manchester City swept to the top of the Premier League as Jeremy Doku’s dazzling display inspired a 6-1 win against Bournemouth, but the champions’ rout was marred by Erling Haaland’s injury scare.

    Pep Guardiola’s side ripped Bournemouth apart with three goals in seven minutes late in the first half at the Etihad Stadium on Saturday.

    Belgian winger Doku led the way as he scored the treble winners’ opener before setting up Bernardo Silva for the second.

    Manuel Akanji deflected in Doku’s shot for City’s third goal and Phil Foden grabbed the fourth after the interval from another Doku assist.

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    Teed up by Doku yet again, Silva made it five and Nathan Ake completed the demolition job for City.

    However, Guardiola will be sweating on Haaland’s fitness after the Norway striker was forced off at half-time following a first-half knock.

    “Twist in the ankle. We didn’t want to take risks with him because he didn’t feel comfortable,” Guardiola said.

    Haaland’s availability is uncertain for City’s Champions League clash with Young Boys on Tuesday and their Premier League trip to Chelsea next weekend.

    “He’ll be back maybe Tuesday but maybe next Sunday. Hopefully not a big issue,” Guardiola said.

    Saluting Doku, the City boss added: “He’s settled so quickly. It’s not just today, all the games he played have been really good. He is an incredible threat.”

    Tottenham will regain top spot if they beat Chelsea on Monday.

  • Pomp as Mmobuosi unveils 1472 FC in Lagos

    Pomp as Mmobuosi unveils 1472 FC in Lagos

    A new football club, 1472 FC, was officially unveiled to the public in Lagos on Saturday with the owners promising to use it as a platform to further engage youths in football and entertainment.

    The club will be competing in the second tier, Nigeria National League (NNL) which is expected to kick off in November this year.

    At the unveiling, 1472 FC CEO, Dr Segun Sanni, revealed that the club have its base in Surulere but will play its home matches in the NNL at the Mobolaji Johnson Arena, Onikan in Lagos pending the completion of renovation at the Teslim Balogun Stadium in Surulere.

    “We will be playing our home matches at the Onikan Stadium but will return to Teslim Balogun Stadium in Surulere which is our base,” said Sanni.

    On the choice of club name, 1472 FC, Sanni explained that it was coined from the year when Portuguese explorer Rui de Sequeira landed in Lagos and named the area near the city, Lagos or Lago de Curamo, meaning Lake of Curamo.

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    “We’ve named the club so because a Portuguese explorer gave Lagos that name that year and we feel it is fitting to do so,” he said.

    1472 FC have a feeder (youth team) and are working on putting in place a women’s team, according to Sanni. The club have plans to also take off with their academy in January of 2024.

    Influential persons in Surulere like Actor turned Politician and Lagos House of Assembly member, Honourable Desmond Elliott, Honourable Abiodun Orekoya, and Surulere local government chairman, Sulaiman Bamidele Yusuf offered their support for the take-off of 1472 FC.

    Elliot said: “It is a good time to have a football club in 1472 FC in Surulere. From inception, we have been involved with the plan and it is good to see it come to reality. The club will be run professionally from management to players.”

    Orekoya said the vision to set the club up in Surulere is good as the town is “home of football in Nigeria.”

  • 16 teams jostle for Obasa Cup glory

    16 teams jostle for Obasa Cup glory

    The maiden edition of Honourable Mudasiru Obasa’s football competition tagged ‘Obasa Cup’ will kick off on Monday in Agege, Lagos State.

    The event, which was organised by King Sports International in honour of the Lagos State House of Assembly Speaker, Rt. Hon. Mudashiru Obasa will hold from November 6 and December 9 in three different centers at Orile-Agege LCDA and Agege Local Government in Lagos.

    The Chairman Organizing Committee, Abdulganiyu Obasa said the event was organised to give talented youth players in Agege the opportunity to showcase their talents and a career pathway for them to a bigger team in Nigeria and Europe.

    Also, the organisers announced the sum of one million naira cash reward for first, second, and third team winners; N500, 000, N300, 000, and N200, 000 respectively.

