Author: The Nation

  • Panic school closures

    Panic school closures

    Responding to the rash (or what grammarians call a deliberate concatenation) of abductions orchestrated to raise Nigeria’s political temperature to boiling point, the federal and some state governments have hastily shut down some of their schools. It was a panic measure evidently ill-conceived. In the estimation of the fidgeting governments, they would rather be safe than sorry. But what happens to uncovered syllabuses? Would students of those schools not be disadvantaged against their counterparts in schools with unbroken calendar? While states shut down fewer schools, the federal government shut down more than three dozen Unity Colleges. The immediate impact of those massive shutdowns was to send the populace reeling, as if the whole country was besieged and helpless.

    But beyond the shutdowns and the hysteria, the governments’ response sent an awkward message of impotence to the rest of the country and the world. At a time when boldness and risk-taking were in great demand, the governments had responded by retreating into their shells. It was a time to think on their feet, reason extraordinarily, quickly restructure their security systems, and make deployments capable of providing rapid response to abductions and attacks even in far-flung places. The question to ask is: should attacks continue instead of considerably abating, would the schools be kept on permanent shutdown? The holiday seasons are upon the country; it is, therefore, unclear whether the shut schools would be opened before the end of the year.

    READ ALSO: Ulerawa: How Oyebanji’s reforms is turning Ekiti public hospitals into centre of hope

    The governments had advanced warnings of school attacks and abductions, for these crimes never stopped in the first instance. There was really no concise and coherent plan to provide deterrence for schools susceptible to attacks. Hopefully, the right lessons have been learnt from the Kebbi and Niger States school attacks, not to say the foiled attack on a school in Kogi State. Instead of retreating endlessly and yielding ground to bandits and terrorists, it may be time to develop a powerful homegrown solution to tackle the crisis. 

  • PDP’s gaffe-prone factional chairman

    PDP’s gaffe-prone factional chairman

    After a faction of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) unanimously affirmed him as national chairman, it took only a few days for Kabiru Turaki to kick-start his career as a gaffe machine of the most exquisite variety. Speaking in Abuja two Tuesdays ago when he led his ‘troops’ to forcibly repossess the party’s national headquarters, and had been tear-gassed in the process together with his ‘brigade commanders’, he shouted himself hoarse in the cause of, as he put it facetiously, democracy. Now, he has again put his foot in his mouth over what he believed was the Federal High Court, Abuja’s predisposition to truncate justice. At the rate he is going, especially given his fecundity, he will likely sustain a weekly production of gaffes until early next year when his faction will conduct their own PDP primaries.

    Former vice president Atiku Abubakar used to be the leading melodramatic politician in the elite category. Now, he clearly cannot hold a candle to Alhaji Turaki, a combative senior lawyer who is neither diplomatic nor conciliatory. How both would have fared had Alhaji Atiku not defected to the fringe African Democratic Congress (ADC) is unclear; but a fierce competition to determine who could run his mouth the wildest would probably have ensued. Well, that’s a moot point now. The former vice president has taken his talent for wild and fanciful summations to the ADC, and Alhaji Turaki has the coast cleared for him to calumniate as much as his lexical resources can carry him.

    On November 18, after inhaling a little teargas during the battle for the party headquarters, his wits addled, Alhaji Turaki cried out to probably the most undemocratic president in United States history to help save or restore Nigerian democracy. He was remorseless: “I want to call on President Trump to come and help save democracy in Nigeria. It is not only genocide against Christians that is happening. He should come and save democracy in Nigeria because democracy is under threat. I am calling on other developed nations to come and save democracy in Nigeria…I have said that we are willing to lay down our lives to protect our office, to protect our democracy and to protect our mandate. Nigerians, you are seeing what is happening. The international community, you are seeing the threat that Nigerian democracy is facing. Come and save us.” He ignored his Freudian slip of confirming Christian genocide in Nigeria and goes on to cry mournfully for help. That help will of course never come. The American president does not just resent democracy, he loathes it, and is fascinated by right-wing, authoritarian and even fascist leaders.

    READ ALSO: Delivering in despair: Why maternal deaths remain high in Cross River

    Alhaji Turaki’s gaffes sound eerily like morbid humour to most Nigerians. But to the PDP leader, it probably sounds like music. Roundly condemned and mocked for calling for help from the US, he nevertheless caused a letter to be written to the Chief Judge of the Federal High Court, Abuja, to complain of juridic bias against his party. According to him, a sinister coincidence pervades the administration of justice in the court, and a conspiracy in assigning PDP suits to generally a trio of judges hell bent on disinheriting the opposition party. Hear him: “My lord, it is of great concern to our Party that it would appear that all matters for the past few years filed in the Federal High Court, Abuja Judicial Division either for or against our Party have always been assigned to the following three Judges only, namely: Hon. Justice James Omotosho; Hon. Justice Peter Odo Lifu; Hon. Justice Abdulmalik. Even though there are other Judges numbering up to nine in the Abuja Judicial Division, who could have taken up any of these matters, as the Abuja Division has 12 Judges. Several of our Party members have recently complained bitterly to the newly elected members of the National Working Committee and the National Executive Committee of the above-mentioned scenario. Indeed, all these three Courts are viewed by party members and indeed the public as ‘courts of particular concern’ with regard to matters pertaining to or affecting the interest of the Peoples Democratic Party…”

    The court will respond to the allegations, but it is not clear whether a copy of that response will be circulated to the media, assuming the PDP does not leak it. But it is interesting that Alhaji Turaki punned the three suspected courts as ‘courts of particular concern’, an indication that the new factional chairman is simply fooling around with activism, perhaps his secret fantasy. It is also significant that while he talked about the coincidence of case assignment, he was less enthusiastic about talking about the jurisprudential exactitude of the suits his party repeatedly lost. For a factional party chairman who was accused of ignoring court judgements and engaging in forum shopping, it is indeed passing strange that he claims to be fighting for democracy and the rule of law, unfazed by his boyish invitation that opens the nation’s doors for disreputable outsiders to meddle in Nigerian affairs. When, sir, is your next gaffe due?

