The Nation Newspaper

Author: The Nation

  • For President Tinubu to win the insecurity war

    For President Tinubu to win the insecurity war

    As long as sponsors of insecurity remain unmasked, shamed and made to have their day in our courts, so long will the powerful factors motivating them, be they religion or money, continue to consume them, and for so long will insecurity remain with us no matter the number of military emergencies declared by the President.

    Even his most virulent political enemy will concede that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is smart, redoubtable, and never afraid to take tough political decisions not minding whose ox is gored, as long as he believes they are in the best interest of the country.

    Unlike his immediate predecessor, President Muhammadu Buhari, he is never shackled, nor burdened with primordial or ethnic considerations in doing so.

    These are all the factors he will now have to fall back on if he truly wants to fight, and win the  resurgent insecurity war in the country.

    In this, he must be guided by history and remember that Nigerian governments have many times claimed to have tamed insecurity, citing for instance, how many Local Government Areas Boko Haram was claimed to have been expelled from in Borno state.

    He must also know that this is probably  going to be the toughest fight of his entire administration because it is going to be against some of the most powerful people in the country.

    Also, another election is approaching, and though he might have been kept in the dark, being non – Fulani,   when, in 2014/ 2015, then intending Presidential candidate of the APC, Muhammadu Buhari, was rumoured to have convoked a  meeting of some top Fulanis to plan how to oust President Goodluck Jonathan from office in order to retrieve  ‘their British inheritance – Nigeria’, and put it smack  back in Fulani hands. He must have since learnt about that as WhatsApp never forgets.

    And I dare say that despite the current deluge of decampments into the APC,  who says the same design may not be in the works against him now because we are dealing here with a  people whose major concern, always, is Fulani expansionism.

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    Or why the sudden, astronomical rise in security breaches?

    And what can be worse than three mass kidnappings, still counting, within days in Kebbi, Kwara and Niger states, as a result of which the Federal Government had to order the immediate shutdown of as many as 47 Federal Unity Colleges across the country, just as a slew of Northern states shut down literally all their schools?

    There isn’t the slightest  doubt some Fulanis believe it is time they conquer the rest of Nigeria which they arrogantly claim the British handed over to them at independence.

    Or haven’t they been out of power  for two very long years, plus!

    Below is part of the translation of a pamphlet allegedly written in Arabic and distributed in selected Mosques in Northern Nigeria by   FUNAM as far back as November 6, 2019 from which I have had cause to quote severally in the past:

    “This is the time to act. This is the time for second Holy War. We started in 1804. The British stopped us. We must regain the territories lost. It is against Islam to rotate power with infidels. Forget about election that will only lead to sharing of power”.

    “We must take the enemies in the West, Central and the North by surprise. That is the plot.

    Disperse and occupy their homes, forests, streets, schools, markets and act as spies. Our attacks on the infidels must be total and overwhelming. We must begin by instilling fear in them, weaken their resolve through kidnaps, brutal rapes, making it difficult for them to farm and subdue them before the war etc”.

    Which of these have Fulanis not shamelessly done or are currently doing all over the country?

    That was in 2019, but till date, not a single member of FUNAM has been invited for questioning by the Almighty Nigerian  security.

    All the above are, however, only minor parts of what is a much bigger challenge President Tinubu will have to frontally confront if he hopes to successfully deal with an insecurity conundrum that has convulsed Nigeria for over 15 years.

    And this is: “Who is really paying for Nigeria’s bloodbath?

    We talk endlessly about “terrorists”, “Fulani herdsmen”, “bandits” – as if they are ghosts who appear from thin air, armed to the teeth, fuelled, fed and endlessly re-supplied by magic.

    They are not ghosts.

    They are funded.

    And the sponsors are not barefoot militants in the bush – they are people in suits, kaftans and uniforms; sitting in air-conditioned offices in Abuja, Lagos, Kaduna, Dubai and beyond”.

    Chima Nnadi – Oforgu, quoted above, in a special report on terrorism and banditry in Nigeria, wrote at length on all these issues.

    Let us now dive into that seminal report from which we shall be quoting at some length.

    Wrote Chima – Oforgu:

    “In 2022, the Nigerian government quietly admitted that 96 terrorism financiers had been identified by the Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit (NFIU) as backing Boko Haram and ISWAP.

    These were not rumours. They were based on financial intelligence – bank records, transfers, suspicious transaction reports – shared with law-enforcement agencies for prosecution”.

    “Yet till today, Nigerians do not have a public, detailed list of: who these 96 people and entities are,what political or business networks they belong to.

    What has become of the cases?

    So when government officials and foreign partners repeat the cliché: “We will go after the sponsors,” understand this: they already know many of them. The problem is not lack of intelligence. It is lack of political will”.

    Fortunately, nobody can any longer doubt that President Tinubu has political will the manner in which he removed  fuel subsidy and unified the foreign exchange market.

    To successfully fight terrorism in Nigeria, which has now been worsened by what Senator Adam Oshiomhole disclosed on the Senate  floor about those funding the bandits  guiding illegal mining operations, the President must be prepared to do much more.

    He must expose the names, shame and get tried, the following saboteurs, as detailed by Chima Oforgu in the article: “Terror financiers in government, Terror collaborators in the military; Terror enablers in the security agencies; Terror protectors in political parties

    Terror profiteers in the procurement system as well as the powerful individuals allegedly involved in illegal mining.

    Without the slightest doubt, the military emergency declared by the President is of great significance and will help the war on insecurity greatly.

    The significance of the emergency could, however, be greatly undermined if these powerful sponsors of Terror are left untouched, just like President Buhari and his Attorney – General, Abubakar Malami, left untried, the Nigerians who were named by the UAE, and recommended for trial.

    I say this because, as Oforgu wrote:”Here is the final warning:

    If Nigeria does not name the sponsors today, Nigeria will collapse under the terror they created tomorrow. And when that day comes, neither the rich nor the powerful will escape the consequences.

    The time for pretence is over”.