    Read Also: Karim Adeyemi: Why I’m Supporting Nigerian Youths

    The competition is expected to feature 16 grassroots teams that are registered under the Agege and Ikeja Football Association in the U21 category.

    Similarly, 28 matches would be played through the group stages, quarter-finals, semi-finals, and final that would be played at the Anwar-Ul Islam Model College Agege, Lagos.

    “This is a maiden edition of the tournament and we have put a lot of plan in place to ensure that we have a successful outing. Obasa is not only the speaker for Agege people but for all Lagosians. But being the maiden edition of the competition, we are starting from Agege. And from the next edition, all Lagos states would be captured. This is just the beginning, the next edition will be bigger,” Obasa said.

  • Guinea’s former leader Camara recaptured hours after jailbreak

    Guinea’s former leader Camara recaptured hours after jailbreak

    Guinea’s ex-dictator Moussa Dadis Camara was recaptured and returned to prison on Saturday, hours after an apparent jailbreak led by a heavily armed commando, the army and his lawyer said.

    At least two other former officials on trial alongside Camara over a 2009 massacre during his presidency were taken in the earlier operation that sparked heavy gunfire in the capital Conakry, a minister and lawyers said.

    “Captain Moussa Dadis Camara has been found safe and sound and taken back to prison,” an army spokesperson told AFP, without specifying the circumstances of the capture.

    One of Camara’s lawyers, Jocamey Haba, told AFP his client was back behind bars.

    Justice Minister Alphonse Charles Wright said earlier that at around 0500 GMT “heavily armed men” burst into the prison and “managed to leave with four (prisoners)… notably Captain Moussa Dadis Camara”.

    He said the borders had been closed.

    It was unclear whether Camara had escaped of his own free will.

    The army described the operation as an attempt to “sabotage” government reforms and swore its “unwavering commitment” to the current military-led authorities.

    A judicial source, speaking on condition of anonymity, said the masked and heavily armed soldiers who arrived at Conakry’s central prison declared they “had come to free” Camara.

    Inside, the group headed towards his cell, appearing to already know its location, the source said.

    Haba told AFP he believed his client had been “kidnapped” and his life was “in danger”.

    “He has confidence in the justice of his country, which is why he would never try to escape,” he added, referring to the ongoing trial against Camara.

    Wright also said Colonel Moussa Tiegboro Camara — another of the men taken from prison — had since been “recaptured”.

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    Tiegboro Camara’s lawyer said he had escaped from what he described as his “captors”.

    Several Guinean news sites quickly reported that Saturday’s events were not another putsch, but that a heavily armed commando had attacked the central prison.

    The sound of gunfire could be heard before dawn in Kaloum — a central district that houses the presidency, several top government and administrative offices, the military headquarters and the main prison.

    One witness, speaking on condition of anonymity, said there had been gunfire in the central district.

    “The city centre has been sealed since dawn, we can neither enter, nor leave,” a shopkeeper added, also speaking on condition of anonymity.

    “I wanted to go to the port area where I work but was prevented from leaving (Kaloum), where armoured vehicles have been deployed.”

    An airport source said no flights had taken off from Conakry’s international airport on Saturday morning as air traffic staff could not get to the airport from Kaloum, where they often spend the night.

    Guinea, a West African country of about 14 million people, has been led by a junta since Doumbouya stormed the presidential palace with soldiers and overthrew civilian president Alpha Conde in September 2021.

    Dadis Camara has been detained since going on trial in September 2022.

    He and about 10 other former military and government officials are accused over a 2009 massacre carried out by security forces loyal to the then-junta leader.

    The killing of 156 people and the rape of at least 109 women started at a political rally in a Conakry stadium on September 28, 2009 and continued in the days that followed, according to a UN-mandated inquiry.

    Camara — who himself came to power in a coup in December 2008 — and his co-defendants are charged with murder, sexual violence, torture, abduction and kidnapping.

    They face life in prison if convicted.

    The trial is unprecedented in a country ruled for decades by authoritarian regimes, where people had become used to the impunity of the security forces, according to the international commission of inquiry into the massacre.

    It opened in September last year at the urging of Doumbouya, who has promised to rebuild the Guinean state and make justice his “compass”.