  • Six mourners returning from burial die in Anambra auto crash

    Six mourners returning from burial die in Anambra auto crash

    Six persons, including four women, lost their lives while five others sustained varying degrees of injury in a fatal accident involving two vehicles at Nawfia section of Awka-Onitsha Road in Anambra State.

    The vehicles involved in the accident that occurred on Friday night included a tipper truck and a 608 bus with 32 persons on board.

    One of the passengers in the bus said they were travelling from Ebonyi State to Onitsha after attending a burial organised by the Catholic Women Organisation (CWO).

    He blamed the auto crash on the driver’s recklessness, including dangerous overtaking.

    “The driver had been driving recklessly with several dangerous overtaking probably to make up for lost time. It was this particular overtaking that led to the collision with the tipper,” he lamented.

    State Sector Commander, Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC), Bridget Asekhauno, confirmed the crash.

    She said the deceased had been deposited in the morgue while the injured were receiving treatment at the Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu University Teaching Hospital, Amaku.

    While sympathising with the deceased and praying for quick recovery of the injured, Asekhauno urged motorists to respect traffic laws, avoid aggressive overtaking and to prioritise safety for all road users.

    READ ALSO: Delivering in despair: Why maternal deaths remain high in Cross River

    She said: “The Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC) RS53 Awka responded to a fatal crash on the Awka–Onitsha Road at the Nawfia axis. The incident occurred at approximately 06:20 hours.

    “Two vehicles were involved: a yellow-and-black tipper truck with registration number FGG 21XV and a red 608 bus registration XQ 398 AA)

    “The total number of people involved was 32, comprising nine male adults and 23 female adults.

    “The collision resulted in six fatalities—two male adults and four female adults. Five female adults sustained injuries, and 21 people were rescued unhurt.

    “All victims were taken to Amaku General Hospital, where medical staff confirmed the deaths. The road obstruction was cleared, and normal traffic flow has resumed.

    “This tragic incident is a stark reminder of the devastating consequences of reckless driving.

    “We extend our deepest sympathies to the families of the victims and urge all motorists to respect traffic laws, avoid aggressive overtaking, and prioritise safety for all road users.

    “The FRSC reaffirms its commitment to enforcing traffic laws, educating the public on road safety and providing quick aid to crash victims.”

  • I want to be remembered for fighting sexual harassment – UNICAL VC

    I want to be remembered for fighting sexual harassment – UNICAL VC

    The outgoing Vice-Chancellor of the University of Calabar (UNICAL), Prof. Florence Obi, has said she would want to be remembered for fighting sexual harassment and delayed results.

    Obi made the remark on Friday night at an event in Calabar organised by the university to mark the end of her five-year tenure as the 11th substantive vice-chancellor of the institution.

    It will be recalled that Obi, whose tenure expires today, was appointed vice-chancellor on September 10, 2020 but officially assumed office on December 1, 2020.

    She said her commitment to protecting students, especially the female ones, remained one of her greatest achievements as vice-chancellor.

    She said: “I fought against sexual predators and ensured timely release of students’ results to curb frustration within the institution.”

    While expressing fulfillment at completing her tenure and thanking God for enabling her finish strong after five years in office, she said that she would return to the classroom because teaching remained her passion.

    READ ALSO: Ulerawa: How Oyebanji’s reforms is turning Ekiti public hospitals into centre of hope

    Earlier, she addressed staff and students outside her office during a carnival-like marching out parade in her honour, thanking them for their support throughout her administration.

    She also encouraged them to support her successor to enable him to succeed and take the university to greater heights.

    “This institution has recorded significant growth and I am confident that my successor will advance the progress already made,” she said.

    The News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) reports that under her leadership, the largest solar power plant in Cross River State was built in UNICAL, ensuring stable electricity for the university and its teaching hospital.

    Other achievements include upgrading the Faculty of Education to a college, getting Mass Communication accredited and elevated to a faculty.

    Her administration also constructed new hostels, introduced departmental scholarships, built a fire service station, and completed the Law Faculty complex.

  • Lagos OPC chieftain allegedly killed by colleague over protection of land in Ogun

    Lagos OPC chieftain allegedly killed by colleague over protection of land in Ogun

    A quiet nightfall was shattered by the sound of sporadic gunshots at Showole, a seedy community in Ota, the headquarters of Ado-Odo/Ota Local Government Area, Ogun State penultimate Saturday. By the time the dust raised by the incident settled, a chieftain of Oodua People’s Congress (OPC), Akeem a.k.a. Omo Bello had been killed.

    Witnesses said a battle over the protection rights on some hectares of land triggered a fight between some persons.  One of the two sides contesting ownership allegedly hired Omo Bello, an OPC chieftain in the Agege area of Lagos, to secure the land from being snatched.

    The other party also contracted another OPC commander identified as Ahmed Saka a.k.a. Area to chase away Akeem and his boys from the land. It was during a confrontation between the two OPC camps that an exchange of gunfire occurred, resulting in the alleged killing of Akeem by Area’s group.

    It was alleged that immediately Area stormed the landed property with his boys, they opened fire on Akeem and his men. The bullets however could not penetrate Akeem’s body hence he was hacked to death while his boys fled from the scene.

    A resident, Ayo Gbeleyi, said: “Initially, when Area led his men to the scene of the controversial landed property in Showole, they were met with stiff resistance from Akeem and his boys.

    READ ALSO: Delivering in despair: Why maternal deaths remain high in Cross River

    “Akeem was shot several times but bullets could not penetrate his body, so his assailants attacked him with machetes. He suffered machete cuts on his neck, legs and stomach. He fell in a pool of his blood and died on the spot. 

    “His attackers fled the scene and have since gone into hiding for fear of being arrested.”

    The village, sources said, has since been deserted by the traditional ruler and other community leaders following the brutal killing of the OPC chieftain.

