Category: Femi Macaulay

  • Smoking out Yahaya Bello

    Smoking out Yahaya Bello

    Dramatically, the immediate past governor of Kogi State, Yahaya Bello, is still playing hide-and-seek four months after the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) declared him wanted. EFCC had on April 18 launched a manhunt for him in connection with a case of alleged money laundering involving over N80b. The agency is charged with the responsibility of enforcing all economic and financial crimes laws in Nigeria.

    He had earned the status of a fugitive following his mysterious escape from EFCC operatives who wanted to arrest him at his Abuja residence, on April 17, after obtaining an arrest warrant from the Federal High Court, Abuja.  Three other suspects, Ali Bello, Dauda Suliman, and Abdulsalam Hudu, are involved in the case.

     His escape was reported to have been facilitated by a group of armed men identified as ‘Special Forces’ and some policemen, as well as the current governor of Kogi State, Usman Ododo. He remains at large.

    Curiously, he spoke from his hiding place during the nationwide so-called hunger protests that turned violent in parts of the country.  His media office issued a statement, on August 7, saying, “We have uncovered a high-wired plan by some disgruntled enemies of the nation and persons on the ‘Project Bring Down Yahaya Bello,’ to frame him up as one of the sponsors of the #Endbadgovernance protests across the country.”

    The statement said Bello was on President Bola Tinubu’s side, adding that he “mobilised the youth of the nation as the APC Youth Mobilisation Committee Chairman, because of his faith in the leadership capacity of Mr President.”

    In June, he was reported to have written to the Chief Judge of the Federal High Court, through his lawyers, arguing that his trial should be moved from Abuja to “the Lokoja Division of the Federal High Court which is the Division with the Territorial Jurisdiction to try the case.”

    Read Also: Yahaya Bello not behind #EndBadGovernance protests, says media office

    According to the letter, all the funds alleged to have been laundered by Bello “are monies of the Government of Kogi State whose State Capital is in Lokoja”; all bank accounts from which the said monies are stated to be laundered from “are domiciled with the branches of the respective Banks in Lokoja, Kogi State”; and Bello is accused of “criminal breach of trust, criminal misappropriation and money laundering in respect of the statutory funds of Kogi State.”

    The Chief Judge of the Federal High Court, Justice John Tsoho, rejected his request that his case be transferred to Kogi State. He stated that “The main complaint in the case borders on the alleged conversion and transfer of funds of Kogi State to Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory, to purchase property through acts of concealment.”  He also said: “The law permits the filing of the charge either in Abuja, FCT or in Lokoja, Kogi State, the offence(s) having been allegedly partly committed in both places.”

    Last month, the Federal High Court, Abuja rejected Bello’s application to halt his arraignment for money laundering. He has refused to appear in court. Apart from his non-appearance in July, he failed to show up on five previous occasions, April 18, April 23, May 10, June 13 and June 27.

    His lawyer was said to have told the judge he would try to bring him to court at the next sitting. EFCC’s lawyer, Kemi Pinheiro (SAN), told the court that the anti-graft agency was collaborating with security agencies to “extract the defendant from the Kogi State Government House where he is hibernating.”

    The House of Representatives candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) for Dekina/Bassa Federal Constituency, Kogi State, in the 2023 elections, Austin Okai, had claimed that he was hiding in Government House in Lokoja. There were also claims that the former governor had been smuggled out of the country.

    His latest statement denying any connection with the anti-Tinubu protests demonstrated that going into hiding does not mean falling into silence. After serving as a two-term governor of Kogi State from 2016 to 2024, he should make himself available for questioning concerning his years in power. Is he afraid? Why is he afraid? Should he be afraid?

    Bello, 49, was the youngest governor in Nigeria throughout his tenure.  He unsuccessfully participated in the All Progressives Congress (APC) primary to choose the ruling party’s presidential candidate ahead of the 2023 elections.  He studied accounting and business administration at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria.

    In 2021, a Kogi-based group, the Anti-Corruption Network, notably released a report accusing him of monumental corruption. The report alleged that the Bello administration had committed large-scale fraud, in 2016, 2017, 2018 and 2019, by awarding state contracts improperly, irregularities and conflicts of interest in awarding contracts, awarding contracts without due process, and money laundering. The administration said the allegations were politically motivated.