  • Marred monuments

    Marred monuments

    Planned renovation of Ojukwu Bunker, war museum a service to history and tourism

    Abia State Government says it has approved plans for comprehensive reconstruction and retrofitting of the Ojukwu Bunker and the National War Museum in Umuahia – two historical monuments of vital national significance. The state executive council, last week, explained that the project would be pursued based on an agreement between the National Commission for Museums and Monuments (NCMM) and the state Ministry of Arts, Culture, and Creative Economy.

    Information Commissioner Okey Kanu told journalists in Umuahia that the move aligns with Abia State Governor Alex Otti’s vision to transform the state’s cultural, historical and creative landscape. He said: “The innovation and upgrade of the facilities will modernise both the iconic heritage site, enrich and restore visitor experience to the centre and reposition the bunker as a leading tourist site in the state and country.”

    He added: “This intervention reinforces the state government’s unwavering commitment to preserve our history while elevating the state’s tourism potential. Also, it will ultimately and further provide employment and business opportunities for the people of Abia.”

    Kanu’s Arts, Culture and Creative Economy counterpart, Matthew Ekwuruibe, corroborated the planned refurbishment of the national monuments, saying the state was working closely with the NCMM and Federal Ministry of Art, Culture, Tourism and Creative Economy to finalise a Memorandum of Understanding on the project. Ekwuruibe noted that federal processes caused the delay in commencement of the renovation project because both facilities belong to the Federal Government. But now, the state has reached the stage of finalising its memorandum with the NCMM and the Art, Culture and Creative Economy ministry at the federal level. According to him, the work should commence shortly, especially as the project is a key campaign promise of Governor Otti.

    Ojukwu Bunker is a historical site in the Abia capital adjoining the National War Museum – both of them linked to the Nigerian Civil War (1967-1970), and the late secessionist leader, Dim Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, who at the time was an Army Colonel. Renovating the monuments will be a big service towards preserving national memory and historical documentation.

    Following the declaration of Biafra as a sovereign state by Ojukwu on May 30, 1967 and the outbreak of the civil war on July 6, 1967, Enugu was named capital of the seceding nation. The rebel capital naturally faced an onslaught from Nigerian troops, with Nsukka, a small town about 48 kilometres from Enugu, being the first to fall.

    After capturing Nsukka, Nigerian forces marched toward Enugu and Biafran soldiers attempted to slow them down by cutting down trees and digging trenches across their path. But the fortified federal troops began bombarding Enugu on September 26, 1967; and despite Ojukwu’s plea for people not to abandon the city, Enugu fell on October 4, 1968, with Ojukwu narrowly escaping.

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    The war, however, wasn’t over. With Nigerian forces having taken Enugu, Ojukwu relocated the secessionist capital to Umuahia, a relatively remote town deep in Biafra land and more than 50 kilometres from the eastern commercial centre, Aba. It was from Umuahia that Ojukwu coordinated the Biafran war from 1968 till April 22, 1969, when the town fell to Nigerian troops and the rebel capital was moved to Owerri.

    Less than a year later, Ojukwu fled Nigeria to Ivory Coast to signal the end of the two-and-a-half-year war that killed more than two million people. Some 56 years now after the secessionist leader fled his Umuahia base, which served as the Biafra State House and is currently known as Ojukwu Bunker, the monument lies in acute dilapidation, along with the war museum said to be the only war museum in the West African sub-region.

    Visitors to the monument reported that anyone going to the bunker for the first time would miss their way, even with the aid of Google map, because of the nondescript ambience and the fact that there was no signpost or activity to suggest that the white-painted one-storey building was the bunker. It is, perhaps, no coincidence that the now abandoned Abia home of jailed leader of the proscribed Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), Nnamdi Kanu, is less than one kilometre from the bunker.

    According to tourist accounts, the famed bunker is a war apartment located 26.9 feet below the ground within the one-storey Biafra State House. The state house itself has a big living room on whose walls hang pictures of Ojukwu in his Biafran Army uniform, Gen. Yakubu Gowon, Gen. Murtala Mohammed, a map of Nigeria, a map of Biafra and photos of Biafran children afflicted with Kwashiorkor. A tour guide was reported recalling to his clients that more than a million Biafrans died of hunger. “War is not good. No one who experienced war will ever ask for it again,” he added.

    A 20-metre-long roofed passage leads to the bunker on the door of which is an inscription that reads in part: “The bunker was originally called the ‘Subterranean Office of the Government of Biafra.’ After the war, it was renamed ‘Ojukwu Bunker’ by members of the public. It was built within 90 days from April to June and is 26.9 feet deep. It consists of a parlour, secretary room, kitchen, bathroom and store.” A tour guide said the builders were South-easterners in their early, mid and late 30s.

    Tourists reported circular perforations on the concrete wall of the bunker said to be openings leading to an inlet pipe that supplies air from outside. A very narrow passage that cannot accommodate two people walking side-by-side and dimly lit with yellow bulbs is the accessway into the bunker that has a living room, which a tour guide said hosted secret meetings late at night. The living room has no furniture and the walls are pale, yet it retains an overwhelming aura of magnificence. In the room is reportedly a large portrait of Ojukwu, with pictures of the late Nigerian writer Chinua Achebe, and ace poet Christopher Okigbo also hanging on the wall. Also in the room is an iron safe built into the wall, which tour guides said was where Ojukwu kept secret Biafran documents.

    Behind the living room, the secretary room and bathroom were three tiny cells with a metal bar and a tiny window where prisoners of war were kept. Ojukwu’s friend and Yoruba soldier who chose to fight on the side of Biafra, Colonel Victor Banjo, was executed on September 22, 1967, after he was found guilty by a Biafran military court of allegedly plotting a coup against Ojukwu.

    That was before the Umuahia period, but his fate might have foreshadowed the experience of some inmates of the bunker cells. Emergency exits provisioned for the bunker are by way of 26.9 feet-high iron ladders built inside concrete walls at its two ends.

    We argue that the dilapidation of the Ojukwu Bunker and the war museum reflects the tattered state of Biafra memory in our national history. That should not be the case, and the NCMM is blameworthy for defaulting on its obligations and allowing the monuments to fall into neglect.

