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  • COP 28 and the allure of Dubai to Nigerians

    COP 28 and the allure of Dubai to Nigerians

    By Magnus Onyibe

    Just as flowers are drawn to butterflies, Nigerians are similarly captivated by Dubai, United Arab Emirates (UAE). To the ordinary Nigerian, Dubai embodies a fusion of London, Paris, and the bustling metropolises of New York and Los Angeles.

    The convergence of Nigerians in Dubai for the ongoing COP28 extends beyond a typical climate change conference. At this event, the most significant threat to humanity in the current century is under discussion, and over 100,000 delegates from 92 countries worldwide, including scientists, political figures, and business leaders, are participating in this discourse.

    The primary objective of the 1,411 Nigerian delegates attending COP28 in Dubai was not solely focused on discussing strategies to address environmental concerns and safeguard the planet. Many critics were astonished that, amid the profound economic challenges faced by the populace resulting from the economic reforms—specifically, the elimination of subsidies on petrol pump prices and the devaluation of the naira by the current administration—there appeared to be a lavish gathering in Dubai. Nigerian public office holders were perceived to be indulging in extravagant activities at the expense of limited public funds, causing widespread disapproval.

    But it appears that the prevailing perception is not entirely accurate. So it is crucial to convey the truth to the public in order to dispel any misconceptions regarding the substantial participation of Nigerians in COP 28. This could have helped avoid the erroneous belief that the extensive attendance was merely for frivolous purposes and an unwarranted expenditure of public funds

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    Clearly, public outrage was largely fuelled by opposition parties, with Peter Obi, the 2023 presidential candidate of the Labour Party, also known as OBIDIENTS, spearheading the effort. He asserted that the government had funded the attendance of the 1,411 Nigerian citizens registered by Dubai authorities.

    Following the controversy sparked by the erroneous assertion, pertinent authorities have since clarified that government funds supported only 422 delegates, with 63 hailing from the presidency. Despite this clarification, a substantial number of Nigerians still find the figure excessive, vehemently denouncing it as an imprudent utilization of public resources.

    Meanwhile, this is not the first time that President Tinubu’s administration has found itself under scrutiny due to issues related to Dubai. Following his attendance at the G-20 summit in India, President Tinubu made a stopover in Dubai as part of an investment drive.

    After productive discussions with Dubai leaders, President Tinubu’s spokesman, Ajuri Ngelari, officially announced the uplifting news that the visa ban for Nigerians traveling to Dubai had been lifted. This announcement was met with widespread enthusiasm and optimism.

    Upon the revelation that the young man’s assertion was unsubstantiated, it became evident that he had pre-emptively jumped to conclusions. Diplomatic matters of such magnitude typically require time to fruition, and the subsequent backlash was substantial.

    It seems the aftermath of this incident had not subsided when a new development emerged concerning the purportedly inflated count of Nigerian attendees at COP28.

    Let’s be unequivocal in stating that there is merit, rather than fault, in opposition parties scrutinizing the ruling party. This is an inherent aspect of democracy and is fundamentally advantageous for Nigerians.

     Holding their political leaders accountable for financial prudence is essential.

    As the Indian anti-colonial nationalist and political ethicist Mahatma Ghandhi posited, “Honest differences are often a healthy sign of progress.”

    The public is rightfully demanding greater fiscal responsibility and transparency from those who occupy influential positions in the corridors of power, symbolized by name plates adorning offices in Aso Rock Villa, the presidential seat of power, the National Assembly (NASS), governors’ mansions across the 36 state capitals, and state houses of assembly.

    Upon careful reflection, it is indisputable that Nigerians possess an abundance of energy, enthusiasm, and proficiency in pursuing both business and pleasure. This inclination is notably exemplified by the significant number of individuals flocking to Dubai.

    The Offshore Technology Conference (OTC), an annual event situated in Houston, Texas, USA—the epicentre of America’s oil and gas industry—has consistently attracted a significant number of Nigerian entrepreneurs.

     This gathering serves as a hub for seeking lucrative business partnerships and franchises from prominent oil and gas corporations, which actively establish a significant presence at the conference.

    I can personally attest to the fact that numerous successful business ventures in Nigeria owe their inception and growth to opportunities secured during the OTC. So, the conference has played a pivotal role in breathing life into these enterprises, contributing significantly to their current thriving status.

    Based on the aforementioned, there is a strong likelihood that Nigerian participants at COP 28 in Dubai, currently facing criticism from the online community, might soon transition into green energy entrepreneurs. This transformation, anticipated to stem from ongoing efforts to cultivate business relationships in the renewable energy sector, has already started manifesting.

    Already, Oando Clean Energy (OCEL), a subsidiary of Oando Energy Resources, has announced the matching of the federal government’s promise at COP28 to acquire 100 electric buses for mass transit as part of her efforts to reduce carbon emissions, aggravating the climate change crisis.

     So OANDO will be delivering 50 electric buses to Lagos State, and the rest will be deployed to states across the country, including the Federal Capital Territory (FCT.

    Also, as part of the COP28 agenda, a Loss and Damage Fund was launched, and over a trillion dollars has so far been raised in pledges.

    It is fortuitous that Nigerian Tariye Gbadegesin, a Harvard University-trained expert, has been appointed the Chief Executive Officer and CEO of the Climate Investment Fund, which is a platform for securing financial support to combat the climate crisis.

    Does that not represent a positive outcome for our country in the manner that Wally Adeyemo is the deputy security of the US Treasury?

    Meanwhile, Nigerians, driven by their entrepreneurial spirit, stand poised to contribute substantively to our economy based on the alliances and partnerships that they may develop from being involved in COP28. Their participation in conferences abroad often translates into increased productivity and the creation of much-needed employment opportunities for our youth.