    Under international pressure, Doumbouya committed to handing over power to elected civilians within two years from January 2023.

    The Forces Vives de Guinee, a collective of opposition parties and organisations, have since denounced unfulfilled commitments and an authoritarian drift, calling the junta an “emerging dictatorship”.

  • Many contradictions of Israel-Hamas war

    Many contradictions of Israel-Hamas war

    Nearly 30 days after the Palestinian militant group in Gaza, Hamas, attacked Israel and killed 1,400 people and abducted over 200, war has raged between the Jewish state and Hamas. While statistics are not entirely accurate, the death toll has surpassed 10,000. The trigger for the latest war is Hamas’ October 7 incursion into Israel, which analysts have suggested was timed to frustrate the détente with some Arab countries, notably Saudi Arabia. Had the peace deal between the Saudi Arabia and Israel been consummated, it would probably have put the Palestinian issue on the back burner and strengthened the three-year-old Abraham Accords between Israel and Bahrain, United Arab Emirates (UAE), Morocco, and Sudan.

    Despite repeated calls for ceasefire, the war seems fated to continue for a considerable length of time until Israel achieves its stated goal of eliminating Hamas both as a fighting force and a governing group. Whether that aim is achievable or not is hard to determine in the short term. But the war may have raised a number of daunting contradictions that are hard to resolve, contradictions that appear potent enough to complicate and contaminate, if not dangerously calcify, relations in the Middle East. It would appear that Arab countries are dedicated to the victory of Hamas. Nothing could be further from the truth. Indeed, chief among the complications is the uneasy relations between the ambitious empire-building Iran and the rather conservative Saudi Arabia which deplores the growing influence of Iran in the Middle East.

    More than any other Middle Eastern governing elite, Iran’s Ayatollahs succinctly capture the interest and ambition of the ordinary Arab. At the core of that ambition is the elimination of Israel as a nation, the development of (Arab) nuclear bomb, and making the region religiously and ethnically homogenous. To achieve these ambitions, Iran has placed itself in leadership position to cobble together an axis of resistance constituted by Iraqi Shiites, Yemeni Houthis, Lebanese Hezbollah, and Gaza’s Hamas who are, however, Sunni. The Iranians have had a running battle with the Saudis for decades, and have fought proxy wars against them using Yemeni (Shiite) Houthis against the Sunnis. This was one of the reasons the Gulf States joined Saudi Arabia to intervene, albeit unsuccessfully, in Yemen. The Sunni-Shia balance of power in the region had been disrupted by the United States intervention in Iraq after 9/11.

    The Iran-led ‘axis of resistance’ may serve the broader Arab interest of restoring the Palestinian issue to the front burner, but at bottom, most other Arab states in the region view the rising profile of Iran with suspicion and fear. They may consent to Hamas tactics against Israel on the surface, but they are in a quandary whether to connive at the militant group waging a successful war that will indirectly strengthen the hands of the Ayatollahs. Egypt, with its economy on tenterhooks, is extremely reluctant to be drawn in into the conflict in any way. It has little or no interest in Gaza, and does not wish to champion the Palestinian cause beyond rhetoric and hosting some refugee camps. Even the Palestinian authority in the West Bank led by Mahmoud Abbas has paid lip service to the cause of Hamas, having been violently upstaged in Gaza by the latter in 2007. Mr Abbas has publicly demonstrated support for Hamas, but the militants’ success may make his administration less relevant or even legitimate.

    Read Also: Kogi, Bayelsa, Imo polls: Parties, candidates sign peace accord Wednesday

    In the end, Iran is probably the only country in the region that demonstrates unalloyed support for Hamas. The Hamas and Palestinian objectives may cohere, but those objectives are complicated, if not attenuated, by their supranational support casts. There is hardly any Arab country, including Turkiye, which does not advocate the Palestinian cause, but with Iran poised for regional dominance and on the verge of becoming a nuclear force, the Hamas struggle is seen a little differently from the more desirable and uncomplicated Palestinian cause. Both Iran and Hezbollah have been deterred by the belligerent US presence in the region from opening a second front in the Israel-Hamas war. Despite threatening brimstone against Israel, both countries will be less eager to open another front. They fear being met with unequivocal countermeasures from the US. A US response could once again decimate Hezbollah and worsen Iran’s economic crisis already depleted and weakened by sanctions. Iran is unlikely to fire directly at Israel; it will rely on proxies, particularly Yemeni Houthis. A massive strike by the US, if not in concert with Israel, could devastate Iran’s nuclear facilities and retard progress in that domain. It could also complicate its economic crisis and open the prospect for regime change.