     In countries that place a premium on preserving their national history, they not only maintain monuments like war museums as tourism money spinners, but also as citadels of intellectual inquiry. The Nigerian Civil War was a watershed in our nationhood journey and all repositories of information about the unfortunate era must be preserved for present reminder and the information of future generations. Who knows, such might even be a strong enough dissuasion to younger ones from revisiting the hazardous path. It will serve as a rubric of rigorous conversation, self-reflection, restraint and appreciation of history.

    Abia State Government deserves commendation for its intervention. But the project mustn’t be left to Abia alone; it needs the support of other governments in the Southeast zone that bears the primary historical impact of the monuments. And the Federal Government, which is the actual owner of the monuments, must not keep to the sidelines; it is high time it empowered the NCMM and its tourism and creative economy ministry to live up to their mandate.

    Importantly, care must be taken to ensure that the rehabilitation work does not just romanticise the civil war. Rather, it should tell the whole story: the bravery, ingenuity, and nationalist passion as much as the horrors and pain. Only the total story will truly capture history and teach the lessons necessary for the future.

  • The tragic collapse of Nigerian football

    The tragic collapse of Nigerian football

    The night of November 16, 2025, in Rabat will remain etched in the consciousness of Nigerian football as a monument to institutional failure. Nigeria, a one time pride of African football and a nation of over 250 million people lost to war-torn DR Congo 4-3 on penalties following a lackluster 1-1 draw in which the DR Congo did most of the playing while the Super Eagles or should I say Super Chickens just ran aimlessly round the pitch.  This loss condemned the Super Eagles to miss a second consecutive World Cup—an unprecedented failure for a nation that once dominated African football.

    Surely, Eric Chelle deserves commendation for his tactical acumen in the semifinal against Gabon, and for getting the team to such a place following a very shambolic start to the qualifiers under Finidi George. However, his team selection for the Congo match was nothing short of catastrophic. Chelle made two changes to the side that beat Gabon, bringing in Semi Ajayi and Frank Onyeka for Bright Osayi-Samuel and Akor Adams  . While Onyeka scored early, giving Nigeria the lead within three minutes, the overall performance was not merely disappointing—it was a horror show of epic proportions. Players looked disjointed, lacked cohesion, and appeared mentally unprepared for the magnitude of the occasion.

    Nigerian football seems to be performing a vanishing act, I recall there was a time when Nigerian youth teams were the undisputed kings of world football. Nigeria’s U-17 team is the most successful in international football for their age group, winning a record five FIFA U-17 World Cup titles , while the U-20 team has won a record seven African U-20 Cup of Nations titles.  Those glory days now feel like ancient history with the current reality humiliating. Nigeria’s U-17 team, the Golden Eaglets, has failed to qualify for the African U-17 Cup of Nations three consecutive times. The Flying Eagles recently lost 4-0 to Argentina in the round of 16 at the FIFA U-20 World Cup . These aren’t just losses—they represent the systematic destruction of Nigeria’s once-formidable youth development pipeline.

    Even when these teams qualify, the selection process has become so politicized and compromised that one wonders whether merit plays any role whatsoever.

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    If there’s one word that defines the current state of Nigerian football, it is corruption. The Nigeria Football Federation, NFF has become what one observer aptly described as a crime scene that must undergo total overhaul.

    The House of Representatives established a Special Investigative Committee to probe how the NFF handled financial grants amounting to $25 million from FIFA and CAF and these  details are staggering: a physical inspection of the Birnin Kebbi facility, built under the FIFA Forward Programme, a facility  meant to symbolise progress in grassroots football has been described as  a substandard facility that cannot justify the sum of $1.2 million claimed to have been spent by the NFF.

    Also, despite President Bola Tinubu’s approval of ₦12 billion in January 2024 to settle outstanding national team debts, players still went unpaid, with debts dating as far back as 2019. Can we sit and assimilate this? Players representing their country are owed money from six years ago, despite billions being released specifically to settle those debts. In pidgin parlance, one is forced to ask “Where the money go?”

    Former Sports Minister Solomon Dalung attributed years of decline to corruption and impunity, recalling an encounter with a ministry cleaner who told him: “We work harder for failure than for success,” because officials benefit when teams fail early in tournaments as unspent funds go unaccounted for. This is the depth of the rot we seem to be  dealing with—a system where failure is more profitable than success.

    The administrative chaos extends to coaching appointments. The revolving Super Eagles coaching door in the last four years saw the exits of Gernot Rohr, Austin Eguavoen (twice), Jose Peseiro, and Finidi George ( Both Eguavoen and Finidi have no business coaching any team playing football in this 21st Century) How can any team build continuity with such instability? Three coaches managed the team in six qualifying matches , a recipe for disaster that predictably led to catastrophic failure.

    The domestic league, which should serve as the foundation for national team success, is in complete disarray. The NPFL, the primary talent pipeline, is plagued by corruption, poor officiating, and lack of structure. Without a functional domestic league, Nigeria has become overly dependent on foreign-based players, many of whom only discover their “Nigerian roots” after failing to break into European national teams.

    Only the Uyo and Abeokuta stadiums are qualified to host CAF matches in the whole of Nigeria, while even the National Stadium in Abuja, which was built with N85 billion of taxpayers’ money, was downgraded by CAF . This infrastructure deficit is a national embarrassment that speaks volumes about misplaced priorities.

    Perhaps the most disheartening aspect of Nigeria’s decline is the visible lack of passion many players display when donning the green and white. Watch these same players for their clubs—Manchester United, Napoli, Chelsea, Leicester, Galatasaray—and you witness transformation, commitment, and desire. But when they wear Nigeria’s colors, too often we see lackluster performances, half-hearted runs, and a disturbing detachment from the national cause.

    This is particularly galling when one considers that representing Nigeria at youth level is precisely what gave many of these players their breakthrough opportunities in European football. Without the visibility gained from playing for Nigeria, many would never have secured those lucrative club contracts. Yet they seem to have forgotten this debt of gratitude. When the national team calls, they should respond with the same fervor they display for their clubs—anything less is a betrayal of the jersey and the millions of Nigerians who live and breathe for the Super Eagles.

