The Nation Newspaper

Author: The Nation

  • Fragile councils groaning under lopsided federalism

    Fragile councils groaning under lopsided federalism

    The local government system is at crossroads. Since the restoration of civil rule in 1999, it has been at the centre of acrimony between the federal and state governments. The 1999 Constitution is not clear on its status within the lopsided federal structure. There are 774 councils listed in the constitution. Their functions are critical to the welfare of the local areas. But, many of them are not living up to expectation as vehicles for effective grassroots democracy and development because they are handicapped by certain constraints which have retarded their growth. Is local government a third tier? Apart from the lack of consensus on the status of the local government, there is no unified system. In some states, the elected council enjoys a three year-tenure. In others, chairmen and councillors are elected to serve for two years. In few states, they enjoy a renewable tenure of four year tenure. Today, 17 of 36 states of the federation have refused to conduct council elections. Also, the debate for council autonomy has polarised the polity. The local government is a creation of the state government, but both federal and state governments flex muscles over the power of financial control. Can the local government be repositioned for effective service delivery at the grassroots? Deputy Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU revisits its importance, prospects, constraints and critical areas requiring additional reforms.

    Local government system is in a fix in Nigeria. It is the closest to the grassroots. But, in terms of service delivery, it has not sufficiently lived up to its billings as the beacon of hope for rural dwellers. Although local governments are created for the purpose of easy administration at the grassroots, many of them are always struggling to perform their statutory functions due to financial constraints. 

    As the appendage of the state government, the structure is under-developed. Not only are councils performing below expectation across board, its prospects as an autonomous unit of administration is slim.

    The debate on the fate of the supposedly third tier of government is on the front burner. Discusssions among scholars, elected council functionaries and employees  now focus on the public perception of councils, the role of the legislative arm of local goverment, financial control over councils, duality of control on local government, expectations from local governments, and local government autonomy. 

    There are puzzles: Why is the council underfunded? Why do state governments perceive the local government, not as a tier of government, but more or less an extension of the state ministries and departments at the local level? Why are structures for function performance weak at the council? Why is the impact of the local government not felt?

    In the last 70 years, councils have operated under various nomenclatures as rural governments, urban councils, local authorities, district councils, town councils, local governments, municipal councils or local council development areas. Either under the military regime or civilian dispensation, local governments have always been relegated to the background.

    A political scientist, Boniface Ayodele, described the local government as a victim of the lopsided federal arrangement. He recalled that while councils were grappling with challenges of growth in the First Republic under the regional arrangement, their challenges multiplied under the military rule, despite the reforms introduced by successive administrations. “The constitution has not specified that the council is a third tier, unlike what we have in India and other countries. Here, it appears that they are mere local agencies of the state administration for the purpose of interface with the countryside”, he said.

    Under the military regime, local governments were created by the Federal Government. In 1999, the existing 774 councils were listed in the constitution. Since then, it has been difficult for the state government to create additional councils. When new councils were created by the Lagos State Government through the instrumentality of the House of assembly, they were not listed in the constitution. The Supreme Court did not condemn the process. But, it pointed out that they were incohate.

    Currently, money is allocated to the councils by the Federal Government from the Federation Account. This is irksome to the states, which is vested with the power to create or dissolve the councils under the constitution. Former Deputy Senate President, Ike Ekweremadu, has called for the upgrading of the council into the third tier, based on the clamour for council autonomy by some stakeholders. But, pro-federalism crusaders opposed the suggestion, saying that only two tiers-a central government and states-which are coordinate with the central government as component units, constitute the making of a true federation.

    There was furore over the reduction of the tenure of the elected local government from three to two years by some governors. In some states, governors even indicated that they would appoint supervisors, advisers and other aides for new council chairmen. 

    The channels for disbursing council funds have also become a bone of contention. When money is allocated to the councils, it does not go directly to the councils. It is deposited in the State/Local Government Joint Accounts (JAC). At the JAC Committee meeting, the council is a junior partner. There are allegations by local government workers that governors indulge in diverting council allocation through controversial deductions. The illegal deduction compelled President Goodluck Jonathan to suggest the separation of the State and Local Government Accounts. But, the move was criticised by the governors and their commissioners.

    Ayodele, who teaches at Ekiti State University (EKSU), Ado-Ekiti,  described the modern local government system in Nigeria ss an engendered specie. Unlike the councils of pre-indrpendence and independence eras, local governments have grossly failed to generate employment. “It has not stemmed the rural/ urban migration by youths due to the absence of economic, social and recreational facilities. Also, the council has become an avenue for private accumulation by elected chairmen and councillors,” he said.

    According to the United Nation’s Office of Public Administration, local government is “a political sub-division of a nation or state, which is constituted by law and has substantial control of local affairs, including the powers to impose taxes or to exact labour for prescribed purposes. The governing body of such an entity is elected or otherwise locally selected.” 

    But, renowned political scientist Prof. Godwin Odenigwe, pointed out that this grassroots structure is only meaningful, if councild really become the closest unit to the people in the true sense of the word. He argued that governance at local level means “communities and towns organised to maintain laws and order, provide some limited range of social services and public amenities and encourage the cooperation and participation of the inhabitants in joint endeavours towards the improvement of their living”.

    The “1976 Guidelines for a reform of local government in Nigeria” defined local government as the “government at local level exercised through representative councils established by law to exercise specific powers within defined areas. These powers should give the council substantial control over affairs as well as the staff and institutional and financial powers to initiate and direct the provision of services and to determine and implement projects so as to complement the activities of the state and Federal Government in their areas and to ensure, through devolution of functions to these councils and through active participation of the people that local initiative and response to local needs and conditions are maximised” 

    Justifying the need for a viable local government, the former Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters, the late Major General Sheu Musa Yar’Adua, submitted that “if stability at the national level is to be guaranteed, a firm foundation for a rational government at the local level is imperative. “

    Many analysts have noted that local government can be a solution to the participation crisis. It means an increase in the structures of participation and responsibility. However, this argument may be reduced to the elite’s cravings for more access to power and state resources.

    The foundation of local government system in Nigeria was erected on the colonial policy of indirect rule by the British. Up came the Colonial Native Authorities in rudimentary forms from 1890s to 1930s. To rule the colonised tribes through the existing chiefs and community elders under the emerging system was cost-effective. The approach was very successful in the northern part of the country where subjects deferred to their Emirs and chiefs in an atmosphere of stratification, and class and caste system. In the West, it was partially successful because the rulers’ actions were moderated by age-long checks and balance procedures, which prevented the exercise of absolute power. In the East, it was almost a failure. It was difficult to identify the traditional authorities in the essentially traditional kingless society. Thus, chiefs-in-council was established in the 30s and 40s.

    However, a university don, Prof. Kunle Ajayi, pointed out that the Native Authorities encountered a number of problems. The size of each native authority was small and its closed-door recruitment policy and lean resources made it difficult for them to attract qualified staff. There was no evidence that the Native Authorities, including the Sole Native Authorities, Chief-In Council, Chief-and-Council and Federated Authorities, were democratic in nature. Thus, it was very difficult to evolve a common approach to local government development. Since the colonial masters appointed them, the participation of educated nationalists in those structures was delayed. Also, since they lacked trained staff, specialised functions, especially the provision of water supply and education, became difficult.

    However, between 1950 and 1955, the trend changed. Elected councils emerged in Lagos, Eastern and Western Regions. The East set the pace, followed by the West in 1952, with the promulgation of the Local Government Law, which introduced a tier structure of democratic government in the council composed of 25 per cent of traditional rulers. In those early days, when illiterate traditional rulers and young educated nationalists cohabited as councillors, misunderstanding brewed between the two classes. It was difficult to resolve these tensions. An example was the protracted crisis between the late Chief Bode Thomas, chairman of Oyo Divisional Council, and the Alaafin of Oyo, the late Alhaji Adeniran Adeyemi 1, a councillor  in  council, and the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo and the Akarigbo of Remoland, the late Oba Williams Adedoyin,  who were both councillors in the old Remo Council. 

    Yet, historically, it was the glorious era of council administration. The elected councils were given a measure of autonomy in financial and personnel matters, and general administration. They had a wide range of functions, including primary education, health, police, and judiciary. 

    In the West, council prisons also existed. To enhance performance, they had the power to levy education and general rates. 

    In the North, the traditional rulers held sway for a longer period in the Native Authority, unlike in the South where the participation of educated citizens fostered pupilage in local administration. 

    But in both North and South, corruption was rampant. Modern politicians who served as councillors, including Alhaji Ahmadu Bello, Sardauna of Sokoto, and Alhaji Adegoke Adelabu, were even arraigned before authorities to render accounts as councillors and chairmen of councils.

    Between 1960 and 1975, local government was on the decline in power and responsibility. Attention had shifted to the federal, regional and state governments. In fact, local governments were reserved for failed House of Assembly and Representatives candidates in the sixties.