    Egypt has watched the crisis from a distance, Jordan has kept up its fierce rhetoric and may do little else, and Syria has become hors de combat – all three regionally powerful countries which had in time past led the fight against Israel. Iran may prove smart at calibrating its responses better than others had done decades ago. But the contradictions militating against the success of Hamas may doom the militants’ efforts, despite fighting a fairly advantageous urban war. However, even if it wins the war as expected, Israel may thereafter also confront its own contradictions of war and peace.

  • Justice Dattijo’s bitter exit

    Justice Dattijo’s bitter exit

    For connoisseurs of anti-establishment politics, Justice Musa Dattijo Muhammad’s valedictory speech seemed to have been delivered with the force and cadence of liberation theology. The speech resonated well at two levels. One, the eminent justice sounded a clarion call for reform of the justice system. He speaks about the need for transparency in the financial management of the judiciary, with special emphasis on the Supreme Court. He denounced what he observed as the dictatorial tendencies of the Chief Justice of Nigeria in general, and perhaps with the current CJN in mind, struck at creeping nepotism in the appointment of judicial officers, and without any hint of irony, lampooned what he concluded was sectionalism in the court. He drew attention to so many other issues, but did it vituperatively and shockingly without the customary temperateness many associate with jurists. For instance, when he railed against creeping sectionalism, could he by any stretch of the imagination not be promoting federal character in the dispensation of justice?

    Read Also: Kogi, Bayelsa, Imo polls: Parties, candidates sign peace accord Wednesday

    Two, by coming out forcefully and so unsparingly against his former colleagues and the entire Supreme Court that had ennobled him for years, Justice Dattijo did not seem to mind the small talk everywhere regarding his predilection for political partisanship, nor worry about the innuendoes that he scorned the composition of the panel that presided over the PDP/LP/APM presidential election petitions. The problem, in short, is not that he observed certain deficiencies in the administration of justice in Nigeria, but that he chose to ventilate those observations in a language and style that were distinctively and juridically unflattering. Indeed, by choosing to burn the barn to smoke out a rat, the eminent jurist makes the world wonder what manner of judges are appointed into the top court, why they seem shorn of the temper and philosophy many analysts thought they were capable of manifesting effortlessly. There was anger in Justice Dattijo’s admittedly sensible complaints; but there was no nobility.   

  • Decision day looms in Kogi, Imo, Bayelsa

    Decision day looms in Kogi, Imo, Bayelsa

    In less than one week on November 11, 2023, voters in three states – Kogi, Imo and Bayelsa – would be casting ballots to pick their new governors. It’s been a long time since one day was so crowded with off-cycle polling.

    The stakes are particularly high given that some parties are still in the throes of the fallout from the February/March 2023 general elections. Added to this is the fact that, historically, these three states are noted for very tight electoral contests where the margin of victory or defeat is especially close.

    Kogi, for instance, presents a very interesting scenario where the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) faces a very strong challenge from a Social Democratic Party (SDP) candidate who was once in its fold. It traditional rival – the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) – is doing everything in its power to exit the opposition wilderness, including forging a last-minute alliance with the Labour Party (LP). Whether this would be enough to get it over the line, remains to the seen.

    In Imo State, Governor Hope Uzodimma, is face a battle on two political fronts, compounded by controversies arising from the Nigerian Labour Congress’ (NLC) attempt to carry out industrial action so close to the polls. The row that trailed the assault on the union’s president Joe Ajaero has been all the talk in the last few days. It goes without saying that going into the polls, the atmosphere is charged.