    Given the current unemployment rate in our country, which has reached an unprecedented 54%, the infusion of entrepreneurial energy is vital. That is more so because it is this pressing concern about unemployment that is likely contributing to the potency of the social media advocacy campaigns, because, as conventional wisdom goes, the idle hand is the devil’s workshop.

    As we are all well aware, private sector initiatives operate independently of the multilateral agreements established by the government of Nigeria with various countries and supranational agencies during COP28.

    While addressing a global audience, President Bola Tinubu, alongside other world leaders at the conference, explicitly pledged to cease gas flaring in the oil-rich Niger Delta. It is widely known that gas flaring is a significant contributor to climate change, and its adverse effects are being experienced globally, with the burden disproportionately affecting less affluent regions.

    Happily, a prominent gas development company, CarbonAi, has signed an MoU with Oando during COP28 for a partnership towards the commercialization of the gas currently being flared from the company’s oil and gas operations.

    There is likely to be more aligning themselves with more Nigerian firms dedicated to oil and gas exploration and contemplating a visit to Nigeria to explore opportunities for participating in the untapped potential of the abundant gas and related resources.

    COP28 stands out as a pivotal event, especially considering Dubai’s historical significance as a haven for Nigerians prior to the imposition of the visa ban on the country. It is noteworthy that an impressive delegation of 1,411 attendees participated in COP28, demonstrating a collective effort to forge partnerships and engage in discussions with other nations.

    Clearly, the primary focus was on addressing the pressing issue of climate change, a global challenge that disproportionately affects the African continent.

     Basically, Nigeria did not attend COP28 in vain, as it did not return empty-handed. Contrary to the narrative pushed by opposition parties that has remained bellicose, particularly in light of the recently concluded elections, Nigeria’s active engagement in COP28 has proven to be a fruitful endeavour.

    • Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, development strategist, sent this piece from Lagos.

  • Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo is my Minister of the Year

    Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo is my Minister of the Year

    I will always remember something Festus Adeniyi Keyamo, now Minister of Aviation, told me in the early 2000s while he was running his law firm on the premises where Maryland Mall now stands. Keyamo told me he was hungry for history to record him. He has come a long way between then and now. 

    The actions of Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo, President Bola Tinubu’s Minister of Interior, show him as someone ready for history to record him. He is thus my Minister of the Year and I am excited because he is of my generation. He is the gold fish with no hiding place. 

    Since taking office, he has taken steps to ease the chaotic passport acquisition process. He is also doing many more that will make the passport acquisition process seamless. 

    I look forward to the day when we would be able to get our new passports sent to us by courier or NIPOST or EMS Speedpost. They should either be posted through our letterboxes or handed to us if we’re home. In the alternative, a card can be left for us, or a letter can be posted to us about how we can get it. And we should be able to track our passport application using our application reference number. With what the Minister has done so far, I believe he has the capacity to do much more. 

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    We need to get to a stage where Nigerians abroad do not have to travel far to get their passport renewed. American citizens and British citizens have their passports mailed to them anywhere they are in the world, and they don’t have to go through the hell Nigerians overseas go through to renew their passports. I see the Minister achieving this. 

    The Minister is also taking steps to make our correctional centres truly correctional. I was glad the Ministry settled the fines for some detainees as a way of decongesting the prisons. This is really commendable. Overcrowding has to end. Years of infrastructure deficit, which is the bane of proper management of the sector, should be urgently addressed. The old order must give way fast. And given what Tunji-Ojo has demonstrated so far, I believe he can do it.

    I look forward to him taking more giant steps in 2024. He is the kind of people we need in government. 

  • COP28, Fed. Govt. and Peter Obi’s hypocrisy

    COP28, Fed. Govt. and Peter Obi’s hypocrisy

    By Jude Ndukwe

    SIR: Nigeria’s participation at the climate change summit, COP28, in Dubai, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) is still a subject of disagreement and criticism among analysts and politicians in the country. Top on the agenda of the criticism is the size of Nigeria’s delegation to the summit as led by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

    The Labour Party presidential candidate at the last general elections, Peter Obi had lent his voice loudly against the federal government for what he termed a “wasteful” expedition due to the large number of Nigeria’s delegation to the summit.

    He had declared that “This huge contingent is out at public expense at a time when most Nigerians can hardly afford food and basic needs as a result of economic hardship.”

    He was soon to be followed by the national chairman of the Labour Party, Julius Abure who lamented and asked “How can a country that is borrowing money to pay workers’ wages, a country plagued by insecurity, battered by power collapse where investors are exiting the country by the day fritter away such a humongous amount of resources on a jamboree?”

    Both Peter Obi and Julius Abure could not be pacified by the explanation given by the government that it sponsored only 422 of the delegates and that the rest were individuals or representatives of corporate entities with interest in climate change who registered for the summit outside the government team.

    Shortly after, Peter Obi took on the Presidency over the sums it budgeted for the renovation of the vice president’s residence. While the sums of N2.5bn and N3bn were allocated for the renovation of the vice president’s residences in Abuja and Lagos respectively, another sum of N15bn was appropriated for the construction of a “befitting residence” for the vice president, Kashim Shettima, making it a total of N20.5bn in both the 2023 supplementary budget and the 2024 Appropriation Bill.

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    One wonders where Peter Obi got the moral right to make himself a judge over the federal government when government and leaders of his own party, the Labour Party, are doing even far worse things in Abia State while he and Julius Abure, the party’s national chairman, look away in odious pretence.

    Is it not alarming, sickening and even more ‘shocking and disheartening’ that the governor of Abia State, Alex Otti of his Labour Party spent a whopping sum of N5.32bn on his private residence which he has converted to a government house and from where he conducts his personal affairs and official duties?

    It is even worse that that humongous amount was what was spent on his private residence in just three months (July – September) according to the Abia State 3rd Quarter 2023 Budget Performance Report as featured on the official website of the Abia State government.