    The road back to dominance requires radical, comprehensive reforms:

    1. Total Administrative Overhaul: The NFF requires transparent budgeting, merit-based hiring, zero tolerance for interference, external audits of tournament spending, and clear KPIs beyond short-term qualifications,it’s  current leadership must be dissolved and replaced with individuals who have demonstrated integrity and competence.

    2. Adopt the Babangida-Westerhof Model: During Nigeria’s golden era in the 1990s, Dutch coach Clemens Westerhof enjoyed unhindered access to the presidency under General Ibrahim Babangida, allowing him to work without undue interference. Under Westerhof, Nigeria won the 1994 African Cup of Nations after winning silver in Algiers 1990 and bronze in Senegal 92 whilst also qualifying for the first time to the FIFA World Cup with a brilliant second round finish, an impressive feat for a first time appearance.   Westerhof is credited with turning Nigeria into a powerhouse in African football, discovering the likes of Jay-Jay Okocha, Sunday Oliseh, Dan Amokachi, Finidi George, Emmanuel Amunike and Rashidi Yekini.

    The next coach—whether Nigerian or foreign—must have direct access to the presidency, insulated from the meddling and corruption of NFF bureaucrats. This model worked brilliantly in the past and can work again if properly implemented.

    3. Rebuild Youth Development From the Ground Up: Nigeria needs regular youth competitions at U13, U15, U17, and U20 levels, with a consolidated national pathway for converting unrefined talent into elite football .Names such as  former Golden Eaglets captain Nduka Ugbade emphasizes the urgent need for comprehensive development structures and proper football development systems from the grassroots level.

    4. Establish Coaching Continuity and Football Philosophy: Nigeria must establish a consistent football philosophy, adopting long-term four to eight-year planning cycles, investing in youth pathways and coaching stability . Countries like Morocco, Senegal, and Egypt have pulled ahead precisely because they build from the ground up with clear long-term vision.

    5. Revitalize the Domestic League: Massive investment in the NPFL is non-negotiable. Better officiating, improved stadium infrastructure, commercial viability, and zero tolerance for corruption must become the norm rather than the exception.

    6. Demand Player Accountability: Players must be made to understand that representing Nigeria is a privilege, not a right. Those who cannot commit fully should be excluded, regardless of their club pedigree. Create a culture where passion for the national team is non-negotiable.

    7. Engage Private Sector Leadership: Let’s have business leaders like Aliko Dangote, and others who have already succeeded in life partner with the NFF, Let’s have former football players like Jay Jay Okocha and Sunday Oliseh run the NFF,  they can add immense value to the football culture just as the late Senator Ifeanyi Ubah did and just as former players in other nations are doing.

    Nigeria’s failure to qualify for consecutive World Cups is not merely a sporting disappointment—it is a national crisis that exposes decades of systemic rot, corruption, and institutional decay. In a world where countries like Curacao, Haiti  Panama and Jordan are heading to the world cup we have squandered yet another  generation of talent in African football history through administrative incompetence and moral bankruptcy.

    The question facing Nigeria is stark: Do we have the courage to implement the radical reforms necessary to reclaim our rightful place at the summit of African and world football? Or will we continue down this path of mediocrity, content with excuses and empty promises while our rivals forge ahead?

    Anything less is unacceptable. The time for excuses is over. The time for action is now.

  • Why Tinubu must reject media trial of his ambassadorial nominees

    Why Tinubu must reject media trial of his ambassadorial nominees

    By Gbara Awanen

    On 26th November, 2025, President Bola Tinubu, GCFR, forwarded a list of three ambassadorial nominees to the Senate for confirmation, obviously the first instalment of a much anticipated and longer list to follow. Among the nominees is Ambassador Ayodele Oke, CFR, former Director General of the National Intelligence Agency (NIA) who headed the Agency between 2013 and 2017. During this period, he faced allegations of corrupt enrichment, which turned out to be unproven.

    Predictably, political buccaneers and some misinformed elements in the civil society are beginning to push back against Ambassador Oke’s nomination, referencing the unproven allegations. While understandable, those seeking to deny this celebrated national intelligence chief and outstanding international public servant are ignorant of the basic facts of this unfortunate saga. Here are the facts. Ambassador Oke was accused, duly investigated, and ultimately cleared of any wrongdoing. On 9th June, 2023, Justice C. J. Aneke of the Federal High Court in Lagos, struct out all charges against him on grounds of national security imperatives and mutual agreement between the prosecution and defence teams to discontinue a case that should never have happened in the first place. The termination of the charges against Ambassador Oke received political validation following President Muhammadu Buhari’s concurrence with the legal and national security dimensions of the case.

    The cornerstone of any just and democratic society is the principle of the presumption of innocence until proven guilty. A formal, final exoneration, whether an acquittal, dismissal, or quashing of charges, is the ultimate declaration of legal innocence. To continue treating an accused “guilty,” despite a final legal verdict affirming innocence is to subvert the constitutional process and the authority of the judiciary. In our democracy, innocence, once established by law, must be upheld. Ambassador Oke’s exoneration means there is no current legal or constitutional barrier to his holding public office again because his past indictment was based on allegations that have now been legally disproven. In this moment, Ambassador Oke’s legal standing is the same as any other citizen of Nigeria with a clean record.

     Society and the government have a moral obligation to treat citizens fairly, especially those who have been subjected to the most severe allegations of public misconduct. Allowing a vile and orchestrated media campaign to succeed would establish a dangerous precedent where accusation alone turns to permanent punishment, regardless of the facts or legal outcome. This would be profoundly unfair. A government should be free to appoint the most qualified individuals to high office and few come close to this eminently qualified nominee in national security and diplomatic governance.