     In the West, the new Local Government Law of 1960 abolished the council’s power to levy education and general levies. The grants promised by the regional government was not fully paid. Between 1964 and 1974, local councils in the country lost a number of major functions. These include local government police and prisons. In the East, councils lost power of control over primary education. The outbreak of the civil war also affected the operation of the local government system in the East. 

    That was the situation until 1976 reforms which introduced the position of a ceremonial chairman working hollow along with the secretary, who was empowered as the chief executive. However, in 1989, presidential system was introduced at the local government, with the chairman becoming the chief executive presiding over an executive team of appointed supervisors on one hand and a team of electedccouncillors forming the legislative arm. Thus, there were checks and balances. The 2002 reforms undertaken by Obasanjo Administration more or less reinforced the 1976 input.

    However, while it is stipulated in the 1999 Constitution that democratically elected local governments are fully guaranteed, nearly half of the 774 local governments sharing allocations from the federal treasury are administered by caretaker bodies set up by governors. The governors’ second term ambition always shape the council polls as they often make sure that those elected as chairmen and councillors are lackeys who would coordinate their battle for second term at the grassroots.

    A sociologist, Prof. Peter Ekeh, has highlighted many challenges confronting the local government system. The State University of New York, Buffalo, United States lecturer said that they are designed to “serve as receptacles of their allotted share of the largesse from petroleum oil revenues distributed from the Federation Account.”

    He frowned at the shrinkage of official responsibilities and lack of service-delivery culture, unlike the earlier era. Their viability, sustainability and survival are also in doubt. Ekeh observed that most local governments would collapse, if they do not receive regular allocations from the central government. Apart from under-funding, other challenges include identity and role crisis, constitutional crisis, poor administration, lack of economic viability, and inept council bureaucracy. However, none of these challenges invalidate the justification for grassroots government.

    Former Secretary to Lagos State Government Olorunfunmi Basorun,  who had served as councillor in the old Ikorodu Council, described the local government as the den of the deadwood. He lamented that some council engineers are mere technical employees. Those who pose as council accountants are mere bookkeepers. “Officers are ill-trained and there is lack of expertise. The councils are poorly managed, poorly monitored and poorly assessed,” Basorun added. 

    However, he conceded that if they are positioned for effective performance, they can satisfy local yearnings. “The federal and state governments are distant levels of administration, aptly insensitive to local concerns and expectations. It is the council government the people can call their own because it is expected that they should have more access to it. But, today, the functions of the council are hijacked by the federal and state governments in the areas of primary education, refuse disposal and markets,” he stressed.

    Democracy, accountability and responsibility: 

    Local government scholars have evolved three approaches for the study of the local government system.

    The exponents of “Democracy and Accountability School of Local Government” perceive the local government system in its democratic character. To them, procedures in it should be open, transparent, verifiable, result-oriented and accountable. Local government is viewed as a training ground for political leaders. Thus, it is believed that career politicians can use the local government as a lever for acquiring political training and leadership qualities by first contesting as councillors at the local government area. That scope of apprenticeship may have been widened with the introduction of presidential system at the council level. 

    The implication is that councillors who have been exposed to the ‘know how’ of law making at the council level may proceed to the Houses of Assembly, Representatives and Senate. Lord James Bryce, who is a supporter of this school of thought, had this in mind when he remarked that “local government is that school of democracy and the best guarantee for its success is the practice of local self-government.”

    In the same vein, John Stuat Mill declared that local government is one of the free institutions which provide political education, especially the public education of citizens using the instrumentality of the council administration. This political education induces participation in the council affairs by people who are remote from the state and federal governments.

    Related to the democracy school of thought is the “Accountability and Control School of Thought”. When locals file out to cast their votes for the chairmen and councillors, they are participating in council affairs. It is thetefore, incumbent on the local electors to elect men of proven ability, intellect and competence. If they elect the right people, there will be development in the council. If they elect fraudsters, they suffer under-development. How to use the voting right effectively as a weapon of choice, change and rejection of leadership is the sole pre-occupation of this school of thought. It is a free choice with lots of implications for the citizens and the local polity. For example, if corrupt men and women are elected, they will drain the council treasury. Ajayi, who also teaches at EKSU, said: “If inexperienced people are elected, they will hinge their lack of performance on learning on the job. If competent people and men and women of honour and integrity are elected, they will deliver the dividends of democracy to the people”.

    The third is the “Responsibility School of Thought”. As a structure very close to the locality, local councils should serve as essential instrument for the performance of basic services, which could be best administered locally, based on the intimate knowledge of the needs, conditions and peculiarities of the areas concerned. Among these are chieftaincy, marriage, markets, local schools, primary health care and refuse disposal. 

    Owing to lack of expertise, working tools and enormity of the challenge, refuse disposal and construction of markets, have been taken over by some state governments.

    However, Prof. Ekeh attested to other specialised functions of the councils, which account for its peculiarity. These include sanitary inspection, town planning, water supply and market management by Town Councils, and local security, which is now prohibited by the constitution. 

    Before their derailment, old town and city councils performed these functions creditably and with minimum difficulties. “The personnel of such high profile town governments as Lagos Town Council rivaled that of the Central Government in the quality of employees they attracted. Thus, such giants in the history of Nigerian public service as Dr Ladipo Oluwole and Chief Adegbeji Salubi were employees of the Lagos Town Council in the 1930s and 1940s,” he recalled.

    The three schools provide a further linkage of ideas. The people elect, retain and fire councillors and chairmen, thereby giving expressions to the democratic character of the councils. The elected men and women perform clearly stated functions and they should be accountable. This makes them, to earn the respect of the local polity,  which may decide to send them to the state or federal level in furtherance of their services to the people.

    How are operative content be given to these linkages? 

    The democratic foundation of the councils in this dispensation is doubtful. Ayodele pointed out that councils have become working tools in the hands of ambitious political leaders. Since chairmanship and councillorship candidates run on the platforms of competing political parties for elections, there is the tendency to impose them on the councils. Thus, those invariably elected are the candidates of political barons and godfathers, and not essentially the candidates of the people. 

    As bastions of corruption, councils have often disappointed the people by their sheer ineptitude and lack of initiative. Council chairmen are usually overwhelmed by the resources at their disposal, although the funds are not enough, if they are development-conscious. To buttress this, a report by the Jide Jimoh House of Assembly Committee on Local Government Appropriation in Lagos State had harsh words for many council chairmen, who demonstrated lack of competence, to the detriment of the people they were elected to serve.

    Experts who have lamented the window-dressing approach to council administration stressed that the love of money, rather than the desire to serve, has been the motivation for jostling for chairmanship and councillorship seats at the councils. The poor quality of budgeting and project implementation by the councils attest to the poor standard of the councils across the country. Many chairmen and councillors lack the training to know these technicalities.

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    While on tour of the Lagos councils, following his assumption of office in 2007, Lagos State Governor Babatunde Fashola (SAN), was confronted by the rot in many council areas. Frowning at the ineptitude, he suggested some targets, which he said the chairmen should aspire to meet so that they could deliver dividends of democracy to the people.

    Many have argued that the internalisation of service-delivery orientation could prepare council operators for higher tasks at state and federal levels. This is why local government is viewed as a training ground for political leaders. A career politician is expected to use the lowest tier, or the third tier, as a lever for acquiring political training and leadership qualities by first contesting as councillors.

    In this regard, Lagos councils have served as training grounds for future leaders at regional, state and federal levels. They include Chief Rotimi Williams, former Attorney-General and Minister of Justice in the defunct Western Region, Prince Tajudeen Olusi, former Federal lawmaker,, the late Chief Mumuni Adio Badmus, former Lagos State Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs, Chief Ganiyu Dawodu, Chief Enoch Ajiboso, Chief Lanre Rasaq, Dr Tola Kasali, Hon. Toyin Hamzat, Hon. Sesan Olanrewaju, Senator Adekunle Muse, Jide Jimoh, Senator Yemi Adaramodu, Senator Muniru Muse, and Senator Ganiyu Solomon. 

    In the earlier dispensation, the late Awolowo, Ahmadu Bello, AdekunlexAjasin, Chief Bode Thomas, Mazi Nbonu Ojike, Alhaji Adegoke Adelabu, and Alhaji Shetima Ali Mongonu began their elective political careers as councillors. That was the bright side of the earlier councils.

    Ayodele believes that as  elected agencies of the people, councils must be accountable to the people, who must continue to wield control over their functionaries. If corrupt men and women are not elected as chairmen and councillors, many corrupt politicians would be prevented from climbing the hierarchy of government at state and federal levels.

    Constitutional functions:

    However, the hands of the state governors have been heavy on the councils.

    The governors always postpone local government elections. Since the law says there should be elected councils, it is illegal to postpone it or refuse to hold it on time. Also, since it is the governor that will constitute the local government electoral commission, council elections are held in an atmosphere of minimal electoral reforms, making the opposition parties to be edged out of the local electoral process.

    The first step in decentralisation of power, for the pupose of reaching out to the rural areas and connecting the countryside with the state and federal government, is through the local government system.

    Since the localities differ across the diverse country, the peculiarities come to the fore through the sheer performance of those critical local functions dictated by local interest.