    And this is happening when Abia State has three government houses, two in Umuahia and one in Aba (annex). The two in Umuahia are the newly commissioned government house and the old one which is still very functional. To make matters worse, Otti’s private residence which he has converted to a government house at the expense of the state’s resources is neither located in Umuahia the state capital nor in Aba its commercial nerve centre, with all the attendant negative effects of such practice on the capital city.

    As if that was not enough, Otti’s government spent N397m on an amorphous ‘welfare package’ and N927m on meals alone in the same short period (July – September) even though it later claimed it was N233m.

    Yet, Peter Obi and Julius Abure have never for once made any comments about this sad and unfortunate development despite its wide reportage in the media. One could only imagine the kind of dust Peter Obi would have raised if it was the federal government that embarked on such frivolous expenses. The cacophony would have made headlines as usual and the Obidients in obedience would have feasted voraciously on it.

    One would have expected Peter Obi and Julius Abure to have their own little house cleaned before they embark on moralizing on the cleanliness or otherwise of other people’s castles. You cannot have logs in your own eyes and pretend to be seeing the specks only in others’.

    Abia State is stinking and dying under the weight of gross misgovernance by Alex Otti as exemplified by his reckless spending including awarding a 5.6km of road in Aba for a whopping N30bn. If that is not even more “sickening and disheartening”, one wonders what then is!

    • Jude Ndukwe, Abuja.

  • GlaxoSmithKline’s exit and the Nigerian blame game

    GlaxoSmithKline’s exit and the Nigerian blame game

    By Ashimi Jamiu Adewale

    I have followed the ongoing debate on the exit of GlaxoSmithKline company from Nigeria and the attempts to blame an administration that is less than eight months for the exit of the company.

    Background

    In order to have a proper understanding of my perspective on this issue, I need to provide a background so that the issues at stake will be well understood.

    The white race is a very adventurous and enterprising race. The economic relationship between them and us in Africa was established firmly at a stage they needed raw materials for their industries.

    They established a system of governance and provided infrastructures to extract and transport the raw materials to their industries.

    In exchange, they sold finished products to us. They established companies like Glaxosmithkline to distribute their products in the country.

    We sell cocoa to industries in the western countries and they use it to produce several finished products, Bournvita, Ovaltine, Milo, several chocolates etc. Thus, an unequal economic relationship was established.

    This relationship was sustained for many years, but rapid urbanisation led to more and more demands for finished products from these countries.  The situation encouraged big multinational companies to establish companies in the country to market their products in Nigeria. In some cases, it was convenient for them to establish industries to assemble their products here for distribution.

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    The impact of this unequal economic relationship started being felt in the early 1980s. We initially resorted to taking loans at very exploitative conditions so that we can continue to buy finished products for our use. However, repayments became a problem because the raw materials we sold could not pay for imported items and service loans. So we could not import enough to meet our needs, hence we resorted to rationing. This gave rise to the era of queuing for essential commodities and the attendant hardships.

    To eliminate queuing for essential commodities, the foreign exchange market mechanism was introduced by the experts from the World Bank.

    The way it works is that if we have Nigerians demanding foreign products to the tune of N2 million and we have $1 million in the market; the exchange rate would be N2 to $1. However, because our demand continued to increase, it became N200 million to $1 million. The exchange rate became N200 to $1. Today, it is over N1000 to $1.

    The implication of this steady decline in the purchasing power of the naira is the reduction in standard of living in Nigeria, inability of the import oriented multinational companies to expand and create jobs, massive unemployment and brain drain of our skilled manpower. The rapid decline in purchasing power led to a situation where so many people could not purchase expensive items but look for cheap products.

    Where industries transform raw materials into finished products, there are, usually, massive investments in research. The research activities lead to the creation of new products, and the establishment of more industries. Even when some companies are closing down, new ones are being created to provide better services. These types of opportunities are lacking in countries where multinational companies only engage in the distribution of finished products or assemblies and distribution of products.

     Exit of GlaxoSmithKline and other companies

    The major reason for the exit of GlaxoSmithKline Company and others is not because of the policies of a government that is less than eight months old. Rather, the companies leaving are reacting to unfavourable situations in the very competitive international market. In a situation where several companies from other countries now sell similar products at relatively cheaper prices in the same Nigerian market, the consumers are rational, and they will prefer to pay less to get the same service.

    The mistake, therefore, was made by these companies. They should have invested massively in research activities in our universities to develop more new and better products, continuously establish new companies and employ more Nigerians (because the cost of labour in Nigeria is several times less than what they pay their countrymen). This strategy would have made it possible for them to produce at globally competitive prices. It would have been difficult for competitors from other countries to drive them out of Nigeria. They would have created jobs for our youths, reduce unemployment and poverty.

    However, we Nigerians are also to be blamed because we did not provide the critical infrastructures such as electricity and effective transportation network and enabling environment to attract genuine investors who could invest in research; use our raw materials to produce finished goods for our internal consumption and possible export of excess products.

    If they had done that, they would not be folding up due to competition from other foreign companies.

    Way forward

    Given this background, the government should focus more on provision of infrastructures and creating an investment-friendly environment for companies that are interested in investing in research and processing our raw materials into finished products for internal consumption and export. These are the lessons we should all learn from their exit.

    • Adewale is a retired Permanent Secretary, Lagos State.

  • Navigating Nigeria’s economic turbulence

    Navigating Nigeria’s economic turbulence

    By Elvis Eromosele

    SIR: The exit of multinational corporations like Procter & Gamble (P&G) from Nigeria speaks volumes about the intricate challenges faced by the country’s business landscape. The ripple effects of P&G’s departure, resulting in job losses and dwindling foreign investments, shed light on the deeper issues prevalent in Nigeria’s economic climate.

    The core reasons behind such exits primarily revolve around intensified industry competition, declining consumer purchasing power, and the recent devaluation of the naira. These factors, coupled with difficulties in managing foreign exchange exposure, have made it increasingly challenging for companies to sustain operations profitably within Nigeria.