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    Lastly, the election is Bayelsa is also proving to be a no-holds-barred affair. Former Minister of State for Petroleum and one-time governor of the state, Timipre Sylva, is giving the incumbent PDP’s Douye Diri a run for his money.

    This past week there have been accusations and counter accusations of violence. The state in the past was noted for its hot electoral contests. Observers would be hoping that after the fierce rhetoric, actual voting would turn out to be a relatively peaceful affair.

    In this INSIGHT report, our team of reporters set the state for what promises to be an enthralling day when ordinary voters get to call the shots for a change.

  • Kogi: Who succeeds Bello?

    Kogi: Who succeeds Bello?

    Residents of Kogi State, in the North Central, would go to polls next Saturday to decide who succeeds Governor Yahaya Bello, whose tenure would be ending early next year. According to the list published by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), 18 candidates are in the race. Deputy Political Editor RAYMOND MORDI examines the chances of the major contenders.

    Next Saturday’s governorship election in Kogi State is likely to be a close contest among the three leading candidates in the race for several reasons. Going by the list published by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), 18 political parties are fielding candidates for next Saturday’s governorship election in Kogi State. Some of the candidates are Usman Ododo of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC); Senator Dino Melaye of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP); Murtala Ajaka of Social Democratic Party (SDP); Leke Abejide of the African Democratic Congress (ADC); Olayinka Braimoh of the Action Alliance (AA); Kingsley Idoko Ilonah of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA); Dr. Samson Agada Omale of the Young Progressives Party (YPP) and Admiral Usman Jibrin of the Accord (A) party amongst others.

    Observers are of the view that five key issues would shape the contest. They are the power of incumbency, ethnic rivalry, fallouts of political violence witnessed in past elections, defections and anti-parties activities that are spurred by disagreements arising from the primaries of the various parties.

    Power of Incumbency:

    Like elsewhere in the country, the power of incumbency is a crucial factor in this election and the ruling APC is banking seriously on it. The APC also controls the Federal Government with its enormous coercive apparatus and remains the party to beat in the election.

    With federal and state might behind the APC candidate, the opposition will face a herculean task in their bid to win the election. Appointees of Governor Bello from all parts of the state are gearing up to garner winning votes for their party’s candidate.

    Ethnic rivalry:

    Next Saturday’s governorship election promises to be a contest among the three major ethnic nationalities in Kogi State; the Igala, the Ebira and the Okun. Observers believe the decision of the APC to give its ticket to Usman Ododo, who is of Ebira extraction, to succeed his kinsman, Governor Yahaya Bello, has introduced an ethnic dimension to the contest.

    Since the creation of the state in 1991, elections in the North Central state have always been contests between the two major tribes, the Igala and the Ebira, while the third tribe, the Okun and other minority tribes usually play the role of the beautiful bride.

    This time around, the main opposition party, the PDP has opted for a candidate of Okun extraction, Senator Melaye to face the APC’s Ododo in the election. The SDP, which has been a fringe player in past elections, is making waves ahead of this election because it is fielding a candidate of Igala extraction, Murtala Ajaka. The Igalas are the most populous ethnic group in the state and have a considerable influence when it comes to electing the governor of the state.

    Though all the parties are claiming that their candidates deserve the plum job based on capacity or their track records, it is clear from the campaign that ethnicity will be a major factor that will shape the contest.

    Based on voting strengths, none of these three tribes can single-handedly make one of their governors. So, ethnic minorities like the Bassa Nge, the Bassa Kwomu, the Nupe, the Ogori-Magongo and non-indigenes may likely decide who wins the election scheduled to be held on November 11.

    Kogi is made up of many tribes. But, the dominant ones are the Igala in the east, Ebira in the centre, and the Okun in the west. While the Igalas and the Ebiras have presided over the state over the years, the Okuns are yet to get the same opportunity. Senator Melaye now carries the hope of the Yoruba-speaking tribe to occupy the coveted position of Kogi State chief executive.

    The APC’s Usman Ododo and the PDP’s Dino Melaye are considered the frontline contenders in the race. Interestingly, Ododo, a former auditor general of local governments, is from the Ebira tribe, just like the incumbent Governor Bello.