    In this regard, five important factors cannot be compromised.

    First, for local government to bring itself nearer to the people, the people must have input into the policy formulation and decision – making process at all times, either directly or through their representatives in the local legislature.

    Second, local government reflects the character of self-government when indigenes and residents participate directly its administration, composition of functionaries, and general staffing.

    Third, wider participation of the people in the affairs of the council should foster a sense of belonging.

    Fourth, local government should encourage initiatives and development of leadership potentials from the grassroots. To that extent, it can become a training ground for future state and national leaders.

    Fifth, local government can serve as a link or channel of communication between local communities and central authorities.

    The functions of local governments are not statutorily delegated by either the state or federal governments. However, there are instances where states and federal governments can collabotarate with councils in solving some probles facing some communities.

    The functions of local government as spelt out in Section 7(5) of the constitution is as follows:

    • Consideration and making of recommendations to the state commission on economic planning or any similar body on economic development of the state, particularly sin so far as the area of authority of the council and of the state are affected;

    • Collection of rates, radio and television licenses;

    • Establishment and maintenance of cemeteries, burial grounds and homes for the destitudes;

    • Licensing of bicycles, trucks (other than mechanically propelled trucks), canoes, wheel barrows and carts;

    • Establishment, maintenance and regulation of markets, motor parks and public conveniences;

    • Construction and maintenance of roads, streets, drains, and public highways, parks, open spaces, or such public facilities as may be prescribed from time to time by the House of Assembly of a state;

    • Naming of roads and streets and numbering of houses;

    • Provision and maintenance of public conveniences and refuse disposal;

    • Registration of births, deaths and marriages;

    • Assessment of privately-owned houses or tenements for the purpose of levying such rates as may be prescribed by the House of Assembly of a state, and

    • Control and regulation of out-door advertising and hoarding, movement and keeping of pets of all dispensations, shops and kiosks, restaurants and other places for sale of food to the public and laundries.

    In addition, local governments are also expected to work hand in hand on the provision and maintenance of primary education, development of agriculture and natural resources and provision and maintenance of health services.

    Instead of performing these functions, many local government chairmen nowadays neglect them and engage in dubious empowerment programmes to cover up their non-performance of these constitutional roles.

    Federal-state-council conflicts:

    Questions have however, been raised about the economic viability of the councils. This is debatable. Some local governments in the urban centres have capacity to generate substantial internally generated revenue that can assist them in the discharge of their developmental functions. In the same vein, there are councils in remotest parts of the country with little or nothing to fall back to, except the federal allocation.

    Nigeria is a federal state. According to Prof. K. C. Wheare, federalism connotes “the method of dividing powers so that “general” and “regional” governments are each, within a sphere, co-ordinate and independent”. This universally accepted proposition presupposes that, in federalism, only two centres of authority; the central and state governments, are recognised. Therefore, labeling the council as another tier of government is contentious. 

    However, it must be assumed that the abuse of the powers of control over the councils by the state and federal government compelled the agitation for an increased autonomy for councils.

    Crisis between state and local governments permeate the inter-governmental relationship. Across the federation, between 2007 and now council chairmen and governors have been at loggerheads over illegal deduction of council funds by the states, with governors threatening to sack chairmen who raised serious objection. For example, former Ekiti Central local government chairman, Hon. Taye Fasubaa, cried out that he was being victimised for objecting to the diversion of council funds and illegal deductions by the governor. In 2012, when President Jonathan suggested that the Joint State/Council Account (JAC) should be abrogated and local governments should receive its allocations directly from the federal purse without recourse to the governors, the suggestion did not go down well with the governors.

    In recent times, chairmen whose name had appeared in the black book of the governors forfeited their offices through the dissolution of the councils, in active connivance with the Houses of Assembly.

    In Ibarapa local government, former Governor Rashidi Ladoja delayed the swearing-in of the Alliance for Democracy (AD) council chairman, who defeated the candidate of his party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), at the poll. In fact, in some states in the Southeast, Southsouth, Southwest, and Northcentral, governors have resisted attempts to hold council elections, to the consternation of anxious aspirants.

    Local governments are also oppressed by the Federal Government. This suppression preceded the current democratic dispensation. In consonance with its centrist approach, the Abacha Administration dazed the country when it appointed a minister of local government.

    The 1999 Constitution, which is the legacy of Abdulsalami Administration, also created friction between the federal and state governments over the control of the local governments. The Federal Government insisted that states lacked the power to create more councils, claiming that all the councils have already been listed in the constitution. Former Katsina State Governor Umaru Yar’Adua, who later became President of Nigeria, had to retrace his steps by cancelling the newly created councils in the state, out of fear that the Federal Government would move against his government. 

    Actually, the power to create councils in Section 8(3) is vested in the House of Assembly. But Section 8(6) gives the power to ratify the creation and list newly created councils to the National Assembly. Many are clamouring for the review of the constitution to clear this area of friction.

    In Lagos State, Tinubu Administration created additional 37 local councils. Despite the fact that they were created by legitimate state authorities, the Federal Government disagreed. The allocations due to the pre-existing 20 local governments were seized by the Obasanjo Administration. Also, the Senate refused to list the new councils in the constitution, despite the referendum that gave nod to their creation.

    In fact, in a memo to the late President Umaru Yar’Adua, who had earlier directed that the withheld allocations should be released, the Federal Ministry of Justice advised him to terminate the newly created councils, saying that they were undermining the judiciary and challenging the authority of the Federal Government. 

    Irked by the incessant harassment, House of Representatives member, James Faleke, former chairman of one of the councils not listed; Ojodu Local Council Development Area (LCDA); said: “The victimisation of Lagos councils by the Federal Government undermines the right of Lagosians to development.”

    Crisis of control:

    The distant Federal Government has been battling the states for political and financial control of the councils. The former Federal Attorney-General, Mallam Abubakar Malami, once fired a ‘query’ to Oyo State Governor Seyi Makinde, asking him to explain why disciplinary action should not be taken again his government for the dissolution of ‘elected’ councils.

    The Attorney-General of the Federation alluded to a subsisting judgment by the Supreme Court that governors lack the constitutional power to dissolve elected councils.

    The states are resisting the Federal Government’s move to curtail their power of control over councils, saying that the ‘Central’ Government is over-stepping its bounds.

    To state authorities, local governments are extension of states created for the ease of administration at the grassroots. It is an understatement. The power for the creation of councils is vested in the House of Assembly, which is expected to pass a bill to law in that regard. The power is being curtailed now because of the refusal of the National Assembly to amend the constitution to permit the listing of newly created councils.

    Armed with the constitution, Oyo State Attorney-General  Prof. Oyelowo Oyewo fired back at the minister. In his response to the curious query, he explained that “it is the Law of the State Government that is to ensure the existence of the system of democraticaly elected Local Government by providing for the establishment, structure, composition, finance and functions of such  councils, and not a Federal Law or Act.”

    The professor said it is not clear under what Act of the National Assembly the Minister of Justice was acting in writing his memo.

    Oyewo alluded to the principle of federalism. He said the 1999 Constitution has established a federal system of government whereby the state government is not under the command of the Federal Governmeny; neither is the country in the military era when the Federal Military Government could give a binding order to the state government by mere proclamation and at will

    Battle for autonomy:

    In many states, the fledgling councils, motivated by pro-autonomy crusaders, are at loggerheads with governors. Local government personnel, led by the National Union of Local Government Employees, (NULGE) and Association of Local Government Chairmen (ALGON), also want councils to lean on the power-loaded Federal Government for imaginary liberation from perceived oppression by state governments. Local government employees are agitating for council autonomy, or freedom, as if the state is a replica of the colonial master.

    To NULGE and ALGON, there is justification for the quest for financial autonomy. 

    In the past, local councils were entitled to 10 percent of state’s internally generated revenue. Also, Basorun recalled that “under the Jakande administration in Lagos State, local governments executed some local projects which were statutory funded by the state government.”

    But what is in vogue now is the diversion of council funds by state governments across states. According to the Bureau of Statistics and Office of Accountant of the Federation, N15.5 million was transferred to states on behalf of 774 councils between 2007 and 2019. But, NULGE alleged that the bulk of the allocations were diverted in the last 12 years with impunity. The Joint Accounts Allocation Committee created by Section 162 (6,7and 8) of the 1999 Constitution, is usually mismanaged. 

    Few months ago, Ijebu East Council Chairman, Wale Adedayo, cried out that the diversion of allocation to his council by Ogun State government has rendered it into an ineffective unit of administration. Promptly, he was isolated and impeached by his councillors. Also, Omotunde Fajuyi, former chairman of Ado local government in Ekiti State alleged that the highest allocation sent to her council was N5.5 million monthly, despite signing for N100 million. 

    Lending credence to this, former President Muhammadu Buhari had decried the emasculation of the local council. He said:”If the monies from the Federal Government to state governments is N100 million,  N50 million will be sent to the council chairman with a letter that he will sign that he received N100 million. 