    To withdraw the nomination or disqualify the nominee due to recycled, disproven allegations would politicize the outcome of judicial proceedings. Worse, this would send a dangerous message that one can always weaponize unproven allegations against an accused, effectively overriding the judiciary’s fact-finding role. It goes without saying such an outcome will encourage detractors to mount similar campaigns against any perceived political enemy, regardless of evidence.

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    By standing firm, the government will be demonstrating its confidence in the justice system and its own nominating authority. It holds detractors, the ignorant and the misinformed accountable to the facts of the legal outcome, not just emotional rhetoric. Standing firm demonstrates strength and stability in governance. After a verdict of complete innocence, the conversation ought to focus on a public official’s current suitability, vision, and future contributions to his country, not on past allegations that have been disproven.

    The decision to stand by the ambassadorial nomination of this fine public officer is a powerful affirmation that in a state governed by law, the legal verdict must prevail over public opinion and political pressure. After all, Ambassador Oke’s exoneration fully restores his legal and moral right to public service. To surrender to a media campaign based on disproven allegations is to undermine the rule of law, perpetuate a grave injustice, and erode the integrity of the public service nominating process.

    The nomination of Ambassador should stand because an accusation is neither guilt nor conviction. After a final and decisive verdict of innocence, the nominee is legally innocent and morally vindicated. His fitness for office must be judged on his current merit and the final judicial outcome, not on the weaponization of past, failed accusations. His current legal standing is the same as any other citizen with unblemished record.  It would therefore be grave injustice to subject Ambassador Oke to a misguided media trial on the same disproven charges.  This outstanding public servant has paid his due to the system by enduring a lengthy and traumatic legal process. He should not be forced to relive the punishment after being declared innocent.

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu made the right call to recognize Ambassador Oke’s sterling qualities by nominating him with two other distinguished personalities as his principal personal representatives in key partner countries in a time of grave national security emergency. What our country needs in this moment are steady, mentally acute, and strategic thinkers, as Ambassador Oke is, to help the government navigate the uncertainties, risks and opportunities in a rapidly shifting and dangerous geopolitical landscape.

    The government must be resolute and reject a media trial that could rob our country of the services of one of its finest diplomats. By standing firm and guiding Ambassador Oke’s nomination through the confirmation process, the government will be making a powerful statement that it favours meritocracy, respects the rule of law, values public service, and is willing to stand by an individual who has been unjustly accused. In times like this, our government must show political and moral courage in the face of an emotional, but factually bankrupt, media frenzy. 

    • Amb Awanen, PhD, mni is a retired Career Ambassador and Mene Eedee 1 Bera in Gokana Local Government, Rivers State.

  • Language activism (I)

    Language activism (I)

    Mankind has travelled a long and tortuous road to arrive at this current point of incontestable global dominance. The oldest fossil which has been identified as being definitely human was discovered in East Africa in 1974. Irreverently named Lucy, she lived some 3.2 million years ago, still physically and genetically different from any human being alive today but already distinct from the most advanced of our cousins, the apes. Studies on the fossil suggested that Lucy, who was hardly a metre tall, died as a result of  a fall from a tall tree on which she had, as usual, sought refuge from the routine predation from one of the large cats with which she shared her immediate neighbourhood. In other words, she was just one of the creatures investing a space from which she could extract some subsistence for one more day of a truly precarious existence. It was an existence that was devoid of any form of comfort or promise. Each day dawned and was lived through as best as it was possible. No tomorrows existed in that arid and murderously competitive environment but Lucy and her humanoid companions desperately clung to life to which no other purpose other than survival could be attached. Man evolved over the next three million years until Homo sapiens arrived on the scene to create a brave new world in which some foggy sense could be made of human existence. That human species has grown to colonise every inch of geographic space outside the stubbornly unconquerable space of the Antarctic. And has become the most decisive force on earth both for evil and for good. Man has become the ruthless apex predator to whom all other knees must bow. The result of a recent experiment shows that the most dangerous sound in the jungle is not the dreadful roar of a lion on the hunt or a tiger on the lookout for what to devour but the sound of human voices in conservation. All animals who heard that sound fled precipitously from it. On reflection, that is the most sensible course of action under those circumstances.

    Mankind is the preeminent species on earth but not because of her stark physical characteristics. Put the biggest, strongest man next to a lion if you want to test this statement. Human dominance is certainly not physical. It is mental. It proceeds from his brain. Mankind is capable of thought from which comes the strategic planning which makes it possible for him to solve all problems collectively. What makes man truly awesome however is his ability to pool his thoughts with any number of other men through his ability to communicate. That is the basis of our much vaunted exceptionalism. The dinosaurs which ruled the earth for 150 million years before the sun set on them on one cataclysmic autumn evening fifty million years ago ruled the global environment through their sheer bulk which was augmented with a little brain. They were therefore not able to craft their environment to their will. With our species, the reverse is the truth and we not only have massive brains, we can enhance the effectiveness of those brains through the process of hooking up any number of brains through the power of language. Each person anywhere can communicate with his neighbour through the medium of speech using mutually intelligible languages of which there are now just over 7,000, with more than 400 of them spoken in Nigeria, one of the most linguistically diverse spaces on earth. Each of those languages spoken on earth represents some geographical and cultural niche, none more precious nor more important than the other. You cannot or definitely should not try to separate me from my Yoruba language because by doing so you are depriving me of my cultural heritage. Not only that, my failure to pass this heritage on to my children is a tragedy and reeks of criminal negligence. If you are Yoruba and wilfully refuse to pass on that language to your children, you are guilty of some form of cultural homicide and stand condemned. I use Yoruuba as an example here for the simple reason that I am Yoruba. You can substitute whatever is your mother tongue at this point.

    READ ALSO: Delivering in despair: Why maternal deaths remain high in Cross River

    Language is of such importance to any human being that we all come to the world with the genetic endowment of language adaptability. Noam Chomsky, the globally acclaimed grandfather of modern linguistics has postulated that every child born anywhere in the world has come with his brain wired to appreciate the grammar, that is, the structure of every language spoken on earth. It is not difficult to imagine that there are many opponents of this theory if only because it puts every language on the same pedestal, a situation which is anathema to those who seek comfort in the superiority of one language over all others. Some have also argued that nature and nurture are responsible for language development and Chomsky has not acknowledged the role of nurture in this process. You can think about that.