    “The baale (traditional ruler) of the village, Chief Sunday Joseph, and other community leaders have left the community for fear of being caught in reprisals.  The baale relocated to Abeokuta from where he is communicating with residents of the village and indigenes,” said a villager identified simply as Toriola.

    A source who asked not to be named told our correspondent that the late Akeem and his alleged assailant, Area, were both chieftains of OPC in the Agege area of Lagos State before the contract for protection of the property at Showole village set off the deadly confrontation between them.

    “Two factions of one family have been contesting ownership of the hectares of land in Showole village. They have unleashed violence on each other in the last few years, using different land speculators and hoodlums.

    “The latest bloody confrontation was just one of the many attacks that have taken place on the said land in recent times.

    “Akeem a.k.a. Omo Bello and Ahmed Saka a.k.a. Area are both OPC leaders based in Lagos. While Akeem is the Commandant General of OPC in Agege Local Government Area of Lagos State, Area is a chieftain of OPC in Alagbado on the outskirts of Lagos. He is also a member of a transport union. I think they know each other very well before the fatal confrontation.

    “Alhaji Akeem was eating rice with one of his men named Taofik Tablet when Area stormed the scene with his men on no fewer than 20 motorcycles. Taofik fled for his life on sighting the hoodlums. They shot at Akeem, and when they realized that the shots could not kill him, they hacked him to death and ran away.” 

    It was learnt that Area (Saka) has since gone into hiding after police took over the matter.

    Speaking with our correspondent on the telephone, Chief Sunday Joseph described the killing of Akeem as unfortunate. He explained that the remains of the deceased OPC leader would be buried at the completion of autopsy on his body.

    “The killing of Akeem omo Bello, an OPC leader, is unfortunate. It is unfortunate because the mastermind is also an OPC chieftain. The land in question actually belongs to my family and those who are dragging the ownership of the property with us are not members of our family.

    “We have a judgment in our favour from both the Customary Court in Ado-Odo and the Customary Court of Appeal in Abeokuta. Our opponent did not appeal the two judgments at any superior court.

    “A fortnight before the killing of Akeem omo Bello, police operatives from the SWAT Squad in Abeokuta arrested some hoodlums on the land following our petition to the Commissioner of Police in charge of Ogun Command. Those arrested have been arraigned at the Magistrate’s Court, Ifo.

    “Apart from Akeem omo Bello, eight others sustained severe injuries at the scene while the assailants have gone into hiding. The case was handled by the Ibogun Police Division and has since been transferred to the Homicide Section of the State Criminal Investigation Department (SCID) of Ogun Police Command for further investigation.”

    He added: “We are waiting for the autopsy report to come out so that we can bury the remains of Akeem omo Bello in line with the advisory from the OPC leadership. It is sad that the culprit is an OPC man, yet, he led the attack against a fellow OPC man.”

    The spokesperson of Ogun State Police Command, Omolola Odutola, a Superintendent of Police (SP), was contacted but she referred our correspondent to the Divisional Police Officer (DPO) of the Onipanu Division, Mr. Earnest Obideyi, a Chief Superintendent of Police (CSP).

    Contacted, the DPO (Obideyi) said there was no record of the incident at his division.

    “No case of murder was reported at Onipanu Division. The only case reported on that day was that of a corpse some persons from Ibogun village wanted to take to the mortuary at Ifo and they were arrested.

    Meanwhile, sources said some of the boys loyal to Area, who allegedly killed Akeem, have been arrested and are facing prosecution at the Magistrate’s Court, Ota, while Area is still on the run.”

  • VIPs also cry

    VIPs also cry

    President Tinubu’s withdrawal of their police security men does not seem to go down well with them. But will the order stand this time?

    Last Sunday, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu ordered the withdrawal of police officers currently providing security for Very Important Persons (VIPs) in the country, to boost the number of personnel, as well as enable them concentrate on their core police duties.

    The directive was issued at the security meeting the president held with the Chief of Army Staff, Lt General Waidi Shaibu; the Chief of Air Staff, Air Marshal Sunday Kelvin Aneke; the Inspector-General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun; and the Director-General of the Department of State Services (DSS), Tosin Adeola Ajayi, in Abuja.

    Henceforth, VIPs who want police protection will now request well-armed personnel from the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC).

    Before the ink with which the presidential spokesman, Bayo Onanuga, wrote his press release on the matter dried up, reports say some of the affected VIPs had been inundating police headquarters with calls seeking more clarifications over the development and expressing fears, based on the prevailing security situation in the country.

    The major concern of these VIPs is whether the NSCDC has the capacity to protect them, considering their training and requirements. “He (a VIP) told us that it will be like engaging Boys Scouts to protect them as the mobile policemen they normally engage are more agile and battle-ready to confront any situation.”

    Another VIP told Vanguard: “The practice of providing police escorts to high ranking officers and VIP’s has become a major feature of the security landscape in Nigeria, but it must be noted that as the country grapples with growing security concerns, the use of police personnel for VIP protection has raised significant questions about its broader implications on public safety and the overall effectiveness of the police force.”

    This VIP would even seem more considerate, considering the attempt he made to strike a balance between public safety and individual safety. So, rather than the blanket ban or withdrawal that could lead to increase in the prevailing fears of insecurity, he called for rationalisation of the exercise.

     “The justification behind this practice often rests on the high-profile nature of individuals involved, the perceived threat to their safety, and the desire to project power and influence.

    ”While these measures are meant to offer security for influential figures, the broader implication is that they come at a high cost to the public, both in terms of the security resources diverted and the moral perception of a system that favours the few over the many,” he said.

    Fair argument, if you ask me.

    But, we should have expected the big people affected by the directive to react the way some of them did. Nigeria’s big men do not want to lose any privilege. After all, this is not the first time that such order for the withdrawal of policemen serving VIPs would be made. In the last 20 years or so, there has not been an inspector-general of police that did not issue such directive.