    Irked by that corrupt tendency, the Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit (NFIU) issued a warning to the governors to desist. But, the Nigerian Governors’s Forum (NGF), then led by former Zamfara State Governor Abdulaziz Yari, kicked, saying that NFIU had stepped beyond its boundary and flouted the “federal” constitution of 1999. 

    To Ayodele, “the military had used council creation to play politics through its lopsided distribution across regions, with financial implications.” He said since money comes from the centre, states with larger number of councils are in advantageous positions to benefit more. 

    The political scientist said the battle for council autonomy cannot be easily won, adding that states, and not local governments, are federating units or component units of the federation. “If you remove the local governments from the states, what remains? The states are no more. The local government cannot be a federating unit.”

    He also distinguished between political control of the councils by states and semblance of financial control by the Federal Government. Ayodele clarified that the theoretical financial control wielded by the Federal Government is limited to fund provision or occasional withholding of allocation, which is largely unpopular, whereas the state can exercise political control of creating councils and power of discipline over erring council chairmen through the House of Assembly. 

    Reiterating that council autonomy is absolutely impossible within the current framework of the Nigerian constitution, he said:” Local government system is constitutionally provided for,  but it negates the spirit of true federalism as local govt cannot be a federating unit in the kind of federation we operate. Local government is first and foremost part of a constituting region,  or state.”

    He added: “On funding: local government is also statutorily provided for in the constitution. But it’s autonomy has been eroded by the state government. Can it be right for the state government to erode the financial autonomy?  The Nigerian constitution is very confusing as to the financial autonomy of the local government. On the sentimental question of whether it is right or wrong, the answer may may be yes and no.”

    Towards effective service delivery:

    How have the existing councils fared nationwide? Have they justified the people’s confidence? In Lagos, the House of Assembly members were still inundated with complaints during the town hall meetings that many chairmen showcased cosmetic achievements.

    One of the bane of the councils is the bloated bureaucracy. Many experts think that the councils should trim down so that the money spent on maintaining gigantic structures could be deployed to capital expenditure. For example, it has been pointed out that the ‘council cabinet’ is too large and burdensome. Council chairmen maintain extensive political structures. They appoint too numerous supervisory councillors, special advisers, special assistants and personal assistants like the president and governors, making the recurrent expenditure to soar. This is at the expense of capital expenditure. 

    There is also the need for reforms in other areas of council administration, particularly in making sure that the trio of chairman, council manager and treasurer are closely monitored to prevent outright embezzlement and misappropriation of funds. 

    To improve efficient service delivery, stakeholders have offered some suggestions. 

    Basorun suggested that local governments should localise administration by implementing a formula for conducting need analysis through the involvement of Community Development Associations/ Committees.

    Chairmen and council should hold Town Hall meetings regularly to collate input into the local policy formulation and implementation. 

    Procedure for public accountability should be created and strengthened in the local government. 

    House of Representatives member Ademorin Kuye,  a former Somolu Council Chairman, said the House of Assembly should closely monitor the financial activities of the councils to reduce corruption. Also, there is need to maintain small political bureaucracy to avoid an upsurge in recurrent expenditure. 

    The Ministry of Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs should evolve mechanism for proper monitoring and evaluation of council developmental projects.

    Basorun said leadership recruitment at the council level should be looked into. He supported the idea that retired men and women of integrity should serve as part-time councillors and supervisors, instead of young men who are in a hurry to make money. 

    Some experts have also suggested that the Code of Conduct Bureau should vet the material acquisition of council functionaries, based on their prior financial status as reflected in their asset declaration forms.

    The Community Development Committees (CDCs) have roles to play in council leadership recruitment. They should resist attempts to impose councillorship and chairmanship candidates on their wards,and councils by godfathers and other external forces who are estranged from the aspirations of the particular council. 

    “All these suggestions mean that reform of the local government system is an unfinished business. There is need for more reforms,” Ayodele  said.

  • Prodigalfest

    Prodigalfest

    • Lawmakers’ arguments for insisting on procuring exotic vehicles do not fly

    Like a bull, lawmakers in the National Assembly (NASS) are charging on with procurement of exotic vehicles for themselves amidst stringent dictates of the current state of the Nigerian economy. In the last week, the Senate outed with its own confirmation and spirited defence of the procurement, following after the House of Representatives that had earlier mounted a similar defence against public criticisms. But the red chamber, just like the green chamber did, plied arguments that betrayed crass insensitivity to the prevailing mood of the nation.

    The Senate justified procurement of 2023 model Toyota Landcruiser Sports Utility Vehicles at a reported cost of N160million apiece for 107 senators, with Senate President Godswill Akpabio and Deputy Senate President Barau Jibrin treated to upper-the-ladder bulletproof vehicles. Senate Committee on Services Chairman Sunday Karimi told journalists in Abuja that criticisms of the deal were uncalled for, and proffered three major planks of defence that we interrogate following. 

    Senator Karimi said lawmakers needed the vehicles for their operations and they were doing nothing different from what obtained in other arms and tiers of government. He dared critics to beam their searchlight on ministers and members of state assemblies, saying: “Somebody that is a minister has more than three Landcruisers, Prado and other vehicles and you are not asking them questions. Why us? The issue of buying vehicles for National Assembly members… You know, it is a reccurring issue. It occurs every assembly, it will always come up.” He further argued that even state legislators enjoy such perk: “If you go to state houses of assembly today, check out most of them. Before they are even inaugurated, the governor would have bought vehicles for them – even local government chairmen. I drive the vehicle my local government chairman uses. So, why the National Assembly?” Note: the House of Representatives earlier plied a similar line of argument through its spokesman, Akin Rotimi.

    But argument by comparison fails the test of logic when you consider role differences between the government arms, and the scale of expenditure involved. The NASS has 469 members comprising 109 members in the Senate and 360 in the House of Representatives, all of whom are being provided with mint vehicles.

    As for ministers, the volume of procurement isn’t faintly comparable. And there is the factor of ministers being executives required by routine job description to go on the road, whereas the lawmakers’ primary duty locations are the legislative chambers, while oversight functions and constituency outreaches are occasional functions. The need for lawmakers to put vehicles on the road is not as compelling as for ministers. Besides, ministers do not work on the field in groups, unlike lawmakers who go on oversight duties in groups and could well use pool buses.

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    But all these do not justify vehicle procurement binge, even by the Executive arm. We have argued before that the present cramps in the economy are such that have foisted hardships on majority of Nigerians, mandating belt-tightening sacrifices. Leadership is best shown by example, and wherever public expenditure is not guided by economic hardships currently faced by most Nigerians – whether it be in the Executive arm or wherever else – it is offensive to public sensibility and unbecoming of expectations from leadership.

    Besides, the NASS has the constitutional power of budget appropriation that can be wielded in curtailing perceived wastefulness in all the arms of government. It is for this same reason the argument insinuating witch-hunt of NASS members at every assembly session is invalid, because there is far more tenuous ground for procurement by this 10th assembly than any assembly before it, given the dire straits of the economy presently. We are here talking of peer review. It is because the NASS itself sees nothing wrong in this insensitive procurements that it is not able to check others with similar appetite.

    Neither can the comparison with sub-nationals hold. It simply isn’t time for vanity match!

    Another plank of the defence by the Senate spokesman is that the leaderships of the two NASS chambers decided to buy high-end (foreign-built) luxury cars for lawmakers because they want vehicles that will not only be able to endure Nigerian roads, but also easily maintainable in the next four years. “These vehicles that you see… Go to Nigerian roads today. If I go home once to my senatorial district, I come back spending a lot on my vehicles because our roads are bad.” According to him, the Senate settled for Toyota Landcruiser against a domestic brand after comparative analysis of costs, technical issues and durability on Nigeria roads. “We want something that we can maintain for another four years. It is not the decisions of the senators alone, we did an analysis before arriving at Landcruiser,” he said.

    To this, one would say it should be a huge shame to NASS that its budget appropriations and oversight on budget implementation over the years have only produced such state of infrastructure as was described. It is more shameful that the response the institution thought fitting is to starve the Nigerian economy of needed lifeline, were the vehicles being procured to be from Nigerian producers. Domestic automobile producers have openly remonstrated the loss in the lawmakers not keeping the funds laid out on the massive procurement within the Nigerian economy when they could have done so – even if sacrificially – and thereby strengthen local capacity, boost employment opportunities and save foreign exchange, among other gains. NASS members apparently were mindful of their own convenience rather than potential overall benefits for Nigeria’s economy. We could ask, for instance, what the lawmakers envision for the domestic automobile industry if most Nigerians simply opt for foreign brands as they could afford because of the roads; or conversely, the fate of citizens that NASS members represent but who cannot escape from the poor state of infrastructure into the bubble of foreign-built mint SUVs.