    I am inclined to support Chomsky in this matter, not because he needs my puny support but because I encountered a version of this theory from my grandmother long before I was made aware of the existence of Professor Chomsky or his theory. My grandmother came calling when my first son was born. Although she had been dandling babies; her children, grandchildren and great grand children on her knees for more than seven decades, she was still as excited about this one as she was with all the others that came before him. As she fondled him, she spoke directly to him, welcoming him to the world in her Ilara-Mokin (Ondo State) dialect. Some wag present on that occasion pointed out to the old lady that the baby could not possibly have any understanding of that language. Fortified by the weight of her age, my grandmother explained that all babies came to the world with the capacity to understand every language. They are however only able to speak the language or languages spoken to them in their infancy. In other words, children are able to speak all languages spoken to them but lose that ability by the time they are entering puberty.

    As far as I was concerned, this theory was proved to me shortly after my grandmother exposed me to it. A friend of mine, a fellow Ijesa married an Ibo lady shortly afterwards. I mention his Ijesa antecedents because we Ijesas are rather prone to marrying across tribal and other lines (Shout out to my in-laws in Akwa Ibom) but that is not the point of this story. The point here is that this Ibo bride arrived with the ability to speak Yoruba with the fluency of a native Yoruba speaker. When I asked her which part of Yorubaland she grew up in, she assured me that she had not lived in any part of Yorubaland before her marriage. Seeing my bewilderment, she explained that she was born and bred in the North. There, she lived in close proximity with Yorubas from whom she picked up their language. They were all taught in Hausa in their primary school as well and she was as fluent in that language as she was in Yoruba and Ibo which she spoke at home. She also spoke English of course so, she had four languages in her locker without having made any effort to learn any of them. No further proof needed to support my granny’s theory which is of course related also to Chomsky. The fundamental importance of language to human development is shown by this one observation but I am sure that there are many others that can be called upon. Our brains are wired to understand every language we encounter before the age of ten or thereabouts. After that age, that window of opportunity is closed and those who wish to reopen it have to do so through the use of considerable effort, which most people are loath to do.

  • Young Africa innovates programme unveiled

    Young Africa innovates programme unveiled

    The Young Africa innovates programme has launched a new programme aimed at spotlighting the revolutionary force of Nigeria’s youth with the launch of state innovation showcases.

    This is set to take place across seven states in December. These showcases will celebrate young innovators who are building solutions that tackle real community challenges.

    This flagship initiative, implemented by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in partnership with the Mastercard Foundation, is actively channeling resources to support and multiply youth-led solutions, transforming them into catalysts for widespread and inclusive socio-economic progress.

    In a statement, the organisers said: “The journey began with over 9,000 youth-led applications, which were narrowed down to 1,348 participants who joined intensive boot camps focused on refining their ideas, understanding business models, and learning how to design for impact.

    “From this group, 205 outstanding innovators were selected to enter a rigorous Stage Gating phase — a critical incubation period tailored to help them test, validate, and scale their solutions.

    “Over the past four months, these young innovators have participated in a dynamic mix of residency workshops, one-on-one mentorship, and peer-to-peer learning circles. They’ve developed minimum viable products, refined business strategies, built partnerships, and strengthened their market access while gaining confidence as local changemakers.

    “With a strong focus on inclusion, over 70% of selected innovators are women and 14% are persons with disabilities, showcasing a new generation of problem-solvers that reflect Nigeria’s diversity.

    “The State Innovation Showcases will run from December 4 to December 18 in Lagos, Anambra, Kaduna, Kwara, Ekiti, Akwa Ibom, and Borno.

    “These events will provide dynamic platforms for innovators to pitch their solutions, exhibit their prototypes, and connect directly with ecosystem players, including government representatives, investors, private sector partners, academia, and civil society.

    “From solar cooperatives to digital escrow platforms, sustainable dish care to localized banking for underserved communities, climate solutions to inclusive fintech tools and agro-logistics systems—these innovations have been nurtured through a model that equips youth with design thinking, market readiness, business development, and critical peer learning skills.

    “Each showcase will feature: Innovation Exhibition Booths: Live demonstrations of solutions ranging from tech prototypes to eco-solutions, digital tools, and creative ventures

    “Pitch Sessions: Selected innovators will present directly to stakeholders, state leaders, and development partners

    “Fireside Chats: Conversations between innovators, government officials, and industry experts focused on aligning policy, business, and community support

    “Partnership Conversations: On-the-spot commitments and follow-up opportunities

    “Media Coverage: Extensive coverage across TV, print, radio, and online platforms

    “Innovation isn’t just about technology; it’s about solving real problems that affect real people,” said Ms. Elsie G. Attafuah, UNDP Resident Representative in Nigeria.

    “The State Showcase is a celebration of young people doing exactly that: building climate solutions, inclusive fintech tools, waste-to-wealth platforms, agro-logistics systems, and more.

    “Listening to the wide range of innovations from healthcare to agriculture and more, what stands out is how much this journey has built the confidence of our young innovators.

    “Many of them shared how the process brought clarity to their ideas and helped them form critical connections.”

    Ms. Attafuah further said: “What’s especially inspiring is our joint focus with the Mastercard Foundation on supporting atypical innovators—young people from underserved communities, including women, persons with disabilities, and other vulnerable groups.

    “And what excites us even more is that we’re not just stopping here. We’re connecting these young innovators to Nigeria’s broader innovation ecosystem, ensuring they have a platform to grow, scale and lead lasting change.”

  • Immigration Service launches response attacks on bandits at Kebbi border 

    Immigration Service launches response attacks on bandits at Kebbi border 

    The Comptroller-General of the Nigeria Immigration Service (NIS), Mrs Kemi Nanna Nandap has ordered personnel of the Service to launch a tactical response on bandits who attacked its personnel on the Bakin Ruwa check point, in Tuga border, Kebbi state. 