    As far back as 2003, the then IGP, Mustafa Adebayo Balogun initiated one of the earliest major attempts to withdraw police orderlies from judicial officers and politicians nationwide, essentially to  prevent abuse of the police officers.

    Ogbonnaya Onovo, who succeeded Balogun, in August 2009 issued a sweeping order mandating all police personnel serving as private orderlies to return to their bases. This directive extended to former heads of state, ministers, legislators, and governors. Onovo gave a seven-day deadline for the order to be complied with. He said he was disturbed by the degradation of police professionalism caused by officers performing menial tasks such as carrying handbags or opening doors for VIPs. As at that time, there were 100,000 such policemen attached to the VIPs.

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    Then Hafiz Ringim, who succeeded Onovo. He reinforced the withdrawal policy by cautioning officers guarding unauthorised individuals to return to their commands or face arrest and prosecution. To underscore his seriousness on the issue, he established a special monitoring unit to ensure adherence to the directive, signalling a more rigorous enforcement approach.

    Then Mohammed Abubakar, Solomon Arase,  Ibrahim Idris, Mohammed Adamu, Usman Alkali Baba, and Kayode Egbetokun, the incumbent Inspector-General of Police who had also repeated the same ritual. That it had to take President Tinubu to personally make the order this time around means that he also appreciated the need for such an order to come from the seat of power.

    The thing is; in all the cases, the big people have always complained and their police security men restored. 

    So, I saw the silence-enough-to-be heard protest coming. I knew that the big men would kick against the presidential order even before the ink used to pen the press release on it dried up. Nigeria’s big men do not want to lose any privilege, no matter how obnoxious. And they have a surfeit of them. Otherwise, how do you explain that in a country of over 220 million citizens being served by about 370,000 policemen, more than a third of the number was allocated to VIPs?

    Are such people fair to Nigerians? Do they have two heads? And are the other Nigerians who had to be deprived so the VIPs could breathe not entitled to police protection? Is it not the same one life that the VIPs have that the ordinary Nigerians too have? 

    Although some would make the point that it is not all about numbers; but numbers also matter. Freeing a whopping 100,000 policemen to complement those on the field should definitely make some impact on the terrible security situation in the country. The United States, for instance, protects its 341 million population with about 750,000-strong law enforcement officers. This is an average of one policeman to about 455 persons.

    Nigeria’s population is about 232.6 million and it is being served by about 270,000 policemen (less the 100,000 others assigned as security to VIPs). This is a ratio of about 1:859 persons. With this, it is clear that Nigeria is disadvantaged and underserved in virtually every policing index unlike the U.S. that has the advantage of technology to leverage in terms of internal security. So, if we are able to free about 100,000 policemen to join the 270,000 that are presently doing strictly policing, the ratio would increase to 1: 600. Other things being equal, this should reflect in effectiveness and efficiency.

    The fact of the matter is that, in Nigeria, virtually everything under the sun is a status symbol. I remember when the global system for mobile (GSM) communication phones came into the country in 2001, you would see some of our big men trying to pause one call for another in the open, to show off the number of telephones they owned, courtesy of GSM. Some of them even engaged personal assistants essentially for the purpose of carrying the phones for them. GSM telephones then were status symbols.

    When we see policemen guiding many of our VIPs, we know it is not only about security; it is also a status symbol. It is something to let the community know that one has arrived, or that levels have changed. That is not all. Many at times, some of these policemen help their new ‘masters’ fight personal battles, that is when they are not turned to errand boys by not only ‘oga at the top’, but ,madam at the bottom,, and the kids as well.

    And they do these errand boy jobs even better and gladly than the professionals because of the extra bucks that such jobs fetch them. Obviously, their miserable take-home pay cannot take them home. 

    For Nigeria, this is not the best of times to over-pamper a select few at the expense of the generality of the people. The country is at war with terrorists and we need all hands on deck to win the war.

    So, am I now saying that some Nigerians do not deserve extra protection even by the very nature of their public assignments? NO! For most rules, there are exceptions. We cannot say, for example, that our judges should be left to their own devices. There are other categories of public officials who require police protection; they should be accorded the privilege. Others may, as the president rightly suggested, look toward the NSCDC for cover.

    But, the government should work out, on a sustainable basis, the number of policemen to recruit annually to reduce the manpower shortage in the force. The then President Olusegun Obasanjo had in 2000 ordered the police force to begin an annual recruitment of some 40,000 men for four years to bridge the gap. I do not know if this was followed throughout his eight years in office, and even subsequently. This cannot be the spirit in a country with serious security situation like ours. The recruitment and training should be regular and sustained until such a time when we know that we already have enough or close to enough.

    The fact is: we have been too lackadaisical about security. That explains why we could have abandoned the police force for so long. Now that we are facing the stark reality of that neglect, the very people who should have done something about the situation are the ones crying for special protection; a thing that had always blinded them to the reality on ground. What I am saying is that our big men, particularly those who are in position to make a difference to our lives should not continue to live in the illusion that all is well when that is far from being correct. When they are given police protection, they cannot understand when the hoi polloi say there is insecurity in the land. I learnt many politicians of northern extraction cannot go to their towns and villages due to insecurity. When they also have a feel of what the ordinary people see and feel daily on insecurity, they would realise the mistake they have made over the decades by leaving the country under-policed. And not only under-policed, but under-paid, poorly kitted, ill-trained, ill-accommodated and ill-motivated. All the ‘ills’ are present in the Nigeria Police Force! We must be prepared to address them if we are to sleep with our two eyes closed.

    It is ungodly and inhuman for a country that is battling terrorism, mass abductions and violent crimes to reserve 100,000 policemen to protect probably less than 250,000 Nigerians while 270,000 others are protecting the majority 230 million. It is absolutely absurd.

    What, in my view, the president can do is try to give a three-month period within which to allow for the training of the NSCDC personnel that would take over VIP protection from the police. Henceforth, VIP protection should be a permanent feature of their training.

    Then the salaries of all the security personnel must be reviewed, as well as their condition of service, to make their job attractive and enhance their performance. 