    One more plank of the defence is the product cost. Senator Karimi said NASS had an outstanding liability of more than N16billion dating back from past assemblies and, for that reason, the supplier couldn’t but build margins beyond the prevailing market rate into the cost of the vehicles. He told journalists: “You know, I am the chairman of service committee. When I came into the Senate, when they gave me their liability, they have a liability of over N16billion that is made up of different things, including vehicles for 7th assembly, 8th and 9th assemblies. If you are a businessman and you supply vehicles for somebody in 2014 or 2015 or so, and up till now they are owing you… I am not trying to defend anybody. If you see them selling… If a Landcruiser in the market, let’s say it is A cost, you don’t expect somebody that will supply it to supply it at the price they are selling it in the market. It has to leave a margin and in the civil service, for supply they allow for 25 percent margin, plus that and VAT, and I think that VAT is 7.5 (percent). Out of that 25 percent margin, they will still remove five percent tax.” He explained that delay in payment warrants building in the margin, saying: “You are telling someone to supply and you may even not end up making payment for three years, and you want him to supply at the price they are selling in the market? It is not possible.”

    A question to ask the lawmakers is whether they would be keen to make the procurement respectively from their personal purses if they were not being funded from the national purse. Sages have argued that the true test of the value of a thing is whether you would care to procure at personal cost rather than be gifted.

     Part of the reason for zero sum political culture in our clime are the perks appropriated in public office, but which may not be accessible in private life. But ethical decency dictates that people should not preen themselves from the common purse with what they would not even hazard from their private purse. And it is instructive that despite partisan differences of NASS members, there is solid unanimity on benefitting from the proposed procurement.

    The Legislature, of course, is an independent arm of government that can’t be dictated to by the Executive branch. But if lawmakers insist on carrying through with this giddy binge, it wouldn’t be out of place for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to work at moral dissuasion through political party channels.

     It is high time this insensitivity was stopped from above. The feeling that it would forever continue like this is definitely misplaced. Public officials should not push Nigerians to the wall through their insatiable appetite for exotic vanities with negative consequences for the economy, and especially at a time that ordinary Nigerians are being asked to make sacrifices for the country.

  • Taking the drug war to the grassroots

    Taking the drug war to the grassroots

    • By Adekunbi Lawal

    Sir: A few weeks ago, when it was in the news that the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) graduated a new set of narcotics agents from training and another 2500 cadets due to pass out in a month’s time, the significance of that development was not immediately clear to Nigerians.

    Not until last week, when the chairman and chief executive officer of the agency, Brig Gen Mohamed Buba Marwa (retd), unveiled the plan to deploy anti-narcotic agents to the 774 local government areas of the country.

    This is good news for the citizens of this country. We all can attest to the extraordinary performance of the agency in the past 33 months as it worked to curb the menace of illicit drug use and trafficking in our society.

    The performance of NDLEA since Marwa took over its helm has been superlative, a fact no right-minded citizen would oppose.

    The number of arrests made weekly and the quantity of seizures recorded so far, not to mention the number of convictions in court, has shown Nigerians the severity of the illicit drug problem in the country.

    By the same token, the NDLEA performance has restored the confidence of Nigerians in its capability to rid our country of this menace.

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    While we can say with all sense of modesty that the country is in safe hands with Marwa and his NDLEA operatives, we shouldn’t overlook that some conditions must be met if the agency were to achieve its long-term objectives of making our society safe.

    For instance, until October 17, the NDLEA workforce was about 9400, whereas the country’s population was over 200 million. We don’t have to stretch our imaginations to know that although the agency is working very hard, it lacks the numerical strength for effective policing against illicit drug trafficking.

    That is why its latest recruitment of 5000 officers is a positive development. One can safely assume that the efficiency of NDLEA will increase once its workforce is beefed up with these new personnel.

    Hearing Marwa confirm that NDLEA will post anti-narcotic agents in the 774 local government areas in 2024 is heart-warming. For Nigerians who are happy at the resurgence of the agency, this latest confirmation from Marwa reinforces the belief that the agency’s present rich vein of form is not a flash in the pan but a carefully planned reform that is sustainable well into the future and to the benefit of Nigerians.

    •Adekunbi Lawal,

    Jabi, Abuja

  • Reviving the nation’s ailing economy

    Reviving the nation’s ailing economy

    • By Oladele Oladipupo

    Sir: Our nation is currently grappling with a high cost of living, double-digit inflation, removal of fuel subsidy, and the devaluation of our currency, all of which have had a negative impact on every sector of the economy.

    A few weeks ago, I asked myself a crucial question: Why are we in this precarious situation? To be candid, both our leaders and the citizens are to blame for this mess. Many of us do not take government policies seriously, especially those concerning the economy. Until we see Nigeria’s economy as our own, nothing will work.

    Recently, it was reported in one of the national dailies that some security officials assigned to guard our pipelines were the same ones who colluded with hoodlums to steal our crude oil. What a pity? This shows that some of us lack patriotism, commitment, honesty, and dedication. One thing we must realize is that if we are serious about reviving our economy, then every one of us must be ready to make sacrifices.

    Why is our economy in a comatose state? To answer this question, let’s take a trip down memory lane. Between 1950 and 1963, the country was divided into four regions: the Western Region, the Mid-Western Region (carved out from the old Western Region), the Eastern Region, and the Northern Region. Each region was governed by a premier elected by the electorate. All regions developed at their own pace, fostering healthy competition. During that period, agriculture was the backbone of our economy. There were groundnut pyramids in the Northern Region and mountains of cocoa beans in the Southwest Region waiting to be exported to Europe. However, in 1958, crude oil was discovered at Oloibiri in Bayelsa State. The federal government’s attention shifted from agriculture to crude oil. As a result, agriculture was relegated to the background, marking the beginning of our crisis. This shift led to the importation of foodstuffs and other essentials, which subsequently depleted our foreign reserves.

    Another significant challenge is the government’s failure to diversify the economy. For over five decades, the country operated as a mono-economy, neglecting the economic potential in agriculture, mining, and tourism.

    Another major factor impeding our economic growth is the issue of erratic power supply. Over the years, we have been grappling with electricity problems, with no solution in sight. In South Africa, for instance, the country generates 60,000 megawatts of electricity, while Nigeria is still struggling to produce 5,000 megawatts. The federal government should declare a state of emergency in the energy sector. Lastly, insecurity is another challenge. In places where there is no security, businesses cannot thrive. Most investors are reluctant to put their resources or invest in an environment that is not conducive for business. The three tiers of government are doing their best, and we need to cooperate with them.

    Read Also: Fed Govt set to convert over one million vehicles to CNG by 2027

    To revive our ailing economy, here are my recommendations for the federal government:

    The government should establish a committee of economic experts (a think-tank) to develop a robust economic blueprint for the nation, ensure that all our refineries are made to function properly, initiate policies that will encourage local production of goods and services and strengthen the anti-graft agencies to enable them to discharge their duties effectively.

    It should also provide regular power supply. It is advisable to explore alternative sources of energy such as solar, geothermal, and wind.

    The security agencies need to be strengthened to enable them to perform their functions effectively.

    It should develop and implement policies that will promote Nigeria’s non-oil exports, create an enabling environment for businesses to thrive, thus diversifying the economy by exploring economic potential in the agriculture, mining, and tourism sectors.

    State governments should be encouraged to embrace mechanized farming.

    We must all work together to ensure our economy bounces back. Each of us has a role to play in this regard by contributing through regular payment of taxes and levies.

    •Oladele Oladipupo

    oladeleoladipupo@gmail.com

  • Succour at last for Ogun’s flood-ravaged Isheri community?

    Succour at last for Ogun’s flood-ravaged Isheri community?

    • By Elijah Udofia

    Sir: These are certainly not the best of times for residents of Isheri and its environs in Ifo Local Government Area of Ogun State – no thanks to the perennial flooding they usually experience during rainy seasons.

    Just like the previous years, the unwanted visitor came calling again this year bringing along with it what the Afro Beat legend, Fela Anikulapo Kuti, called “sorrow, tears and blood”.

    A drive on the long bridge of Lagos-Ibadan Expressway in the Isheri axis of Ogun State, one could see the once beautiful landscape turned into river of waters and the destruction that accompanied it. The flood not only submerged shops, residential building, but also industrial buildings.

    To the residents of the community, who are said to be of middle and high income earners, this year’s flooding is the worst as it destroyed properties worth millions of naira and painfully too, led to lose of precious life.

    They lamented that the recent release of water from the Oyan Dam is the main cause of the flooding and this has done unimaginable havoc not only to their properties, but their livelihoods.

    The implication is that the residents of the areas have fled their homes while business, schools and religious centres have all shut down in the affected communities.

    As things are now, there is an urgent humanitarian crisis occasioned by the flood as those sacked by the flood are hanging around with family members and friends, while those who have no place to go are accommodated by religious bodies in their various camps.

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    It is on record and as supported by the residents, that government officials, both from the state and national levels in the past, hardly visited the area whenever flood occurred and when they do, only give the victims promises which are never fulfilled.

    However, this year’s seems to be different. It is heart-warming to see that shortly after the flood disaster and the threatening humanitarian crisis, the governor of Ogun State, Dapo Abiodun, the Ministers of State for the Environment, Isiaq Salako and his Water Resources and Sanitation counterpart, Prof. Joseph Tsev, visited the affected areas and agreed that something urgent needed to be done.