    P&G’s decision to transition to an import-only model marks a significant shift from its previous investments in local manufacturing, citing the unfavorable macroeconomic conditions. The closure of its $300 million plant in Agbara, Ogun State, which initially promised substantial job creation, now stands as a testament to the complexities faced by multinational corporations operating in Nigeria.

    Beyond P&G’s case, the broader manufacturing sector has experienced a tumultuous period, with various companies either leaving the country or halting production of certain products due to rising interest rates, inflationary pressures, and foreign exchange volatility. This trend has led to a concerning increase in job losses across the sector, ultimately impacting the country’s economy.

    The macroeconomic challenges facing Nigeria, including the removal of petrol subsidies, naira devaluation, and resultant inflation spikes, have significantly affected both businesses and consumers. The aftermath of these policy decisions has led to a decline in purchasing power, higher operating costs for businesses, and an overall adverse impact on the country’s business environment.

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    However, amidst the grim scenario, there’s a glimmer of hope in the emphasis on local manufacturing. While conglomerates like P&G might find it unviable, the local industry sees an opportunity for growth and significance. Encouraging local input through backward integration emerges as a potential strategy for manufacturers to navigate the challenging terrain, provided the government stabilizes the foreign exchange market.

    In essence, the departure of major multinational corporations like P&G serves as a wake-up call, prompting a reevaluation of policies, a push for local manufacturing resilience, and the urgent need for a stable economic environment to foster sustainable growth and job creation in the country.

    It is not enough for the government to hope. In the wake of the exit of Procter & Gamble (P&G), the imperative lies in outlining pragmatic solutions to foster economic resilience and sustainable growth in the country’s business landscape.

    First off, actively encouraging and supporting local manufacturing initiatives becomes pivotal. By promoting backward integration, the government can bolster domestic production, reducing reliance on imports and mitigating the impact of foreign exchange fluctuations on businesses. BuyNaija should not just be a slogan at this time but an actual policy drive.

    In addition, urgent policy reforms are needed to stabilize the economy. Measures that ensure foreign exchange market stability and cushion businesses against volatility can facilitate a conducive environment for sustained operations. This might involve revisiting currency policies and implementing measures to mitigate inflationary pressures.

    The government should equally be in the forefront of efforts to foster a skilled workforce through robust training programs and education initiatives so as to enhance the capacity of local industries. This focus on skill development enables companies to harness local talent, reducing dependency on expatriate expertise and potentially lowering operational costs.

    Furthermore, it is widely acknowledged that Small and Medium Scale Enterprises (SMEs) are the backbone of any economy. Therefore, providing targeted support, such as access to funding, technology, and infrastructural development, can empower these entities to thrive, contribute significantly to job creation, and amplify economic growth.

    All in all, the government’s proactive involvement through incentives, tax reforms, and infrastructural enhancements geared towards enhancing the ease of doing business can stimulate investor confidence and attract foreign investments, fostering a conducive environment for sustainable economic growth.

    The long ahead is long but not hopeless. By embracing pragmatic solutions, Nigeria can potentially chart a path towards economic stability, bolstering local industries, creating job opportunities, and fostering an environment conducive to sustained business growth.

    Nigeria must do things differently. We must do things better.

    • Elvis Eromosele, Lagos.

  • Hero of the struggle

    Hero of the struggle

    • Kokori’s death a painful blow to the democratic struggle

    Conscious of his place in history, Chief Frank Kokori’s words, as he lay dying in a hospital, had the character of an epitaph. He was reported saying, “I was born a hero and I will live the life of a hero even in my death.” 

    Indeed, as a pro-democracy activist, he heroically fought against military dictatorship in Nigeria, and enabled the country’s return to democracy. His name became a byword for heroism. His death, at the age of 80, on December 7, his birthday, brought back memories of the country’s intense struggle against internal anti-democratic forces.  

    Under the malignant despotism of Gen. Sani Abacha, who sought to perpetuate his predecessor’s unjust annulment of Nigeria’s June 12, 1993 presidential election, won by Chief M.K.O. Abiola, there was a fierce urgency to fight back, and the pro-democracy camp bared its fangs. Abacha had arrested and detained Abiola of the Social Democratic Party (SDP), one of the two existing political parties at the time, for seeking the restoration of his electoral mandate.    

    Kokori was the General Secretary of the National Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG) and Financial Secretary of the SDP. His union, in collaboration with the Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria (PENGASSAN), in 1994, organised unprecedented nationwide strikes that crippled the oil industry, the soul of the nation.  

    “We had to mobilise because we controlled the whole system,” Kokori recalled in an interview. “The Nigerian refineries were working full-blown at that time. We were in control of the terminals that were exporting oil, the refineries, tanker drivers, and everything downstream, upstream, and midstream. So, we shut down the country.”

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    The resistance, which lasted 8 to 10 weeks, ended shortly after his arrest in August 1994. He had coordinated the confrontation from a hiding place. He was caged for four years, and was declared a prisoner of conscience by the International Labour Organisation (ILO) and Amnesty International (AI). Abacha’s successor set him free after the tyrant died in 1998.

    Nigeria’s return to democracy, in 1999, was the outcome of the pro-democracy battle in which he was an influential combatant. It is a testimony to his sense of history that his 2014 book, ‘Kokori: The Struggle for June 12’, “details the roles he and other individuals played in the quest to re-validate the June 12, 1993 presidential election.”

    Significantly, in 2018, former President Muhammadu Buhari changed Nigeria’s Democracy Day, marked every May 29 since 2000, to June 12, to honour Abiola, who died in detention in 1998. The day was also declared a national holiday. It was another testament to the victory of the country’s June 12 activists and heroes of democracy, among whom Kokori was highly ranked.

    Born in Kokori, Warri, in present-day Delta State, he attended the University of Ibadan, and the Institute of Social Studies, The Hague, Netherlands (ISS), where he earned a master’s degree in Labour and Development Studies in 1984. Before his era as NUPENG general secretary, which lasted 22 years, he was general secretary of the National Union of Nigeria Bank Employees for three years.