    Regarding his N80b money laundering case, the judge adjourned the matter till September 25 for arraignment. It remains to be seen whether he will be in court.

     It is unclear what effort the EFCC is making to locate him, arrest him, and prosecute him. Indeed, there are suggestions that the agency may no longer be in pursuit of the fugitive.

    The Executive Director, Rule of Law and Accountability Advocacy Centre, Okechukwu Nwanguma, was reported saying, “It is surprising that despite all the hot waves and drama of the EFCC, including the vow of the chairman that he would resign if he couldn’t arrest Yahaya Bello, the man is still out there more than three months after he was declared wanted.

    “If they truly wanted to arrest Yahaya Bello, they would have arrested him. If this was a case of a poor man, they would have easily arrested him.”

    Predictably, EFCC spokesperson Dele Oyewale was reported to have declared that he “remains wanted.”  But this declaration is not enough.  There are questions:  Does the agency know his whereabouts? What is delaying his arrest? EFCC has a lot of explaining to do.

    Bello has refused to give himself up. But he must not be allowed to give the impression that he is above the law. Or that he can escape the long arm of the law.

  • Faceless terrorism convicts

    Faceless terrorism convicts

    Update on Nigeria’s reported prosecution of terrorism-related suspects further exposed serious minuses in the fight against terrorism-related crime in the country and punishment of perpetrators.

    The Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Lateef Fagbemi (SAN), in a statement by the Special Adviser to the President on Communication & Publicity, office of the AGF, Kamarudeen Ogundele, said: “The courts convicted 85 persons for terrorism financing, 22 for International Criminal Court (ICC) related crimes while others were convicted for terrorism. They were sentenced to various jail terms.”

    According to the AGF, the trials were held on July 23 and 24, under Giwa Project Kanji Phase Five, before five Federal High Court judges led by Justice Binta Nyako, including Justices Joyce Abdulmalik, Emeka Nwite, Obiora Egwuatu, and Mobolaji Olajuwon. The trials were said to have been observed by the National Human Rights Commission, the Nigerian Bar Association, and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crimes, among others.

    In November 2023, Fagbemi had said efforts were on to resume the trial of those categories of people. The latest information on the prosecution and punishment of those involved came about eight months after his announcement at the 40th Technical Commission/Plenary Meeting of the Inter-Governmental Action Group Against Money Laundering in West Africa (GIABA), in Abuja. GIABA is an organ of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), responsible for facilitating the adoption and implementation of Anti-Money Laundering (AML) and Counter Financing of Terrorism (CFT) strategies in West Africa.

    It is, obviously, never enough to make such an announcement. Failure to arrest, prosecute and punish terrorism enablers cannot encourage public confidence in the fight against terrorism. Ironically, it even suggests that the authorities are enabling terrorism.

     A major minus in the country’s fight against terrorism is the unjustifiable delay in prosecuting arrested suspects. Clearly, terrorism sponsors fuel the activities of terrorists, and disabling them is as important as crippling terrorists. Terrorism financiers and terrorists should not only be identified but arrested and prosecuted without delay. Failure to do so amounts to enabling terrorism.

    For instance, in April 2021, the President Muhammadu Buhari administration announced that it had arrested 400 alleged Boko Haram sponsors. The claimed arrests suggested a new level of seriousness in the fight against terrorism.

    The arrested alleged financiers of the Islamic terrorist group were said to be businessmen, including bureau de change operators. They were said to have been arrested in Kano, Borno, Lagos, Sokoto, Adamawa, Kaduna and Zamfara states, and Abuja.

    The arrests were said to have been carried out following investigations involving the Defence Intelligence Agency (DIA), the Department of State Services (DSS), Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit (NFIU), and the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN).

    The unnamed suspects were expected to be prosecuted without delay.  There was no evidence that they were prosecuted before Buhari left office in May 2023. Is that how to fight terrorism? 

    Also, in 2022, army authorities in charge of the Northeast Joint Operation announced that “A total of 886 detainees are awaiting transfer to Giwa Project in Kainji for prosecution.” The Giwa Project is in Kainji, Niger State. They said there were 1,893 suspects in custody at the Giwa Centre. There was no evidence of prosecution. Without prosecution, how can it be proved that arrested terrorism suspects are guilty and deserve to be punished?  Can deterrent effect be achieved without punishing the guilty?