    While Salako stressed the need for a comprehensive study of the area to find a lasting solution, he also believed that by expanding the drainages and lifting the roads, it would help in tackling the problem. Prof Utsev on his part, want residents of Isheri and other flood prone areas in the country to know that the federal government is not unmindful of their plight as it has set up a committee that is working extensively on flood challenges across the country.

    For Governor Abiodun whose portion of territory continue to experience flooding year in year out, the presence of the federal government through the two ministers, was an indication that solution has finally come to Isheri community. He was however quick to warn that drastic action has to be taken to confront the challenge of flooding in the area once and for all.

    Taking a cursory look at the area, no one will be left in doubt that haphazard erection of structures even on water plain contributed to the disaster that has become a yearly occurrence in the community. One is happy that the governor was emphatic when he put the residents on notice that some or all of those structures obstructing free flow of water have to give way if they want permanent solution to the perennial flooding.

    From the discussions Governor Abiodun had with the residents and community leaders coupled with the fact that the federal government, this time around, has shown greater interest in seeing to the end of the menace, one can say with certainty that succour has finally come to Isheri and its environs.

    •Elijah Udofia,

    Laderin, Abeokuta, Ogun State

  • Where are they?

    Sadly, two abducted high-profile professors of medicine were in the news last week when the President of the Nigerian Medical Association (NMA), Dr Uche Rowland Ojinmah, lamented that the country’s medical professionals were endangered.  At an event on October 24, during the association’s 2023 Physicians Week in Umuahia, Abia State, Ojinmah, perhaps hyperbolically, observed: “The menace of the kidnapping of doctors, dentists, and their relatives has become a daily event to the point of desensitisation.”

    He highlighted two disturbing cases, saying, “Let me also remind the government of Cross River State that we are still awaiting the return of Prof. Ekanem Philip-Ephraim. To the Abia State government, we are still waiting for information on the whereabouts of Prof. U.U. Iweha. We will not stop asking. Kidnapping and insecurity, I must tell you, are now major causes of medical brain drain, and we call for action, not rhetoric”.

    It’s been more than a year since Prof. Iweha, a professor of Surgery, was abducted. He was the provost of College of Medicine, Amachara, Gregory University, Abia State, before his abduction on June 5, 2022. He had served as the chief medical director (CMD) of Abia State University Teaching Hospital (ABSUTH), Aba, and CMD Abia State Specialist Hospital, Amachara.

    According to his son, Chukwudi, he had rushed back home from church on the day, to prepare for an event where he was scheduled to represent the Chancellor of Gregory University, Prof. Gregory Ibe. The kidnappers were waiting for him at the gate of his house in Umuajameze Umuopara, Umuahia South Local Government Area (LGA) of Abia State.

    He said the kidnappers initially demanded a ransom, which the kidnappee’s family paid. They were then told that they would find him at the Army checkpoint at Isiala Ngwa by the express road.  They went to the place, but he wasn’t there. The kidnappers stopped picking up their calls.

    “As a family, we cannot discern the motive behind this evil act or even point an accusing finger at anybody,” he was reported saying, in June, on the first anniversary of his father’s abduction. He criticised the police investigation of the incident, and appealed to the Abia State governor, Alex Otti, and the lawmakers representing his community at the state and federal levels to help “bring this matter to a positive conclusion.”

    “We are still looking for our father,” he stated, adding, “We appeal to the media to create further awareness of our painful and traumatising situation, with the hope that anyone with information will come forward, and it will lead to the rescue or release of our father.”

    Women of the Umuopara clan had dramatically staged two demonstrations in August 2022, demanding government intervention and effective action from the security agencies. Also, the Abia State chapter of the NMA went on strike for three days in June 2022 to force the government to take action on the abduction issue.

    Nothing has changed. Prof. Iweha’s whereabouts are unknown. Who kidnapped him? Is he dead or alive? These questions demand answers.

    It’s been more than three months since Prof. Ekanem Philip-Ephraim was kidnapped “at about 9:00 pm” on July 13, 2023. The incident happened “around Mountain of Fire and Miracles Ministries Church, off Atimbo in Calabar Municipality LGA.” A report said “four robust individuals arrived at the professor’s facility in a Toyota vehicle pretending to be patients and then whisked her away.” A professor of Neurology, she was a consultant at the University of Calabar Teaching Hospital (UCTH), Cross River State, before her abduction.

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    The NMA, Cross River State chapter, in a statement in August, lamented that after “28 days in captivity and 21 days when we last heard from her, the situation has remained unchanged,” despite “the withdrawal of services and continuous peaceful protest.”  The group noted that within the past five years, 14 doctors had been kidnapped in the state, adding, “we cannot continue to save lives while ours and that of other law-abiding citizens is under constant threat by armed bandits and kidnappers.”

    Nothing has changed in this case too. Prof. Philip-Ephraim’s whereabouts are unknown. Who kidnapped her? Is she dead or alive? These questions also demand answers.

    It is disturbing that the NMA president numbered “kidnapping and insecurity” among “major causes of medical brain drain.” The country’s medical sector-related human capital flight, which has escalated alarmingly, was formerly mainly blamed on bad governance and  poor working conditions.

    Indeed, the exit figures concerning healthcare professionals in the country are troubling. More than 9,000 medical doctors were reported to have left the country to work in the UK, Canada and America, from 2016 to 2018. Also, more than 700 medical doctors trained in Nigeria were said to have relocated to the UK from December 2021 to May 2022, a period of six months. The number of Nigeria-trained nurses registered in the UK was said to have grown from 2,790 in March 2017 to 7,256 in March 2022.  Notably, Ojinmah said at an event last October: “Nigeria-trained doctors are leaving in droves for Saudi Arabia, Oman, Kuwait, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. No official figures yet, but it can’t be less than 2,000 as of today.”

     The country’s doctor-patient ratio is dangerously low, and is nowhere near the World Health Organisation’s (WHO) standard doctor-patient ratio of one doctor per 600 people. With only about four doctors available per 10,000 people in Nigeria, it is unsurprising that there are issues regarding availability of, and access to quality primary healthcare services in the country. There is no doubt that the problem is compounded by the flight of healthcare professionals.

    The unresolved abductions of the two professors of medicine further underline the scale of insecurity in the country. It is sad that they were kidnapped, and their whereabouts are unknown. This is a familiar picture in the context of the country’s security crisis. That is fearful. 

    There are several other unresolved kidnap cases across the country. When such cases are unsolved, it adds fuel to the fire. The evil agents of insecurity should not be allowed to thrive. The authorities should urgently deal with the monster.  

  • Toxic vibes in schools

    Toxic vibes in schools

    There is a toxicity in Nigeria’s educational ecosystem that indexes a deeper malaise needing to be unraveled and remedied. This toxicity has resulted in avoidable deaths – not just among learners but also teachers. Consider some of the latest cases:

    Some two weeks ago, a teacher in Delta State was reportedly attacked by a parent, leading to his untimely death. Until the incident, Sunday Ufua was a Physics teacher at Alihame Mixed Secondary School in Agbor, Ika South council area, where the parent allegedly assaulted him for having disciplined his son over reported bad behaviour. Parading the parent, Nnajiofor Nweke, late last week in Asaba, the police in Delta alleged that he flogged Ufua to death in an incident that took place on 18th October. “The suspect went to the school premises aggressively in search of one of the school teachers over punishment meted to his son at the school (and)… on sighting the said teacher, picked a cane in the school and started flogging him during which another teacher, one Ufua Sunday, while trying to mediate and stop him slumped and was rushed to hospital where he was confirmed dead by the doctor,” Delta police command spokesman, Bright Edafe, said at the suspect parade.

    Nweke denied that Ufua died from direct assault by him. He told journalists that he had gone to the school where he enrolled his children to protest the flogging of his 12-year-old son in Junior Secondary School (JSS) 2, and he had left before he got reports that a teacher slumped. He acknowledged, though, that he assayed flogging another teacher with a cane that was lying by on a table, but “one of the teachers advised that l should wait for the principal to report the matter to him. At that time, it was getting to the time for my business, so l left. Later, my daughter called and said the teacher that used to look after them had slumped and l rushed back.”

    Before the suspect parade, Delta State Governor Sheriff Oborevwori  described events leading to Ufua’s death as condemnable and avoidable, saying the state government frowned “seriously on parents going to bully teachers for genuinely meting out disciplinary measures against students for bad behaviour such as is alleged in the extant case.” He tasked the state police command to thoroughly investigate the incident and bring culprits to book, adding: “As a state, we will never tolerate actions like this in our schools.”

    About the same time as the Delta incident, a JSS 3 pupil in Kaduna State was treated to corporal punishment by school helmsmen that resulted in his death. Marwanu Nuhu-Sambo was allegedly flogged on 20th October by the school principal, vice-principal and some prefects of Al-Azhar Academy, a private secondary school in Zaria, until he gave up the ghost. He was reportedly disciplined for absenting himself from school. The police in Kaduna confirmed arrest of the principal and vice-principal, with more arrests on the way; while the school board shuttered the academy following the incident.