    He was a recipient of the George Meany Labour/Human Rights Award by the American Federation of Labour/Congress of Industrial Organisation (AFL/CIO) for the most outstanding Labour Leader in the world in 1996; and the Febe Elizabeth Velasquez Trade Union/Human Rights Award of the Dutch Labour Federation (FNV) for the most outstanding Labour Activist and Human Rights Crusader in the world in 1998.

    He was appointed chairman of the Nigeria Social Insurance Trust Fund (NSITF) in 2017, and later chairman of the board of Michael Imoudu National Institute for Labour Studies in Ilorin, Kwara State.

    About a month before he died, he made the headlines on account of his ill-health, hospitalisation, and neglect by individuals and organisations that were expected to take an interest in his wellbeing. It was an undeserved treatment for a hero of his standing, and raised questions about how the country treats its heroes. For his heroic service to bring about democracy in Nigeria, he deserves an enduring honour.

  • The Oyekanmi murder

    The Oyekanmi murder

    • Ogun must review the security structure that made the killing possible 

    Inevitably, the tragedy triggered several questions, particularly whether it could have been prevented. Taiwo Oyekanmi, an accountant and Director of Finance and Accounts in the office of Ogun State Governor Dapo Abiodun, was fatally shot by unidentified armed robbers in Abeokuta, Ogun State. He was 51, and was killed four days after he celebrated his birthday.

    The commissioner of police in the state, Abiodun Alamutu, said Oyekanmi was in “a homemade bullion van” with a driver and one other person, and they were returning to their office from a Fidelity Bank branch where they had gone to withdraw money when the armed robbery happened on November 29. “They were supposed to have a police escort, but for certain reasons, the person (policeman) was permitted to travel to attend to some issues,” he stated.

    According to another version, the mobile police officer, Inspector Rasheed Adegbite, who was supposed to be with the bullion van, had travelled to Igbo-Ora in Oyo State the previous day, without permission. The police said he had been arrested for investigation.

    It is unclear what the police chief meant by “a homemade bullion van,” but the description suggests that the vehicle was not a standard purpose-built bullion van. Indeed, the victim’s elder brother observed in an interview: “Will you call what my brother was in a bullion van or contraption? There was no risk assessment whatsoever.”

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    The police boss said the armed robbers’ vehicle had blocked the bullion van, and “five occupants of the vehicle came down, shot at the director and from their vehicle, they brought out a sledgehammer to force the receptacle where the money was kept open and they left with the money.”

    Oyekanmi, the only fatality, was said to have withdrawn N97.335m from Fidelity Bank and N15m from Sterling Bank. The bullion van was said to be carrying N112.335m at the time of the attack.

    Why did he withdraw such a sum? Why was their vehicle transporting such a sum? In these days of increasingly cashless transactions, why was there such an apparently overriding need for cash?  

    The police suspect the robbery was “an in-house (thing)” because the robbers knew they would need a sledgehammer to break the receptacle where the money was kept. “They must have had information that he was going to take a large amount of money from the bank,” Alamutu said.

    According to him, the driver claimed to have trailed the robbers’ vehicle up to a point “where he lost sight of them.” It was after this that he took the shot director to a hospital. This is a strange narrative. What was the point of chasing the attackers unprotected? Normally, he should have tried to save the director’s life first.   

    The armed robbery exposed poor security arrangements. It is curious that the absent police escort was not replaced by another guard, and those in the bullion van were without protection.

    Apart from this, it is puzzling that there was only one guard attached to the bullion van, who happened to be unavailable on the day. If he was available, or if someone else had replaced him, would one guard have been able to protect the occupants of the bullion van from the said five attackers?  

    Such an approach to security is questionable and condemnable. It should be reviewed. Governor Abiodun, in a statement issued by his aide, described Oyekanmi as “a dedicated, truthful, and diligent official,” adding, “It is indeed a colossal loss for our administration.” From the look of things, the administration did not do enough to protect him, and possibly prevent the tragedy.

    The Ogun State government has announced a reward of N50m for any information that could lead to the arrest of the killers. The state government and the police must ensure that the armed robbers who killed Oyekanmi do not get away with armed robbery and murder.

  • Attention, House Committee on varsity education

    Attention, House Committee on varsity education

    By FUDMA Staff

    SIR: We write to convey to you a matter of concern regarding the delayed enrolment of recruited staff at the Federal University Dutsin-Ma, Katsina State, on the Integrated Personnel and Payroll Information System (IPPIS).

    Despite completing all necessary documentation processes, there has been a prolonged and uncertain three-year delay in our enrolment on the IPPIS. This delay has not only affected the morale and confidence of the individuals involved but has also raised questions about the efficiency of FUDMA’s administrative processes. It is disheartening to note that some had to work for months before receiving a circular notifying them of their suspension from work, pending capturing on the IPPIS platform.

    The affected employees who joined FUDMA with high expectations to contribute positively to the university have now found themselves in a state of limbo. Some resigned from their previous employments, anticipating a seamless transition to FUDMA. The protracted anticipation has caused significant distress among the affected workers who urgently need clarity on whether there are still possibilities for them to be captured on the IPPIS or not.

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    We are reaching out to you due to the failure of the university management to communicate clearly with us. We believe you can use your influence and position to intervene in this matter. Given the critical role of the House Committee on Tertiary Education, we believe your intervention will no doubt help to accelerate the resolution of the enrolment issue at the Federal University Dutsin-Ma.

    We passionately request that you investigate the reasons behind the delay and facilitate a prompt and transparent resolution to this matter. Your intervention can play a pivotal role in ensuring that the affected staff are enrolled on the IPPIS.

    Your prompt attention to this matter will not only address the immediate concerns of the affected individuals but also contribute to the overall efficiency and credibility of our higher education system.