    This would appear the first time that such directive on police withdrawal from VIPs would be coming from an incumbent president. That being the case, it is expected that there should be a difference in implementation this time around. Normally, when a president speaks, it is like an oracle has spoken and I believe President Tinubu understands this.

    Meanwhile, where is State Police in all of these?

  • NUPRC: Setting the record straight

    NUPRC: Setting the record straight

    By Lawal Itodo

    Who is unaware of the extraordinary, unassailable achievements of the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC) and the superlative performance it has delivered over the past two years alone? We are talking about an unbroken string of signature successes and unrivalled pace-setting milestones that crystallised in 2024 as an absolute blockbuster year for the Commission—soaring revenues, massive production increases, and a ferocious investment drive powered by systematic transparency, aggressive containment of oil theft, and the near-elimination of routine gas flaring.

     Production has climbed from 1.46 million barrels per day in October 2024 to 1.78 million barrels per day in 2025, with the ambitious Project 1 million barrels per day now firmly on track to deliver an additional full million barrels daily above the baseline.

     Unfortunately, rather than celebrating the achievements of the NUPRC, some people who are expected to know better, out of mischief, have chosen to rubbish the body. 

     Truth is sacred, but when a man descends so low as to turn truth on its head, then there is a problem.

    With his training and education, Toyin Akinosho, a geologist by training, who later turned writer and publisher, is expected to know better when it comes to the issue of the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission;  unfortunately, his recent piece has negated that.

     His resolve to distort an article lifted from the website of the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC) so he could pad out and sell copies of his magazine, The African Oil and Gas Report, is a bit worrisome.

    Rather than publishing the fact, out of mischief or otherwise, he ended up publishing a month-old gossip in  Festac News and Community Tabloid.

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     Is he somehow unaware of the explosive rig-count surge from a pathetic eight active rigs in 2021 to thirty-six today—and heading toward seventy, with more than forty already drilling—putting the Commission comfortably on course to hit its fifty-rig target by the end of 2025?

     Does he pretend not to have noticed the revolutionary data and transparency reforms, the upgraded National Data Repository (NDR) now enriched with 11,000 square kilometres of fresh 3D seismic data (part of the monumental 56,000 sq km Awalé Project) plus information from more than 10,000 wells? Or the forthcoming licensing round launching on 1 December 2025, universally praised in advance for being fully digitalised and transparently run? Or the staggering 2024 revenue haul of ₦12.25 trillion—an eye-watering 182% leap over 2023 and a full ₦5 trillion above projection—publicly celebrated by the prestigious Energy Governance Alliance for single-handedly restoring regulatory credibility to Nigeria’s upstream sector?

     Do I really need to jog his memory about the masterstroke regulatory reforms anchored on the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) of 2021—reforms that have delivered crystal-clear fiscal terms, investor-friendly processes, and a suite of gazetted regulations on gas flaring, royalties, and production curtailment that industry stakeholders have openly applauded?

     While people like Toyin Akinosho rush to publish half-baked, poorly researched jobs, the rest of the world has moved on, showering praise on the NUPRC and restoring rock-solid investor confidence through landmark partnerships with TGS-PetroData, multi-client seismic campaigns, a $20 billion field development pipeline, and much more.

     Yes, challenges remain—legacy infrastructural bottlenecks, the enforcement of gas-flaring penalties (₦391 billion collected against a ₦126 billion target), occasional murmurs about data-release timelines—but the Commission is surmounting every single one at speed and repositioning Nigeria as the undisputed data-rich, investment-ready powerhouse not just of Africa’s upstream sector but of the entire global industry. The numbers speak for themselves: deliberate, progressive, and impossible to argue with.

     In 2024 alone, revenue hit ₦12.25 trillion—up 182% from ₦4.34 trillion in 2023 and ₦5 trillion above the projected ₦6.93 trillion. The same year delivered an 84.2% year-on-year growth rate—the highest in three years. Crude output averaged 1.65 million barrels per day and continues climbing, propelled by the Project 1 Million Barrels per Day initiative that is targeting 2.5 million barrels per day by 2027.

  • Fixing security starts with protecting the people who protect us

    Fixing security starts with protecting the people who protect us

    By Bayo Orebiyi

    Nigeria has proven more than once that tough reforms can move forward when leadership is willing to act. The removal of the fuel subsidy and the effort to stabilise the currency were bold steps. They showed that the administration is prepared to confront issues that once seemed impossible to touch. Security now needs the same level of commitment because the country cannot build anything durable while fear continues to spread across rural and urban communities.

    We speak often about insecurity, yet we hesitate to examine the institutions that carry the heavy burden every day. A police officer who reports for duty without protective equipment is already at a disadvantage. A police division that cannot fuel its patrol vehicles or repair them on time is not positioned to win against heavily armed criminals. A criminal ecosystem that can mount attacks in several states while displaying weapons online is operating in a space where the state’s presence is inconsistent.

    In 2022, the Federal Government distributed 10,635 bulletproof vests to the Nigeria Police Force. It was a welcomed step, but it also shows how far behind we are. The police serve more than two hundred million people. A single distribution from three years ago, without visible follow up, leaves many officers exposed. Some still report to work without vests, helmets or proper communication tools. Many buy their own uniforms and boots. Some contribute money for fuel or minor repairs. These costs do not belong on the pockets of the people asked to face danger on our behalf. We cannot expect courage from people who do not feel protected by the system they serve.

    Criminal groups understand this weakness. Some openly broadcast their activities on social media, boasting about the weapons they possess and the hesitation of security agencies to engage them. A state cannot thrive when criminals are more confident than the institutions meant to restrain them. Confidence is a security asset. When criminals hold it, the environment shifts. When the state holds it, stability becomes possible.

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    Nigeria does not lack security agencies. The police, the Civil Defence Corps, the armed forces and several specialised units all exist for a reason. What is missing is a modern, coordinated structure that binds their efforts into a reliable system. Without that structure, every agency improvises, and improvisation cannot defeat organised violence.