    Marwanu’s relations said the lad had stopped going to school upon being asked to repeat his class after failing the promotional exam. “He was taken back to the school by one of his uncles and handed over to the school principal, who vowed to punish him for absconding. It was after the uncle left that teachers engaged the late Marwanu in serious beating, to the extent that they broke his tooth and later killed him,” a sister to the boy was reported saying. She further alleged that the boy’s body was abandoned near the school toilet till closing hours, when the school management rushed him to a nearby hospital only to be told he had died. Another relation said the beating indeed started soon as Marwanu was handed to the principal, who staged relay flogging of the lad with the vice-principal. The boy was thereafter taken to the assembly ground where he was further flogged in the presence of other students. “He was again taken to the principal’s office and flogged again, upon which he attempted to runaway but was prevented from doing so by the school prefects,” the relation said, adding: “He was beaten to the extent that he lost some of his teeth, and then went into a coma and subsequently lost his life.”

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    Confirming the arrest of the principal and vice-principal, the police in Kaduna indicated that investigations showed Marwanu was subjected to merciless beating involving more than 100 strokes of the cane. Police command spokesman, Mansir Hassan, said: “At the assembly, the principal ordered that Marwanu be given 105 strokes of the cane. Thereafter, they took him to the office, removed his clothes and trousers and continued beating him with sticks on the head and back and his body. The principal later handed him over to the school prefects who continued beating him with sticks until one of his teeth fell off. It was at that point that the deceased went into coma.” The police spokesman added: “But instead of rushing him to hospital, the prefects brought him out and dumped his body in the school premises near the male toilets until closing time. Cries from other students in the school who watched in trepidation reportedly attracted other teachers, who rushed to the scene where they found that the boy had given up the ghost.”

    The school board, in a statement, denounced the incident, saying the punishment served on Marwanu was not part of the school’s policy, and that the officers who imposed “the irresponsible punishment did so without consultation.” It stated that the affected officers had been suspended from the school forthwith and handed over to the police for investigation and further action, adding: “Finally, the school is closed for academic activities till further notice.”

    And in Ebonyi State, a school principal and a teacher were gruesomely murdered by hoodlums at Nkaleke, Ebonyi council area. It was reported that the suspected assassins arrived at Nkaleke Echara Community Secondary School, Ojiegbe, on 13th October in a tricycle and shot dead the principal, Simon Ominyi, and a teacher, Moses Nwibo. Insider accounts said the hoodlums pretended as if they were on a genuine mission and inquired about the principal’s office from someone, who led them some distance  away and pointed out the office. But shortly after, they began shooting sporadically. “Immediately the assassins found their way into the principal’s office, they ordered the man and his guests to lie down and Mr. Ominyi, sensing danger, complied without hesitation. But in spite of the principal’s plea and non-resistance to their order, they still shot him to death on the spot,” a source was reported saying. After pumping bullets into the 50-year-old principal, the hoodlums also cut down the school teacher. The incident created tension in the area, making students and teachers to flee the school and residents the adjoining community.

    The police in Ebonyi confirmed the incident, saying investigation had begun to track down the killers. Meanwhile, organised labour protested the killings. “It is very bad for a sane man or woman to kill a teacher, who only works with chalk and pen. We condemn the act. The cane we are using is just to correct the schoolchildren,” state chairman of the Nigeria Union of Teachers, Francis Okorie, said. His counterpart for Trade Union Congress, Chidi Igboji, said it was a “shameful act” to kill teachers.

    The vibes of bestial violence in schools are displacing the culture of decency that ideally should characterise that ecosystem. There is a vicious mode taking over component groups – teachers, students, parents and other outsiders having a beef with system insiders. Even school owners are not exempt, going by the fate of five-year-old Hanifa Abubakar who was kidnapped and murdered in January 2022 by Abdulmalik Tanko, proprietor of the school where she was enrolled for early childhood education. And we now know that students are potential lynch mobs. Final year Civil Engineering student at Obafemi Awolowo University, Okoli Ahinze, was beaten to death by a student mob last April for allegedly stealing a phone.

    It isn’t that there are ready answers here as to possible underlying reasons for this horrible trend. But there are sufficient indications of pent-up frustration within the school ecosystem finding expression in bursts of aggression. Is it the prevailing state of the socio-economy de-egging the heads, or is it the general curricula losing depth in inculcating civility? Sociologists and educationists should help to interrogate.

    •Please join me on kayodeidowu.blogspot.be for conversation

  • A cattle market and quit order abuse

    A cattle market and quit order abuse

    One was taken aback reading the screaming headline; “Northern group withdraws quit notice issued to Igbos”, which got copious space in the media last week.  Since the initial quit notice passed seemingly unnoticed, its withdrawal obviously raised curiosity as to what led to the order in the first instance.

    What could have given rise to such a sweeping order on a major ethnic group in the country? Was there any skirmish within the polity that could warrant such or is it one of those instances when events in other parts of the world would be vented on the local population?  How come such event of seemingly national weight escaped public notice?

    With this curiosity, I made quick to read through the text of the story. But to one’s utter consternation, there was no event of any serious national attention to warrant the order. There were neither ethnic clashes nor the usual combustible rhetoric that could pitch any ethnic group against the other. Neither was there any altercation between the Igbo ethnic group and the northerners.  Nothing of such!

    It was just all about a rag-tag northern group that goes by the name, Northern Consensus Movement, NCM, arrogating to itself the powers to expel an ethnic group from the north under very inexplicable and hazy circumstances. The group which is said to be an amalgam of community based socio-cultural and economically-inclined northern organizations was withdrawing a 14-day ultimatum it purportedly issued to the Igbo to quit the north.

    The NCM just took a cue from sundry northern groups in the habit of arrogating to themselves the powers of issuing quit threats to the Igbo at slightest disagreement. But, the issue involved in this instance does not deserve all that noise.

    They had misconstrued an order by the Abia State government converting the Lokpanta Cattle Market in the Umunneochi Local Government Area that has been serially fingered for providing cover for all manner of criminality to a day and non-residential operations. The measures followed credible intelligence that the operation of the market both during the day and at night coupled with the fact that cattle dealers live inside it, provided cover for all manner of criminals to launch attacks on innocent people using that highway.

    For whatever reasons, this measure was twisted as a quit order to cattle dealers who are mostly from the north to leave the state. How that misrepresentation came about can only be explained by the leadership of the NCM. The state government was compelled by the twisting of the directive to issue a statement explaining that no such quit order was given. It followed it up with a meeting with the leadership of the NCM.

    The statement issued by the NCM withdrawing its purported quit order to the Igbo was the outcome of their meeting with Governor Alex Otti. Both the withdrawal order and disclosures by the NCM leadership after the meeting showed clearly the mischief in twisting an unambiguous directive.

    The group’s president, Awwal Aliyu while announcing the withdrawal of the quit notice, had said they realized there was no tribal sentiment attached to the state government’s decision. According to him, Otti meant well and is interested in the safety and security of traders in the market contrary to the allegation that he had asked northerners resident in the state to leave.

    This speaks volumes. And if one may ask, at what point did the issue of quit notice arise in the course of the decision by the Abia State government to restrict the market to operate during the day and on a non-residential basis?  How an innocuous policy measure to safeguard lives and property lent itself to ethnic interpretation is at the root of the many challenges stultifying the development of this country.

    Perhaps, only those who misread the state government’s directive can reasonably give a clue as to how the confusion arose. But the body language and position taken by Awwal after their meeting with governor Otti appear to have let the cat out of the bag.

    His disclosure and eulogy for the governor for agreeing to assist vulnerable members of the northern community to rent accommodation outside the market strike at the root of the mix-up.

    The envisaged displacement of those who converted the market to their personal residences is the source of the distortion.  Uncomfortable with the reality of having to seek rented accommodation outside the market, mischief makers went to town and invented a quit order to northerners to sway sentiments of ethnic and parochial hue to their side.

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    To allay the fears of the cattle dealers, Otti went out of his way to promise financial assistance to vulnerable ones to enable them rent accommodation. That gesture must have assuaged the fears of the cattle dealers who had converted the market to their places of residence.

    But the choice of where cattle dealers and sundry herdsmen reside; how they pay for their accommodation are essentially their private concerns. If the government’s gesture is what it takes to get those residing inside the markets out, the end would have justified the means. If that is the prize Abia State will pay to secure that axis of death, sorrow and awe, so be it.

    The state government may not be unmindful of the huge sacrifice in deploying its scarce resources to pay house rent for cattle dealers and herdsmen. But whatever financial inconvenience it suffers to find enduring solutions to the unceasing criminalities along the Lokpanta-Umunneochi-Uturu axis will be a worthwhile sacrifice.

     Before the directive restricting the market to day operations and on non-residential basis, the state government had in conjunction with security agencies embarked in an operation around the market vicinity. Discoveries were quite revealing. A 160-room brothel and shanties suspected to harbour kidnappers and other band of criminals were located and destroyed.