    • For: FUDMA Staff Not Enrolled on the IPPIS, samhabushraakareem@gmail.com

  • Sir Ahmadu Bello’s Christmas Message

    Sir Ahmadu Bello’s Christmas Message

    His is the month of December, the month of paradoxical trade fair in which lies, fabrications and falsehood are, invariably, the wares displayed for exhibition. This is the month in which ostentation displaces faith and deception replaces conscience. How and why did these become cases of concern especially in Nigeria? Please, read the related story of facts and fictions below.

    Preamble

    An axiomatic Yoruba adage came to mind, recently, when a so-called National Christian Elders’ Forum (NCEF) published a fabricated statement in the media and falsely credited it to the late Premier of Northern Nigeria, Sir Ahmadu Bello some years ago. The statement which was quoted verbatim from a false publication by some Biafra agitators of Igbo extraction, as a justification for their thoughtless secession bid. The adage goes thus:

    “Any slave who is desperate to forcefully usurp an estate bequeathed to an innocent orphan must fabricate a rootless history to justify his/her inordinate desperation to illegally usurp other people’s properties”. For people who can read between the lines, this adage needs no interpretation. It is self-explanatory.

    Record of History

    Here is a season in which recalling certain aspects of Nigerian history, if only to put the records straight, is a sine qua non.

    History is a living phenomenon that is common to all people around the world, in time and in space. No matter what interpretation or misinterpretation is given to it, in certain quarters, the fact remains that history is not anybody’s personal property and can, therefore, not be anybody’s enclave of monopoly.

    Memory Lane

    Sir Ahmadu Bello, the first and only Premier of Northern Nigeria was not just one of the foremost political icons in Nigeria’s First Republic. He was also a patriarch of the ruling political party called Northern People’s Congress (NPC). This man of colossal status became the Premier of Northern Nigeria in 1954, the same year in which his political counterparts and arch-rivals, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe and Chief Obafemi Awolowo, became Premiers of Eastern and Western regions respectively. The trio assumed office as Premiers, in 1954, through party-based elections. They were later joined by Chief Denis Osadebe as the fourth regional Premier in Nigeria. The latter became the Premier of Midwest region, in 1963, when that region was created. However, barely five years after Nigeria’s independence, Sir Ahmadu Bello was callously killed, as Premier, on Saturday, January 15, 1966, by some Nigerian military coup plotters whose real intent was to obliterate all traces of Islam in Nigeria. Virtually all those coup plotters were of Igbo extraction and no single one of them was a Muslim, an indication that the coup was religiously and tribally motivated.

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    That devilish coup was led by one Major Patrick Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu, an Igbo man from the present day geographical area of Nigeria, called Delta State.

    Those coup plotters had killed the Muslim leaders in government, including Premier Ahmadu Bello, Prime Minister Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, Premier Samuel Ladoke Akintola and several other political leaders from other tribal extractions, in that year’s sacred month of Ramadan, before they started looking for reasons to give as a justification for their heinous termination of those leaders’ lives. The three reasons that they (the coup plotters) gave after killing those leaders were corruption, tribalism and religious bigotry. It was a matter of calling a dog a bad name in order to hang it.

    Analysis of Their Reasons

    Among the four Premiers in Nigeria during the first republic, only Ahmadu Bello, was a Muslim and he could not, in any way, be evidently linked to corruption. Unlike the three other Premiers who lived opulently in expensive affluence, Ahmadu Bello was an ascetic personality who served his people diligently and patriotically without an iota of blemish. At the time of his gruesome murder, that Northern Premier had only a small residential bungalow in his home town of Rabah in Sokoto Province, which he built with a loan and nothing more has been traced to him as property till today. He had not even completed the payment of the loan he obtained for the building of that bungalow before he was murdered.

    Who else among his peers can be said to have left such a flank behind?

    Sir Ahmadu Bello, the only Premier from the North, at that time, could also not be singularly accused of being tribally inclined because tribalism was the basis of all the existing political parties of the time. No Premier, in Nigeria, from 1954 to 1966 could be exonerated from tribalism directly or indirectly. They were all guilty of it.

    Genesis of Tribal Politics in Nigeria

    It can be recalled that certain tribal groups such as Ibiobio State Union (IBU), Ibo Federal Union (IFU) Egbe Omo Oduduwa (EOO) and ‘Jam’iyyar Al-Ummar Nigeriya ta Arewa’ translated as Northern Elements Progressive Association (NEPA) which later transformed into Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) were all tribal socio-cultural organizations that metamorphosed into political parties. All those parties preceded ‘Jam’iyyar Mutane Arewa’ meaning Northern People’s Congress (NPC), to which Ahmadu Bello belonged. Many other ethnic-based political parties later emerged to broaden tribalism in Nigerian politics. If anything, therefore, Ahmadu Bello was the least tribally inclined Premier of his time. If he was actually a tribalist and religious bigot as he has always been maliciously painted in Nigeria’s political history, by the Southern Nigerian media, he would not have appointed Sunday Awoniyi, a Yoruba Christian, from the present day Kogi State, as his Private Secretary. Which other Premier appointed his private secretary from another tribe or from a religion other than Christianity? And, why did his killers link him alone to tribalism and bigotry?

    His 1959 Christmas Message

    Among the four Premiers in Nigeria’s first republic, only Ahmadu Bello was bold and sincere enough to allay the fear of the minority groups in his (Northern) region by making a public policy statement about his government’s stand concerning tribalism and religious bigotry. Here is an excerpt from what he said while sending a Christmas message to northern Christians at the time of Christmas in 1959:

    “…We are people of many different races, tribes and religions, who are knit together by common history, common interests and common ideals. Our diversity may be great but the things that unite us are stronger than the things that divide us. On an occasion like this, I always remind people about our firmly rooted policy on religious tolerance. Families of all creeds and colours can rely on these assurances. We have no intention of favouring one religion at the expense of another. Subject to overriding need to preserve law and order, it is our determination that everyone should have absolute liberty to practice his belief. It is befitting on this momentous day, on behalf of my ministers and myself, to send a special word of gratitude to all Christian missions”.