    Read Also: Protests: Police blast Amnesty over inaccurate casualty figures

    The Terrorism (Prohibition and Prevention) bill, 2022 signed into law by ex-president Buhari, stipulates a range of sanctions, including life imprisonment and death sentence, for anyone convicted of terrorism-related activity.

    The legislation, which came after previous ones in 2011 and 2013, sought to “provide for an effective, unified and comprehensive legal, regulatory and institutional framework for the detection, prevention, prohibition, prosecution and punishment of acts of terrorism, terrorism financing, proliferation and financing of the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction in Nigeria; and for related matters.”

    Fighting terrorism and its sponsors demands prosecution of arrested suspects based on existing law, without which stipulated sanctions cannot be applied. There are available lessons on how to fight terrorism effectively. The question is whether the country’s authorities are teachable.

     For instance, in 2021, the US Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) added the names of six Nigerians to “the List of Specially Designated Nationals and Blocked Persons… for having materially assisted, sponsored, or provided financial, material, or technological support for, or goods or services to or in support of, Boko Haram.”

    It accused the Nigeria-based terrorist group of “numerous attacks in the northern and northeastern regions of the country as well as in the Lake Chad Basin in Cameroon, Chad, and Niger that have killed thousands of people since 2009.”

    The six Nigerians were: Abdurrahman Ado Musa, Salihu Yusuf Adamu, Bashir Ali Yusuf, Muhammed Ibrahim Isa, Ibrahim Ali Alhassan, and Surajo Abubakar Muhammad. 

    The United Arab Emirates (UAE) Federal Court of Appeals in Abu Dhabi had convicted them of transferring $782,000 from Dubai to Boko Haram in Nigeria.  Adamu and Muhammad were sentenced to life imprisonment for violations of UAE anti-terrorism laws; Musa, Yusuf, Isa and Alhassan were sentenced to 10 years in prison, followed by deportation.

    The US sanction against them, the agency said in a statement, “will prevent these individuals’ funds from being used further to support terrorism.”

    In these cases, in the US and in UAE, the identified Nigerian terrorism sponsors were not only named; their names were also publicised. In Nigeria, terrorism enablers and terrorists reported to have been arrested, or even prosecuted, are usually faceless because their identities are unpublicised.

    The identities of the 85 persons said to have been recently convicted of terrorism financing in the country, for instance, are not in the public domain. If they are real persons, why are they publicly unnamed? Not naming them may well suggest that the authorities are trying to hide something. Or, to be charitable, it does not make the authorities believable. 

    The facelessness of suspects arrested and prosecuted for terrorism-related crimes, which is a result of the government’s silence, is another major minus in the country’s fight against terrorism.

  • Kidnaps and silences

    Kidnaps and silences

    Oddly, the two kidnapped Nigerian journalists who regained their freedom after a week in captivity said nothing publicly about the identities of their abductors, and their experience as abductees.  

    Their silence was striking because freed abductees usually had stories to tell about their abductors, and their ordeal in captivity. As journalists, they were, perhaps understandably, expected to provide insight into the incident. 

    Suspected bandits abducted Abdulgafar Alabelewe of The Nation and AbdulRaheem Aodu of Blueprint from their homes in Kaduna, on July 7.  Alabelewe is the chairman of the Correspondents Chapel of the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ), Kaduna State Council. Reports said his wife and two of his children were also kidnapped in that incident. 

     A statement by Rabiu Ibrahim, Special Assistant (Media) to the Minister of Information and National Orientation, Mohammed Idris, quoted Alabelewe as saying “I never thought that within a week of our kidnap, we could get out. We are grateful that the government swung into action and ensured that we were released.” The question is: What happened within that week?

    When the minister received the two journalists from the National Security Adviser (NSA), Nuhu Ribadu, he observed that “The security agencies under the coordination of the NSA are working tirelessly to ensure that all those who have been taken into unlawful custody are freed without paying any ransom.” The NSA was reported saying the victims were rescued following a search and rescue operation by security agencies.

    Curiously, neither the minister nor the NSA said anything about those who kidnapped the journalists.  Also, they gave no information about how the so-called rescue operation was carried out.

     To say the victims were “rescued” suggests that they were taken from their abductors. If that was the case, what happened to the abductors?  A rescue suggests physical action on the part of the rescuers.  If the abductors released the captives, possibly after the payment of ransom, that can’t be described as a rescue.