    Following the Money

    Two financial areas must come under closer scrutiny if Nigeria intends to take security seriously.

    The first is the system of security votes. Governors and many local government chairmen receive them monthly. At a time like this, Nigerians deserve to know how these funds translate into improved safety. This is not an accusation. It is a call for clarity. If citizens are told how much was spent on equipment, intelligence, community response and emergency operations, trust will rise. Transparency strengthens leadership. It does not weaken it.

    The second is the money that fuels criminal activity. Ransom payments, both private and suspected public, sustain the business of kidnapping. The recent release of abducted worshippers in Eruku in Kwara State raised difficult questions. Dozens of people were held, yet they returned without a single arrest or confrontation. Nigerians noticed. Many concluded that ransom must have been paid. When the public begins to believe that kidnapping is becoming a business transaction, confidence in the system erodes even further. Large scale banditry does not survive without financial backers. Nigeria must strengthen its ability to follow the money or the cycle of violence will continue.

    What Real Reform Requires

    Nigeria appears closer than ever to adopting state police. If decentralisation is the path forward, it must be built with the discipline of an institution, not the improvisation of politics. Recruitment must follow clear standards. Training must be consistent across all states. Equipment must be procured transparently. Oversight must be strong enough to prevent political interference. Without these safeguards, we risk multiplying security agencies without improving security.

    Reform also requires predictable funding for equipment, welfare and modern technology. Officers need protective gear that is replenished regularly, not in occasional batches. They need reliable communication tools and vehicles that are maintained on schedule. They need a welfare structure that allows them to focus on their work rather than personal financial burdens. They need data driven systems that help them respond faster and anticipate threats. When institutions are starved of tools, insecurity grows.

    The way we treat victims must improve as well. The Eruku release exposed a gap in our emergency response. Survivors stepped off buses exhausted and injured, only to be seated publicly for quick checks. People who have been through captivity should be taken directly to a hospital. They should receive private evaluation and trauma care, not a public display. Dignity is part of national security. A country that cannot care for its rescued citizens cannot claim to be winning the fight.

    Nigeria has the potential to build a security system worthy of its population and ambitions. But potential is not enough. We must move from improvisation to competence, from reaction to preparation and from fragmented efforts to a unified system. The nation has shown before that when a project becomes a priority, progress follows. Security must now become that priority.

    Nigeria cannot afford a security system that hopes for courage when what we need is competence.

    • Orebiyi, a public administration expert, writes from Yewa-South Local Government, Ogun State.

  • Finally, President Tinubu takes the bull by the horns

    Finally, President Tinubu takes the bull by the horns

    By Tunde Rahman

    Given how sensitive the subject has become, it is understandable that the matter of state police has taken this long. Importantly, it has also become imperative that some drastic measures have to be taken to end the current security situation.

    Last week, President Bola Tinubu finally took the critical step towards tackling the hydra-headed security problem in the country.

    States that want to establish their own police, he declared, should now be free to do so. The widely-praised decision on state police was part of far-reaching orders the President issued that week, when he declared a national emergency on security.

    Many leaders before Tinubu had seen the need for state police, but they lacked the political will to do what has long been regarded as necessary.

    In a strongly-worded statement issued on November 26, President Tinubu also directed that the Armed Forces and police should recruit additional personnel, while the State Security Service should now deploy the already-trained Forest Guards to our forests to flush out terrorists, bandits, and other criminal elements.

     The President had earlier ordered the Inspector-General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun, to immediately withdraw police personnel serving as guards to Very Important Personalities and engage them for police duties in security-challenged areas. Egbetokun said during the week that over 11,000 officers so deployed have now been withdrawn from VIP guard duties.

     While all these measures will make more personnel available and put more boots on the ground to combat crimes and other forms of insecurity across the land, the matter of state police, a hot-button issue that has been on the agenda for decades, seems to be the most fundamental.

    By finally agreeing to throw his weight behind the issue, President Tinubu has now taken the bull by the horns.

    He has taken his silent restructuring efforts to another notch. Many may not have noticed, but the silent restructuring has resulted in several courageous and innovative moves. For instance, one of the first bills President Tinubu signed into law upon assuming office on May 29, 2023, was the power sector reform legislation, which decentralised power generation, transmission, and distribution, allowing sub-nationals to participate in the sector. The President also approved that Federal Capital Territory funds be removed from the Treasury Single Account, thus unlocking the funds accruing to the territory for FCT Minister Nyesom Wike to deploy to developmental projects. And this is what has largely accounted for the unprecedented infrastructure revamp witnessed in the city.

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     But the most significant of these are the economic reforms the President has carried out, straddling fiscal policy, energy sector reform and tax restructuring. The President removed the twin subsidies on fuel and foreign exchange, which did not benefit the people and the country as envisaged. The humongous fuel subsidy was like a Sword of Damocles on the nation’s economic jugular, while the multiple exchange rates that prevailed before May 2023 allowed arbitrage to operate on all fours. All that the highly connected needed to do was this: obtain the foreign exchange at the official rate and move over to the black markets to sell at exorbitant rates, thus profiteering at the people’s expense.

    There is also the new tax regime, scheduled to be operational from January next year, under which all taxes in the country have been streamlined, without burdening taxpayers with new taxes.

    These monumental reforms are already yielding fruit. The economic indicators have already turned green. All that is left is for our people to reap bountifully from the gains of the reforms. The reforms need to affect their standard of living fully.

    However, this cannot happen under the prevailing atmosphere of insecurity. This cannot occur if terrorists, bandits and other criminal elements are still on the prowl. No stone is, therefore, being left unturned in addressing the security issues. All efforts must be geared towards combating the menace and protecting our people.

     The resort to state policing has the potential to reduce crimes, if not eliminate them. The people know most of the criminals in their neighbourhoods and communities. Giving states the power to establish their own police, as is the case in other jurisdictions, will convert the groundswell of intelligence at the local level into an advantage in surveillance, crime detection, and prevention.