    “Let me conclude this with a personal message. I extend my greetings to all our people who are Christians on this great feast day. Let us forget the difference in our religion and remember the common brotherhood before God, by dedicating ourselves afresh to the great tasks which lie before us….”

    That was the Christmas message that Sir Ahmadu Bello delivered in a radio broadcast on Thursday, December 24, 1959. And, it remained intact in Nigerian historical archive until 2002, when a Yoruba agent of the Lucifer came up with a fabricated statement that is now being devilishly quoted and circulated spirally by mischievous elements in Nigeria, who have been crediting it to Sir Ahmadu Bello.

    The Fabricated Version

    Decades after Sir Ahmadu Bello’s unjustifiable assassination, some evil elements in the media, in active conspiracy with certain political demagogues, who were passionately pregnant with morbid hatred for Islam, went to fabricate another ‘Christmas Message’ and credited it to the late Northern Premier as a justification for his murder. The concocted statement was purportedly culled from a non-existing newspaper called ‘The Parrot’. Below is the fabricated Christmas Message:

    “…The new nation called Nigeria should be an estate of our great grandfather Othman Dan Fodio. We must ruthlessly prevent a change of power. We use the minorities in the north as willing tools and the south as a conquered territory and never allow them to rule over us and never allow them to have control over their future….”

    Now, should that senselessly fabricated statement said to have been made by Sir Ahmadu Bello on October 12, 1960, be quoted blindly by any sensible individual or group? How can a Christmas message by a Premier of Ahmadu Bello Status, be delivered in October, two months before Christmas? Haba! Is that not a confirmation that liars never think of the implications of their lies before they fabricate them?

    Truth and Falsehood

    “Truth has come and falsehood has vamoosed; surely, falsehood is meant to vamoose in the presence of the truth”.  Q. 17: 81 

    Comparison

    Now, looking at both (genuine and fabricated) statements quoted above very carefully, shouldn’t any sensible person be able to distinguish between truth and falsehood? The Premier’s original Christmas message, earlier quoted above, was made on the eve of Christmas on Thursday, December 24, 1959, through a radio broadcast and it was published by all newspapers in the country including the vociferous ‘West African Pilot’ owned by Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, the boisterous ‘Tribune’ owned by Chief Obafemi Awolowo and the clamorous ‘Daily Times’ jointly owned privately by certain prominent Nigerian individuals at that time. That original statement was equally published by many other smaller newspapers in Nigeria. All those newspapers are identifiable in Nigeria’s media history even though most of them are now defunct.

    On the other hand, the place and occasion of the fabricated statement credited to Sir Ahmadu Bello was not indicated and cannot be traced in any Nigeria’s newspaper history.

    Evidence of Fabrication

    The first time any genuinely existing newspaper ever made reference to that fabricated statement was on November 13, 2002 (42 years after it was purportedly made by Sir Ahmadu Bello. And, ‘The Tribune’ newspaper which published it on that date only claimed to have culled it from an online column published on October 24 2002 by a fraudulent Yoruba Journalist (name withheld) who entitled it ‘The Northern Agenda’. The referred online was actually named ‘Nairaland’, and it can still be found on the internet today, if googled.

    It can, therefore, be confirmed that the statement was actually fabricated, not in the 1960s but in October 2002, by the so-called online columnist who credited it to a newspaper that never existed. The objective was to give it an undeserved credibility. What a country! What a people! What a shame! This is a typical case of an obvious mischief by heartless mischief makers just to fetch ephemeral fame and illegal income.

    The belief of such fraudsters was that once such a fabricated article appears on the internet and is ignorantly quoted by some inconsequential mercenary writers, it would automatically become a document of fact. And, true to that assertion, a self-acclaimed Nigerian Christian Elders Forum’ (NCEF) has shamelessly quoted that fabricated falsehood, as usual, to justify its baseless allegation of ‘Islamization’ of Nigeria. That is Nigeria for you.

    The 1966 Coup Episode

    January 15, 1966 was a Saturday like no other one in the history of Nigeria. It was on that day that the bitter political seed which germinated and grew into the thorny political tree that is now feeding Nigerians with bitter political fruits, was planted. The evil planting of that seed marked the beginning of an agonizing voyage of destiny on which Nigerians embarked without a compass. Coming up in the sacred month of Ramadan, the day, (January 15, 1966) actually came to confirm the axiomatic thought of an Arab poet who once asserted in a couplet thus: “Nights are heavily pregnant; they give birth to wonders in the days….”

    The Major Casualties

    The real target of the heartless coup plotters in  military uniform, who struck on January 15, 1966 coup was Islam. Although they (the coupists) killed virtually all the major key players in the then Nigerian politics except those of Igbo extraction, most of the victims of that coup were Muslims and some non-Igbo Christians who were then in prisons. The Prime Minister, Alhaji Sir AbubakarTafawa Balewa and the Minister of Finance, Chief Festus Okotie-Eboh were killed in Lagos. The Premier of Northern Nigeria, Sir Ahmadu Bello, was killed with his wife and some other people in Kaduna, the then Headquarters of Northern Nigeria. The Premier of Western Region, Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola, was killed in Ibadan, the then Headquarters of the South Western Region, while some military top brass of non-Igbo extraction were killed in different military barracks across the country.