    The attacks which claimed the lives of three personnel occurred on Thursday. 

    Nandap, who regretted the incident, said it was a a violent and coordinated attack carried out by unidentified armed men.

    A statement signed by the Public Relations Officer of the Service, Akinsola Akinlabi said “three gallant NIS personnel lost their lives in the line of duty. “

    READ ALSO: JUST IN: Resident doctors end nationwide strike

    “Several operational assets and facilities at the location were also destroyed,” he added. 

    “The Service extends its heartfelt condolences and unwavering support to the families, colleagues, and loved ones of the fallen personel, honoring their selfless sacrifice and commitment to safeguarding Nigeria’s Borders. 

    ” The Comptroller General has ordered an immediate tactical response, deploying reinforcements to the affected formation, intensified joint operations with other security agencies, enhanced intelligence-gathering along the entire Tuga axis, and heightened patrols to deter further threats and restore full security control of the area.

    “The Nigeria Immigration Service remains resolute in its mandate to securing the nation’s Borders and will not be deterred by acts of criminality. We urge the public to remain calm and continue to cooperate with security agencies in their efforts to secure the Nation,” Akinlabi said.  

  • JUST IN: Resident doctors end nationwide strike 

    JUST IN: Resident doctors end nationwide strike 

    The Nigerian Association of Resident Doctors (NARD) has halted its nationwide strike, bringing an end to nearly a month of disruptions in federal and teaching hospitals.

    The industrial action, which started on November 1, was formally suspended on Saturday after the association’s Extraordinary National Executive Council (NEC) met to review negotiations with the Federal Government. 

    NARD’s Secretary General, Dr Shuaibu Ibrahim, confirmed the decision to suspend the industrial action.

    Shuaibu said the union stepped down the strike after both parties signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) outlining seven outstanding issues the government must address. 

    The issues, according to him, include recalling the dismissed resident doctors in Lokoja, issuing the long-awaited Professional Allowance Table, settling promotion and salary arrears in designated hospitals, upgrading doctors who passed Part I examinations, enforcing the correct entry point for new intakes, implementing specialist allowance, and resolving concerns around Membership Certificates.

    He noted that two conditions have already been implemented, “The Professional Allowance Table has now been released, and the Head of Service has been instructed to adopt CONMESS 3 as the entry level for doctors. With these fulfilled, we have suspended the strike,” he said.

    The remaining five items, he explained, are expected to be completed within four weeks under the timelines agreed in the MoU. 

    Shuaibu warned that the association will not hesitate to down tools again if government agencies fail to deliver. 

    “If the outstanding commitments are not met within the specified period, we will resume the strike,” he said.

    The industrial action had left hospitals nationwide overstretched, as roughly 11,000 resident doctors across 91 teaching hospitals withdrew their services in protest over poor working conditions and delayed entitlements.

  • Jonathan accuses Embaló of orchestrating ‘ceremonial coup’ in Guinea-Bissau

    Jonathan accuses Embaló of orchestrating ‘ceremonial coup’ in Guinea-Bissau

    …briefs Tinubu, seeks ECOWAS intervention

    …calls for the release of opposition presidential candidate

    Former President Goodluck Jonathan has alleged that Guinea-Bissau’s displaced leader, President Umaro Sissoco Embaló, personally orchestrated the coup that disrupted the country’s electoral process last week, describing the incident as a “ceremonial coup” conducted by the head of state himself.

    Jonathan disclosed this to journalists after briefing President Bola Ahmed Tinubu at the State House, Abuja, on the escalating crisis.

    He urged ECOWAS to insist on the immediate release of detained opposition candidate, Fernando Dias da Costa, and the announcement of the country’s nearly concluded election results.

    “What happened in Guinea-Bissau? It is what some people call a palace coup. It’s not a palace coup. We know real coups. In Nigeria, we know a palace coup when we see one. This was not even a palace coup. I describe it as a ceremonial coup,” Jonathan told reporters.

    He added pointedly, “It was a ceremony conducted by the head of state himself.”

    The former Nigerian leader was in Guinea-Bissau as part of a joint AU–ECOWAS–West African Elders Forum observer mission when soldiers intervened before the final results of the November 23 presidential election could be declared.

    Soldiers loyal to Brigadier-General Dinis Incanha reportedly arrested Embaló on November 26, announcing that the armed forces had taken “total control” and later establishing a “High Military Command” led by General Horta Inta-A Na Man.

    However, rights groups and several diplomatic sources have since labelled the incident a “sham coup,” alleging that it was engineered to stall the publication of results and reset the political process in favour of Embaló’s allies.

    Speaking after his meeting with President Tinubu, Jonathan said it was standard practice for former leaders on continental assignments to give first-hand briefings ahead of ECOWAS deliberations.

    He urged regional leaders to act swiftly to safeguard constitutional order.

    “The key thing is that the election was concluded. Tallying of the results was almost concluded. In fact, the results are known, and the key thing is that the winner of this election must be announced,” he said.

    Jonathan stressed that ECOWAS must press the Guinea-Bissau military leadership to free Dias da Costa.

    “First, for them to release the opposition man, because the man has not committed any offence. He didn’t announce himself as the winner of the election… So there was no reason to arrest him”, he said.

    He urged ECOWAS leaders to engage the military directly, saying, “They cannot kick out the military with force; otherwise, people will die. But let us know who the winner is. They should announce the result, and if the military agrees, the person who won should be inaugurated.”

    Jonathan, who has since left office in 2015, has mediated political transitions in Mali, The Gambia, Liberia, and other West African states, said the region was weary of recurring instability.

    “We are tired of this in Africa, we are tired. Every day, it is one negative story or another,” he said.

    Saturday’s briefing to President Tinubu comes against the backdrop of growing democratic backsliding in West Africa, where ECOWAS has struggled to deter coups and enforce transition timelines.

    Guinea-Bissau, with nine coups or attempted coups since independence in 1974, remains one of the continent’s most volatile states.

    Jonathan was evacuated from the country on a jet reportedly provided by Ivorian President Alassane Ouattara.