    Senator Smart Adeyemi, who lost the APC ticket to Ododo in the party’s primary claimed during an interview on Channels Television that the APC candidate is a cousin to the governor.

    But, Governor Bello has responded that he has no blood relationship with the APC governorship candidate, contrary to the propaganda by the opposition. He said Ododo emerged based on merit, through a keenly contested, free and fair election.

    He added: “Ododo has endeared himself to the people of Kogi. How can you be the most popular candidate, positioned to win and still instigate violence? Ododo and I may come from the same place but we do not share any blood relationship whatsoever. Do your findings. He is a very compassionate, hardworking and competent fellow and those qualities spoke for him at the primary.”

    Bello justified the choice of a fellow Ebira man to succeed by saying that his administration wanted to do away with ethnic sentiments that had set the state backwards before his emergence. He said: “Ethnic sentiments set Kogi back for 19 years and we must break away from that for competence. My administration has changed the narrative of ethnicity and has been appointing and working with competent people as against choosing people from tribes in the state. We raise people from different backgrounds, irrespective of their senatorial zones,” he added.

    Being the most populous ethnic group in Kogi State, the Igalas in Kogi East Senatorial District have utilized their numbers to dominate the governorship seat in the past. After being in political wilderness for eight years, the Igalas who occupy nine out of the 21 local governments in the state would want to produce Governor Bello’s successor. The Ebiras on the other hand still want to produce the next governor to make up for the years that the Igalas have dominated the governorship seat.

    Similarly, in the spirit of equity and fairness, the Okuns in Kogi West Senatorial District are also clamouring for the governorship seat. The Okun people have not been privileged to produce a democratically-elected governor since the creation of the state in 1991. Being the third largest ethnic group in the state, the Okuns believe they deserve to produce the next governor because other senatorial districts have produced at least one governor.

    Political violence:

    Kogi’s growing notoriety for political violence is another key issue that may shape the November 11 election. Since 2003, incidences of violence have become one of the characteristics of elections in the state. In 2019, the barbaric killing of a woman, Salome Abuh, who was burnt alive in her house shortly after the announcement of the results of that year’s election, portrayed Kogi politics in a bad light.

    Recent developments suggest that 2023 may not be an exception concerning election violence. The signs are ominous and if allowed to fester, it will surely affect the election with the possibility of low turnout of voters. For instance, on Tuesday, the national leadership of the SDP raised an alarm over what it described as cases of violence and insecurity in the state ahead of Saturday’s election. Its National Chairman, Alhaji Shehu Gadam told reporters in Abuja that the SDP is worried over the development.

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    Gadam urged President Bola Tinubu to quickly wade into the matter to restore security in the state. The SDP chieftain said Nigeria should learn lessons from the military coups in some West African countries by working towards inclusivity and securing the country. He said the SDP is worried about the growing insecurity ahead of the election. He said: “We are not leaving anything to chance; we are going to remain focused and we will not be distracted. We are calling on all our members to come out in their numbers and cast their ballots, escort the results from the polling units to collation centres at the wards, local governments and state levels. They should, however, be law-abiding and should not be intimidated.”

    Defections, anti-party activities:

    There has been unprecedented rate of defections from one party to another. For instance, during the February 2023 general elections, ADC claimed two House of Representatives seats in Kogi State. The duo reaped from the overt and covert anti-party activities that took place in their respective constituencies. This was a fallout of the party’s primary. It led many aggrieved politicians to support different candidates.

    A similar scenario is playing out this around. For example, after Dino emerged candidate of PDP at the party’s primary, a horde of politicians left the fold in anger. Similarly, the APC primary that produced Ododo as its flag bearer is still being challenged in the courts. In like manner, the outcome of the NNPP primary has been upturned and Musa Mabarak has been replaced with Hassan Abdullahi. The fallout from these contentious primaries may force aggrieved politicians to engage in anti-party activities ahead of the election.

     The various parties are leaving no stone unturned to ensure that they win the election.

    Ododo (APC):

    The APC is relying on the achievements of Governor Yahaya Bello in the last seven and half years to win the election. Speaking at an event recently, Bello said he has put on the ground a sound development template that would make his successor outperform him. He added that Ododo understands the process and will take Kogi to greater heights if allowed to do so.