    In the course of the operations, some kidnappers were arrested even as millions of Naira suspected to be ransom from kidnapped victims was recovered. There were clear indications that the area is a hotbed for sundry criminalities.

    The government gave a graphic account of how criminal elements took control of the area raising obstacles along the expressway to seemingly control traffic. But these were decoys for slowing down vehicles deliberately to allow single passage only for informants to alert their collaborators to rob them at some point along that highway.

     It was based on these startling findings, the state government came up with the informed decision which unfortunately was twisted out of context. Good a thing, those who misread the government’s intentions now know better. Their fears of how to secure accommodation outside the market they hitherto saw as their residence has also been allayed by the promise of some form of financial assistance.

    Abia State government has the total endorsement of this writer in the decision to tame the monster of insecurity in that axis, which has over the years defied the authorities for whatever reasons. It is gratifying that since after the raid and destruction of the shanties and brothels, insecurity has reduced in the area. The government should expeditiously implement its twin decisions restricting the market operations to day and on a non-residential basis after allowing time for those residing inside it to find accommodation elsewhere.

    But it remains a huge surprise that contrary to the practice, cattle dealers and all manner of herdsmen were all this while, allowed to convert the market to their residences in that winding highway that serves as border to three states. Little wonder the near state of anarchy that reigns supreme around that area.

     That axis has remained a sore point and national embarrassment with men of the underworld exercising control over its ungoverned territories. Time without number have the ease with which criminal elements operate around the cattle market location led to friction with the host communities routing for its relocation.

    The issue is not about relocation now. The market is being restricted to day operations and non-residential. With these twin measures, the Abia State government in liaison with security agencies and security arm of the cattle dealers union will move to secure the entire market vicinity. There will be no more loitering in the guise of night business around the market. It will be easy to detect those hanging around the market at odd hours to commit heinous crimes. Abia State government is on the right path to untying the puzzle of devious insecurity around that axis. They deserve all the support and encouragement to consign the spate of criminalities for quick monetary gains in that zone to the dust bin of history.

  • Solving the education crisis in Nigeria

    Solving the education crisis in Nigeria

    • By Cristian Munduate

    IIR: There are approximately five million children in Nigeria who are 10 years of age. By this age, these children should be able to read and understand simple text and solve simple math problems. However, fewer than two million Nigerian children can perform these tasks. Only 27 percent of Nigeria’s 7- to 14-year-olds can read, write and count, far below other countries of the same development status. Learning poverty is particularly acute for the poorest children (96 per cent), children living in rural areas (87 per cent) and those living in the Northeast (87 per cent) and the Northwest (88 per cent).

    Foundational skills such as reading and solving basic math problems allow for cognitive development and acquisition of more complex skills. When we fail to provide these skills to children in the first three years of schooling, learning becomes an increasingly frustrating experience. The consequence is high levels of dropout (42 per cent of students drop out between primary 1 and the first year of Junior Secondary School), fuelling the out of school problem.

    So, what is driving high levels of learning loss in Nigeria?

    First is the quality of teachers. There are low levels of teacher competency and pedagogical skills. Fifty per cent of teachers in basic education in Nigeria lack minimum teaching qualifications.

    Second and related to the first, is the limited capacity of teachers to assess students in classrooms using simple diagnostic tools that tell what children know and can do.

    Third, is the inconsistent use of mother tongue in the first three years of schooling, a strategy proven to be highly effective in improving literacy levels globally and locally. But mother tongue is only as effective as the extent to which teachers are trained to teach in it and teaching and learning materials are available in the classroom.

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    Fourth is the low and regressive spending on education in Nigeria. Education allocation was a mere 1.2 per cent of GDP in 2021 which is well below the international benchmark of 4-6 per cent. Education expenditure is consumed by recurrent expenses such as teacher salaries leaving little to invest in improving the quality of education. This results in overcrowded classrooms-teacher student ratios reach 1:124 in the Northeast and a chronic shortage of qualified teachers. For example, an additional 195,000 teachers are needed, nationwide, at the primary level

    The good news is that Nigeria has generated local evidence on what works to improve literacy and numeracy based on global best practices. Structured pedagogy, a model that combines continuous professional development of teachers involving mentoring and coaching, with lesson plans and high-quality teaching and learning materials in local languages, and uses formative assessment, can significantly improve numeracy and literacy levels in local language and English. Through various interventions such as the Reading and Numeracy Activity (RANA) and Kanuri Arithmetic and Reading Initiative (KARI) tested in the Northeast and in the Northwest, in formal schools and in Integrated Qur’anic Schools, these models have consistently improved foundational literacy and numeracy in Grades 1-3.

    Even when children exit grades 1-3 with learning gaps, they can quickly catch up through programs known as Teaching at the Right Level (TaRL). This innovative method groups children in grades 4-6 according to their learning level rather than grade to improve literacy and numeracy levels.

    These models are now active in local government areas in 15 states, but we must do more. To consistently generate the type of human capital needed to power the economy and to build a socially cohesive society, Nigeria needs to scale structured pedagogy to all schools and in all local government areas. This will require more investment in the quality of education and repurposing of existing budget lines on teacher development and teaching and learning materials to what we know works. It also demands regular competency-based assessments at school, state, and national level to track progress and a coming together of the education sector annually to evaluate progress and to course correct.

    Given the scale of the challenge and the urgency to act, we should all partner, with government. It needs coordinated and harmonized action by all partners around a common framework of action. The starting point must be to galvanize the education sector around the common purpose of ending the learning crisis. We can and must do it. We owe it to the 106 million children of school age in Nigeria who have a right to education and to a bright, prosperous life.

    •Munduate is the Representative of UNICEF in Nigeria. Prior to joining the United Nations, she was Minister of Social Welfare in Guatemala

  • Iyaloja monie launch: Fed Govt begins sensitisation in Abuja

    Iyaloja monie launch: Fed Govt begins sensitisation in Abuja

    Ahead of next month’s launch of a scheme to lift 1.5 million Nigerians out of multi-dimensional poverty in one year, the federal government has begun sensitising petty traders, widows, the poor and vulnerable in some rural areas of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).

    Humanitarian and poverty alleviation minister, Betta Edu led the campaign to the Ushafa community in the Bwari Area Council and several other FCT suburbs.

    Christened “The Iyaloja Market Fund”, Phase 1 of the scheme involves the disbursement of a non-interest loan of N50,000 to market traders, selected from 109 markets across every senatorial zone in the country.

    According to a statement by the minister’s special adviser on media and publicity, Rasheed Zubair, the process of sensitization and enrolment is ahead of the flag-off, next month.

    Zubair said the sensitisation follows President Bola Tinubu’s target of reaching no fewer than half the number of poor and vulnerable individuals across the country by October next year, in line with his eight-point agenda which has poverty eradication as a priority.

    He explained that multi-dimensional poverty is to be addressed through different programs targeted at the grassroots.

    The chief driver of the poverty eradication agenda, he added, “is the ministry saddled with the responsibility of renewing the hopes of Nigerians daily in their millions.”

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    Zubair said: “Residents of the Ushafa community in the Bwari Area Council of the FCT, and many other suburbs played host to the Minister Of Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Alleviation, Dr. Betta Edu, as she engaged market women and petty traders ahead of the launch of the IYALOJA MONIE next month.

    “This program has the target of reaching at least 1.5 million Nigerians nationwide.

    “Excitement was palpable in the air as the residents trooped out in their numbers to join Dr. Edu, as she moved from one petty trader’s table to the next.

    “The minister, who left the opulence and glitz of Abuja city centre to reach out to the poor and vulnerable people in Ushafa, was pleased with the opportunity to interact with those whom the interventions are meant for.”

    Zubair quoted Edu as saying “President Tinubu truly means well for the country and had promised to remove Nigerians from multi-dimensional poverty and humanitarian crises. Presently he is matching words with action.”

    He said the minister also used the occasion to deliver a message of the “Renewed Hope Agenda of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu” to the residents on various social intervention programmes of the Tinubu administration, creating avenues for feedback where necessary.

    He added: “Also, at a community engagement attended by the community’s traditional rulers, youths, women, the aged, petty traders, and physically challenged persons, food, and non-food items were distributed to poor and vulnerable households as part of her birthday celebrations.

    “She explained that the food and non-food items presented to them were in tandem with the Renewed Hope Agenda of President Tinubu, which aims to reduce multi-dimensional poverty in Nigeria.

    “The minister also used that medium to monitor the inclusion of older people in the community, who have been captured to be part of the ongoing Conditional Cash Transfer.”

    According to the statement, three residents at the occasion-Mabel Imeh Odiegwu, a tailor, Hassan Yakubu a petty trader, and Esther Isa, also a trader – expressed surprise at the Minister’s presence in their community, saying they had not experienced such before.

    They expressed gratitude to President Tinubu for the renewed attention to the poor and vulnerable in the country, noting that with speedy implementation, a lot was going to change for the better in Nigeria.

    The statement read: “We commend the Minister who spent her birthday with us in our community. We are convinced that truly the Renewed Hope Agenda of Mr. President is real and has touched us.”