     Those who argue that the governors would abuse state police with their absolute control, that the police may become a tool in the hands of the states’ chief executives for hounding and oppressing political opponents, should also remember that even federal police are subject to abuse. The #EndSARS protests of October 2020 was initially intended to draw attention to the excesses of the police, particularly police brutality from the now-disbanded SARS unit, before hoodlums hijacked the protests to unleash arson and loot public property and assets of targeted individuals.

     State police may not be an end in itself. It would indeed require necessary fine-tuning, checks and corrections along the line when the system becomes operational. Those recruited into state police forces must be adequately trained, equipped, and briefed to understand the importance of their work and the implications of using force for improper purposes.

    Now, the National Assembly and the general public have their own responsibility cut out for them. The lawmakers should now play their part by enacting the enabling laws to give effect to state policing. Under our federal system of government, states ordinarily should have been empowered to maintain their own police forces, as the Federal Government does. This did not happen. State police is indeed long overdue.

    President Tinubu had said in his national security emergency statement: “I call on the National Assembly to begin reviewing our laws to allow states that require state police to establish them.

    States should rethink establishing boarding schools in remote areas without adequate security. Mosques and churches should constantly seek police and other security protection when they gather for prayers, especially in vulnerable areas.”

    He had said further: “My fellow Nigerians, this is a national emergency, and we are responding by deploying more boots on the ground, especially in security-challenged areas. The times require all hands on deck. As Nigerians, we should all get involved in securing our nation.”

     Also relevant to this security challenge is the whistleblowers’ role. Our people should be encouraged to smoke out crime wherever it may be lurking by providing information to the police. It is now imperative for the National Assembly to enact the necessary laws to protect whistleblowers. The Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes and Other Matters Commission, Mr Ola Olukoyede, has long been advocating this. The National Assembly must now take the gauntlet in the interest of a crime-free Nigeria and for the benefit of Nigerians. Let’s seize the moment we have craved for years.

    • Rahman is Senior Special Assistant to President Tinubu on Media & Special Duties.

  • Celebrating peace amidst threatening war

    Celebrating peace amidst threatening war

    Trying times are moments for a nation’s intellectuals to show their mettle. Nigeria is in one of those times now with respect to insecurity, and our intellectuals are proving their worth. For example, from 24 to 28 November, 2025, the Society for Peace Studies and Practice (SPSP) held its 19th International Annual Conference at the University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Oyo State. The conference theme was “Economic Challenges and the Tasks of Building Sustainable Peace in a Globalised World,” and the conference consisted of the society’s General Assembly and the Investiture of Fellows.

    Mr. Nathaniel M. Awuapila is the President of the society and Dr.  Olanrewaju L. Yusuf is the Secretary-General.  Professor Suleiman Elias Bogoro, the former Executive Secretary of the Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETFund), is the Chair of the Board of Trustees, whilst Ambassador Fatima Sa’ad Abubakar is the Acting Chair of the Board of Fellows. Moreover, Professor Isaac Albert was the Host of the conference, and Professor K.O. Adebowale, the Vice-Chancellor of the University of Ibadan, was the Chief Host. Dr. Ozonnia Ojielo (United Nations Resident Coordinator in Rwanda) and General Christopher G. Musa, Rtd. (Former Chief of Defence Staff) were the Keynote Speakers.

    SPSP, which has as its motto “Peace to Humanity,” is a renowned professional body committed to advancing peace, conflict resolution, and security studies in Nigeria and far beyond. The society was born out of the increasing occurrence of violent conflicts, ethnic tensions, and security challenges in Nigeria and the need for research-driven interventions by and collaboration among stakeholders. Since its inception in the Peace and Conflict Studies Programme at the University of Ibadan around 2000, the society has played a pivotal role in advancing peace research, fostering academic and practical interventions, and building capacity among scholars, practitioners, and policymakers in and outside Nigeria.

    In celebration of the remarkable contributions of a selection of distinguished personalities to peace studies and practice, SPSP has awarded them the 2025 fellowships of the society. They include Chief Bisi Akande, former Governor of Osun State and former interim National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and current Pro-Chancellor and Chairman of the Governing Council of the University of Ibadan; CG Kemi Nanna Nnadap, the Controller-General of Nigerian Immigration Services; General Christopher G. Musa, Rtd.; Dr. Abiodun Essiet, Senior Special Assistant to the President on Community Engagement; Professor Olayinka Ramota Karim, Vice-Chancellor, Fountain University, Osogbo; and Professor Akinkunmi Adegbola Alao, former Director of the Institute of Cultural Studies, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife; among other personages.

    With respect to the absence of peace in some parts of Nigeria at the moment, language has played a crucial role. Some Nigerians had invited the United States to intervene in the country to stop ‘genocide’ against Christians. To this request, United States President Donald Trump had condemned Nigeria and pledged to invade the country in an operation that would be “vicious, fast and sweet” to save “our cherished Christians.”

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    This raised the question, “What is genocide?” Answers to this question are as varied as the different interest groups in the country. A related question is “Is there genocide against Christians in Nigeria?” The answers to this question are as varied as the ones to the preceding question. One person who has been most viciously attacked on the basis of his perspective on the ‘Christian Genocide’ question is Governor Hyacinth Alia of Benue State who is a Catholic priest.

    In a 19 November, 2025 Punch newspapers video, in response to those questioning his credentials as a priest for saying that there was no genocide in Benue State, Governor Alia said: “I am a Reverend Father. So, being in government does not take that away from me. I am still a Reverend Father. I came in as a governor as a Reverend Father, I am working with the fear of God and the compassion of Christianity and humanity, and at the end of the day, I am still going back to the Church as a Reverend Father and a good Christian.”