    Except for Lt. Col. Arthur Unegbe who was killed for being too close to one Brigadier-General Zakariya’ Maimalari, a top Muslim military officer from the north, and could not be trusted, no other Igbo man of note, civilian or military, was killed in that coup. As a matter of fact, if there was any feeling of the coup in Nigeria’s Eastern Region at all, it was that of victory and heroism. The top military officers who were killed in the senseless coup included: Brig. S. A. Ademulegun (South West); Brig. Zakari Maimalari (North East); Col. Kur Mohammed (North West); Lt. Col. J. Y. Pam (North Central); Col. S. A. Shodeinde (South West); Lt. Col. Largema (North Central); Lt. Col. A. G. Unegbe (South East); S/Lt. James Odu (Mid West) and a host of others.

    The False Allegations

    After the dust had settled, it became evident that virtually all the planners of that coup as well as its executors were soldiers of Igbo extraction and Christians. Thus, other Nigerians whose relatives were severely affected saw the coup not only as tribal but also as religious, the killing of some Christians like Chiefs Akintola and Okotie-Eboh notwithstanding. This was because the then Governor of Eastern Nigeria, Sir Francis Akanu Ibiam was as deeply involved in religious matters as Sir Ahmadu Bello. The one was a Vice-President of the World Council of Churches. The other was the Vice-President of the Muslim World League. If religion was therefore the reason for the coup, the two of them not one ought to have been killed for bigotry. But history entails a variety of interpretations especially in a society where conscience hardly plays any meaningful role.

    Beneficiaries

    It is historically notable that the chief beneficiary of the coup (Major-General Johnson Aguiyi Ironsi) was also of Igbo extraction. Almost all the military appointments after the coup were for men of Igbo extraction. Among those appointees, only Hassan Katsina and Muhammadu Shuwa were Muslims. How else could a coup be tribal and religious? After all, as far back as 1953, a frontline Igbo politician (name withheld) had set such agenda for his tribe’s men when he reportedly said that “Ibos’ domination of Nigeria is a matter of time”.  That statement was allegedly made at a cocktail party in Lagos. If this remains the yardstick for driving democracy in Nigeria, for how long can such democracy last?

  • UPDATED: Niger Delta Affairs ministry owes N50bn, says minister

    UPDATED: Niger Delta Affairs ministry owes N50bn, says minister

    The Minister of Niger Delta Affairs, Abubakar Momoh, on Thursday, December 14, said the ministry owed contractors over N50 billion for both executed, ongoing and abandoned projects in the region.

    The National Assembly Joint Committee on Niger Delta Affairs also stepped down the budget defence and summoned the Minister of Finance, Wale Edun and his counterpart in the Budget and Economic Planning ministry, Atiku Bagudu to appear before it in respect of the budget the ministry of Niger Delta Affairs.

    The summon is sequel to the appearance of Momoh before the committee when a member of the committee, Senator Seriake Dickson raised a motion to adjourn the sitting indefinitely until both ministers of Finance and Budget and Economic Planning appear with the minister of Niger Delta Affairs to shed more light around the poor budgetary envelope for the ministry of Niger Delta Affairs and fund releases for projects among others.

    According to Momoh, the budget of the ministry is meager, adding that so many things they are supposed to do are being performed by other agencies.

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    He noted that the amnesty programme which deals with disarmament is now carrying out programmes of development and empowerment.

    “There are alot of programmes going on in the Niger Delta which ordinarily

     should be done by the ministry,” Momoh said.

    He added that for the 2023 budget performance, the budget estimates was N14.5 billion but that even though N11 billion was later approved, only N4.2 billion was released which according to him, was too small to even embarked on a road project.

    “A total of 14.5 billion was the estimate including capital, recurrent and overheads but what came to the ministry was just N4.2 billion out of the N11 billion that was approved. The 2023 budget performance is put at 37 percent,” Momoh said.

    “The N14 billion budget estimate is meagre to meet the requirements of the ministry. How many kilometers of road can N4 billion construct?” Momoh queried.

    He added: “We have a lot of abandoned projects. We have a lot of completed projects. Those that have been awarded and have not been paid are worth over N50 billion,” Momoh said.

    “Since I took over, I’ve gotten over 2000 requests from people asking for training in the Niger Delta. If I have the required resources, be assured that I will do a lot,” Momoh said.

    He said he is not aware whether the President is aware of the N50 billion debt in his ministry because, according  to him, he has not had the opportunity of discussing the issue with the president but that the Ministry of Finance is aware of the debt.

    The chairman of the Senate Committee on Niger Delta, Babajide Ipinsagba, said they must do everything to ensure that the people that are being owed are settled since most of them collected loans to do the projects.

    Ipinsagba blamed the situation on cash plan of the agency, saying “If a contractor completed his job, it is expected that once the Minister approves you should get your money in two weeks.

    “But you have to upload the approval and another person will determine if there is money to pay for the job done.”

    Also the House of Reps Committee Chairman on Niger Delta, Hon. Ugonna Ozurigbo, urged the minister to identify projects he can complete and commission and not embark on projects that will later be abandoned.

    Earlier, the Minister briefed the committee on the 2023 budget performance of the ministry and answered questions around project execution, project abandonment, fund releases and with a cumulative   debt portfolio of the ministry totalling over N50billion.

    Engr. Momoh said for the 2023 budgetary provision of N11billion only N4billion was released from the capital budget which represents about 37% which he described as merger and inadequate to meet the challenges of the region.

    He said: “This grossly inadequate budget has led to project abandonment and unpaid projects and so, this paucity of funds can lead to the derailment of the mission and vision of the ministry.”

    While answering questions on training and empowerment for women and youths in the region, the minister said there was nothing the ministry could do, if money is not released for training and empowerment and as such, the training and acquisition of knowledge has been slowed down.

    He said: “We have signed performance bond with the President but with paucity of funds there’s nothing we can do.

    “The purse of the nation is in your hands as lawmakers, we need you to empower the ministry to deliver. We do hope that with your approval, you will give us support for more and better funds release in the 2024 budget.”

    On whether Mr. President was aware of the situation in the ministry of Niger Delta Affairs, the Minister said, “I cannot say he’s aware.  It would be pretty difficult for the president to know all the details of happenings in all the ministries.”