    The coup occurred a day before the electoral commission was scheduled to publish official presidential results, with both Embaló and Dias da Costa already claiming victory amid accusations of rigging and intimidation.

  • Markaz-ul-Uloom at 40: Bridging tradition, modernity in Arabic and Islamic Education

    Markaz-ul-Uloom at 40: Bridging tradition, modernity in Arabic and Islamic Education

    Markaz-ul-Uloom, one of Nigeria’s foremost Arabic and Islamic educational institutions, celebrated its 40th anniversary on Saturday at the MUSON Centre, Onikan, Lagos, under the theme, “Arabic and Islamic Schools in the Contemporary World: Achieving Synergy through Diverse Mechanisms.”

    The symposium brought together scholars, academics, alumni, religious leaders, and captains of industry to reflect on the past four decades and explore strategies to adapt Islamic education to the demands of the modern era.

    In his welcome address, Sheikh Dr. Tunde Abbas Abdulazeez, founder and director of Markaz-ul-Uloom, expressed profound gratitude to Almighty Allah and warmly welcomed the event’s distinguished guests, including the Chairman of the Occasion, the 14th Emir of Kano, His Royal Highness, Dr. Muhammad Sanusi Lamido Sanusi II, represented by His Highness, Abdullahi Sarki Muhammad.

    He also paid homage to the Spiritual Father of the Day, His Eminence Fadeelatu Sheikh Muhammad Habibullah Adam Abdullah Al-Ilory, a scholar whose intellectual contributions have shaped generations of Muslims in Nigeria and beyond.

    Sheikh Abdulazeez recounted the institution’s humble beginnings with only a few students and two Alasalatu groups in a small mosque space at Otubu. From these modest origins, Markaz-ul-Uloom has produced generations of scholars, professionals, and change-makers who continue to impact society.

    He emphasised that the essence of the symposium was to highlight the need for collaboration and synergy among Arabic and Islamic schools, noting that no institution, regardless of its historical prestige, can operate in isolation in today’s interconnected and technologically advanced world.

    “The world has changed dramatically,” Sheikh Abdulazeez said. “Our students now carry phones more powerful than the computers that sent humans to the moon. The madrasa of today must produce graduates who are spiritually grounded, academically capable, socially aware, technologically literate, and economically resilient. Graduates who can open the Qur’an with one hand and a laptop with the other. If the world has moved, we too must move.”

    He stressed that synergy among institutions is critical for their relevance. Collaboration multiplies resources, enriches learning, and strengthens administration.

    “If two madrasahs teach the same text but refuse to learn from each other, they will both struggle unnecessarily. When institutions stand side by side rather than back-to-back, they become unstoppable. Innovation without compromising principles and partnerships without surrendering identity are the keys to success.”

    The Emir of Kano, represented at the event, highlighted a pressing challenge: ensuring that graduates of Arabic and Islamic schools are economically competitive without compromising their Islamic knowledge and values. He pointed out that this issue is particularly acute in south-western Nigeria, where Arabic and Islamic education is not as highly valued as in the north. 

    The Emir noted a two-fold challenge: a small group of graduates, despite Western training, disengage from Dawah (Category A), while others (Category B) remain active in Dawah but face limited livelihood opportunities, sometimes resorting to questionable activities to sustain themselves.

    Addressing the need for practical solutions, the Emir raised critical questions: How can graduates become employable in a multicultural society? Should the syllabus be reformed to shorten study duration and introduce in-demand skills? How can a collaborative ecosystem between Category A and B graduates be established to fund and support one another? How can the seemingly conflicting goals of pursuing religious scholarship and seeking economic prosperity be reconciled?

    In his keynote address, Professor Amidu Olalekan Sanni reflected on the historical and contemporary relevance of Arabic and Islamic studies in West Africa. 

    He noted that Arabic served as the “Latin of Africa,” enabling scholars to participate in a global intellectual and spiritual network, communicate across vast distances, and contribute to trade and administration. While religious knowledge remained central, Arabic education also equipped Muslims with the skills necessary for practical, societal, and administrative functions.

    Professor Sanni highlighted that Markaz-ul-Uloom is at a transition stage from evolution to maturity, poised to navigate the next forty years and beyond. He urged institutions to extend collaboration beyond formal schools to include traditional learning systems in mosques and homes, as well as contemporary digital platforms, including Artificial Intelligence and other technological innovations.

    He emphasised the importance of integrating traditional knowledge with Western-oriented education and modern digital tools to prepare graduates for global opportunities.

    “The reality today is that educational certificates alone are becoming less relevant,” Professor Sanni said. “What the world demands are new skills, entrepreneurship, innovation, and adaptability. Graduates must be equipped not just to survive but to thrive in complex, interconnected societies. Institutions like Markaz-ul-Uloom must evolve to meet these challenges, blending tradition with modernity.”

    Throughout the symposium, speakers stressed that the future of Arabic and Islamic education in Nigeria depends on unity, strategic collaboration, and practical engagement with contemporary realities.

    Sheikh Abdulazeez called on participants to ignite new partnerships, generate fresh ideas, and develop administrative models that harmonise tradition and innovation. 

    He prayed that the event would serve as a turning point, enhancing the prestige of Arabic and Islamic schools and ensuring their contributions to society remain profound and enduring.

    The symposium concluded with a shared vision: to ensure that graduates of Arabic and Islamic schools emerge as spiritually grounded, intellectually competent, socially responsible, and economically capable individuals.

    By embracing synergy, adopting modern tools, and fostering collaboration, Markaz-ul-Uloom and similar institutions hope to cultivate a generation that can engage confidently with the modern world while remaining deeply rooted in Islamic knowledge and values.

    As Markaz-ul-Uloom marks its 40th year, the celebrations and discussions at the symposium have set a clear agenda: to bridge tradition and modernity, expand opportunities for graduates, and strengthen the impact of Islamic education in Nigeria and beyond.

    The symposium underscored that through unity, innovation, and strategic collaboration, Arabic and Islamic schools can achieve relevance, resilience, and excellence in the 21st century.