    Governor Alia then elucidated: “In my state of Benue, we don’t have any religious, any ethnic, any racial, any national or state genocide. We don’t have that. Do we have a number of insecurities in the state? Yes, we do. But it is not a genocide. Someone would need to … check the United Nations definitions for this. Have we lost a number of people? Yes. We have, at different stages. I am giving you a background of the challenges we’ve had many years ago; talking about the agro-pastoralists, the herders, and then we’re talking about the agro-farmers, typical farmers. … But that does not fit into the parameters of a genocide. So, for those who seek to politicise everything, there is no genocide in Benue State.”

    Moreover, in a 19 November, 2025 report by Falmata Daniel in Premium Times, titled “No religious genocide in Benue – Governor Alia,” the Governor was reported to have said: “So, it’s on the record that I had an interface with the American ambassador to let him know that … in Nigeria, particularly in Benue State, there is no genocide, unless it’s my description, and the United Nations description of a genocide [that] does not fit within the parameters.”

    One of the most acerbic attacks on Governor Alia is in a 20 November, 2025 report by Agbemu James, in Idoma Voice newspaper, titled “Genocide: ‘shut up’ – Fr Kelvin Ugwu tears Gov Alia apart for betraying Benue people.” In it, Fr Kelvin Ugwu was reported to have said, to his audience: “Benue’s governor, and all the politicians for that matter, can speak all the grammar they want, call it genocide or ungenocide… At the end of the day, it is still you who will be left to bury your dead. The government and politicians will always try to water everything down so that this initial garagara around insecurity will fade and the international community will become confused on what really is the issue. It is every man to himself. Nobody is coming to help you. Don’t ‘let bygones be bygones’ when you can simply buygun before you get gunned.”

    According to a 23 November, 2025 Punch report, the governor made the following clarification: “The situation is multi-sectoral. Don’t reduce it to religion. Both Muslims and Christians have been killed. Benue is the most populous Christian state in the North. So, naturally, there are unspoken expectations, but let us not politicise people’s pain.” He further noted: “The crisis began as farmer–herder conflicts before escalating into full-blown banditry and terrorism. Several people from different faith backgrounds have suffered losses. So, attempts to frame the killings as religiously motivated are misleading and harmful.”

    Explaining the way in which such wrongful framing could be harmful, Governor Alia was reported in the 21 November, 2025 issue of Idoma Voice to have said about the insecurity which really arose from criminality, land-use disputes, and targeted attacks: “It is important to emphasize that the killings should not be defined or framed purely along religious lines. Misdiagnosing the nature of the crisis may hinder the multi-sectoral solutions already being implemented.”

    One of the problems that have often been seen as bedeviling Nigeria is lack of elite consensus. Amazingly, President Trump’s threat to levy religious war on Nigeria seems to have resulted in a measure of elite consensus with respect to vehemently opposing an American invasion of the country. The disparate range of Nigerians who have opposed such an action include Femi Falana (SAN), Omoyele Sowore (the 2023 presidential candidate of the African Action Congress), Seun Okinbaloye of Channels Television, Dele Farotimi (a regular critic of President Tinubu), Senator Jimoh Ibrahim, Senator Shehu Sani, and Nobel Laureate Professor Wole Soyinka. 

    Some Nigerians in the Diaspora have also been remarkable in their explanation of the true situation in Nigeria and their recommendation of caution by concerned foreign entities.  One such patriotic Nigerian is Ms. Oge Onubogu, Director & Senior Fellow, Africa Program, Center for Strategic and International Studies. She submitted as follows at the 28 September, 2022 US Commission on International Religious Freedom  hearing on Nigeria: “Nigeria’s overlapping conflicts, including the insurgencies from the north, secessionist agitations in the south, and inter-communal violence, have killed thousands of people and displaced hundreds of thousands. … In Nigeria, religion intersects and interacts with ethnic identity, region, social class, and profession. Nigeria’s protracted violent conflicts between farmers and herders is an example of this complex intersection.”

    Moreover, at the 20 November, 2025 US congressional hearing on the redesignation of Nigeria as a Country of Particular Concern (CPC), she submitted: “It is important to understand the nature of the violence in Nigeria – and its causes, which extend beyond the religious or ethnic overtones that appear to motivate that animosity. … [A] narrow narrative that reduces Nigeria’s current security situation to a single story of widespread persecution and mass slaughter of Christians, misses other important considerations and oversimplifies the complexity of violence and inter-faith relations in the country.”

    Ms. Onubogu further notes with respect to Nigeria’s CPC redesignation: “On one hand, Nigerians, Christian groups in particular, welcome the current international spotlight, viewing it as an overdue opportunity to pressure the Nigerian government into taking decisive action against violence. At the same time, many Nigerians of all faiths, including Christians, worry that President Trump’s rhetoric – especially the threat of unilateral military action against the country – will be counterproductive and draw attention away from the specific problem of pervasive insecurity across the country, by inflaming existing political tensions and divisions.”

    Mr. J. Japheth Omojuwa also stood up for the country at the 2025 Halifax International Security Forum, held from 21 to 23 November in Nova Scotia, Canada. There, United States Senator Kevin Kramer of North Dakota said: “I think the Christians in Nigeria today are probably feeling pretty good about Donald Trump’s position.” To this cheeky remark, Mr. Omojuwa responded: “Senator, … I’m a Christian from Nigeria. … I do not feel good about Donald Trump. … Is there a way that powerful countries can help less powerful countries … without [leaving] them worse off? … [T]here’s a correlation between the point Donald Trump spoke about Nigeria’s challenges and the escalation of terrorism. … Is there a way to decently help Nigeria without making things worse and without disrespecting Nigerian Christians and Muslims?”  

    Reflecting on the whole debate about war and peace in Nigeria today, one cannot but remember the propaganda slogans in George Orwell’s novel Nineteen Eighty-Four. The manipulative, contradictory slogans are “War is peace, freedom is slavery, ignorance is strength.” It is noteworthy that, as our people say, “Ogun ò dà bí iyán; ogun ò dà bí èko” (‘War is not as delicious as pounded yam; war is not as delicious as cornmeal.’)