    Bello said he would retire to his house after leaving office on January 27, 2024, to be with his children because they have missed him immensely since he became governor. He said Kogi needs someone like Ododo as his successor to sustain his development strides.

    The governor said his achievements in the last seven and half years include the allocation of 30 per cent of the budget to education (which has led to the building of two new state universities) boosting the sector and taking Kogi from 28th position in 2016 when he took over to 14 out of the 36 states of the country.

    Other achievements, the governor said, include making Kogi the best state in the north in terms of amount and salary payment; recruitment of over 1,500 teachers; allocation of 16 per cent of the budget to healthcare leading to improved healthcare delivery and services via the building of a 300-bed reference hospital in Okene with modern equipment, raising the state’s internally generated revenue (IGR) from N250m in 2016 to N1.5bn now, reduction of the state’s debt profile and attraction of $1bn inflows in 2020 among others.

    Melaye (PDP):

    Melaye who secured the PDP ticket during the party’s primary held on Sunday, April 16, 2023, hopes to become the first Okun man to occupy the Lugard House seat of government in Lokoja, the Kogi State capital.

    The 49-year-old politician recognizes the challenges ahead to emerge as the governor of the north-central state in November. Since his emergence, he has been on a fence-mending mission to get his fellow contestants to rally around him for the forthcoming election. He has also visited key PDP leaders in the state, including former governors, Alhaji Ibrahim Idris and Idris Wada. Whether this fence-mending strategy will pay off on the day of the election, remains to be seen.

    Melaye was said to have emerged as the party’s flag bearer with the backing of the former Vice President and the presidential candidate of the PDP in the just concluded general election, Atiku Abubakar.

    However, there are suggestions in some quarters that Melaye would not get the support of the majority Igala tribe. But, his media aide, Sam Noni, disagrees. He said people from the area will queue behind his boss 100 per cent. His words: “The Igalas know that after eight years of an Ebira governor, it is only fair for power to move to Kogi West. Also, they know that if power remains in Kogi Central, where Ahmed Ododo is from, power will take another 16 years to return to Kogi East. To maintain peace and unity in the state, we should adopt power rotation, and this time it is the turn of Kogi West.”

    Theophilus Abu Agada, a PDP chieftain, agrees with Noni that the Igalas would vote for Melaye. He said: “I do not think the PDP committed a political blunder by giving their ticket to Senator Dino Melaye. Senator Melaye competed for the ticket and won squarely through a transparent process, and no aspirant who participated has challenged the outcome.

    “The Okuns are part and parcel of Kogi State and deserve to fly the flag of the PDP. It is interesting to note that they have always supported candidates of Igala extraction in past elections. I do not see any reason why the Igalas would not support them to produce a governor for the first time since the creation of the state. For equity and fairness, the Igalas have done 16 years, and Ebiras have done eight years; it is time for an Okun person also to govern.”

    Ajaka (SDP):

    Murtala Ajaka who is flying the flag of the SDP said he has absolute confidence in INEC to deliver a transparent election. He described himself as the most popular contestant and vowed to liberate the state if elected. He said the people of Kogi State are with him and will vote his party into office.

    Ajaka, who was until recently a staunch member of the APC, indicated recently that some of Governor Bello’s loyalists are secretly behind his aspiration to govern the state. He accused Governor Bello of imposing Ododo as the flag bearer of the APC. As a former deputy publicity secretary and a member of the party’s National Working Committee (NWC), he was actively involved in the campaign for the just concluded 2023 general elections. It was after he was disqualified from participating in the APC governorship primary in April that Ajaka dumped the APC for the SDP. 

    The SDP candidate dismissed allegations that he was running an ‘Igala’ agenda, saying that he was going there for the Kogi people and to run a ‘Kogi agenda.’ His words: “We have absolute confidence in INEC. The rules are very clear, INEC has a guideline and they have always followed their guideline. Whichever way INEC decides to conduct the election, we are ready to follow them. I have absolute confidence in INEC that we are going to have a transparent election in Kogi State and by the grace of God we are going to win.”