    It’s a familiar picture. In March, for instance, the schoolchildren abducted from LEA Primary School and Government Secondary School, Kuriga, Kaduna State, regained their freedom after more than two weeks in captivity. The authorities said nothing about the kidnappers.

    Initially, 287 schoolchildren were said to have been taken away by kidnappers.  But the General Officer Commanding (GOC) 1 Division of the Nigerian Army, Maj. Gen. Mayirenso Saraso, who handed the freed children over to Kaduna State Governor Uba Sani, on March 25, said “there were 137 children and one staff member, making 138 persons altogether that were abducted from the co-located schools.” According to him, the abducted schoolchildren were 76 females and 61 males, “making the total of 137.” Sadly, he said the kidnapped teacher died in captivity.

    He also said the abducted Kuriga schoolchildren were “safely rescued,” adding that “it was through the sustained and coordinated application of both kinetic and non-kinetic efforts by the security agencies under the strategic guidance of…President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, through the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA).”

    Governor Sani was reported saying, “What is more important today is that our children are back home. Most of those permutations are not necessary. If your child is kidnapped, will you be sitting down and talking about how he was released? For me, what is more important is that those children are back home.”  But it was also important to clarify how the Kuriga abductees became free.  That never happened. 

    The Federal Government is opposed to ransom payment, and insisted that ransom was not paid in that case. Idris asserted that the official position was that “ransom will not be tolerated. Ransom will not be encouraged; ransom will not be paid by the government.” He said the country’s security agencies would not reveal “their modus operandi,” adding that they were “evolving new strategies of getting out these criminal elements and ensuring that our children or anybody who is kidnapped for that matter, is brought back safely.”

    Read Also: Onjeh commends Gov Alia for commitment to new minimum wage

    In January, two conflicting accounts further highlighted the question of ransom payment to kidnappers in Nigeria, and the question of rescue of kidnappees in the country. These issues came up yet again following the kidnapping of 23 persons, including five daughters and a niece of a civil servant, Mansur Al-Kadriyar, on January 2, in the Bwari area of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). 

    Bandits who invaded Al-Kadriyar’s residence, and abducted him and the girls, got away after an exchange of gunfire with the police. They later released him to look for money to get the girls released. They demanded N60m ransom. Impatient to receive the money, they killed one of the girls after about two weeks in captivity, and threatened to kill the others too if the ransom was not paid. The girl’s killing gave a troubling insight into the murderous desperation that drives desperadoes who kidnap for ransom. She was Nabeeha, 21, a final -year Biological Science student at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria.

    News of the girls’ ordeal on social media triggered a crowdfunding campaign to raise money for their release. The move to raise funds for ransom payment from the public through an online platform was unusual in the history of kidnapping in the country. The pathetic story of the Al-Kadriyar girls encouraged the option.

    After the girls regained their freedom, the police gave the impression that ransom payment did not happen, attributing it to “a concerted effort” involving the Federal Capital Territory Police Command Anti-Kidnapping Squad and the Nigerian Army. “The operatives successfully rescued the victims around Kajuru forest in Kaduna State at about 11:30 pm on Saturday, January 20, 2024,” the police said in a statement.

    But it turned out that the police had misrepresented what happened. The girls’ uncle, Abbas Al-Kadriyar, was reported saying, “We paid a ransom for the release of our girls. A ransom was paid, and the police were not involved.” His account: “The children called me, and I went to pick them up… The children were not rescued by anyone, the soldiers only assisted me in locating where they were and they provided cover for us.”

    The police did not discredit this account from the Al-Kadriyar family.  Ransom payment by the family to get the girls freed contradicted the claim by the police that they were rescued from the kidnappers. Sadly, the bandits had killed four abductees, including Nabeeha, before 19 others regained freedom. It was unclear whether others also paid ransom, apart from the girls.

    The case of the two journalists remains remarkable for their silence as well as the silence of the authorities. When the authorities are silent about kidnappers in kidnap cases in which kidnappees regain their freedom after the intervention of security agencies, it suggests that the kidnappers are at large, and may well strike again. That’s dangerous.

  • Eliminating FGM

    Eliminating FGM

    Last month, Nigeria hosted the 13th Annual Technical Consultation of the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) and the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) Joint Programme on the Elimination of Female Genital Mutilation (FGM), also known as female circumcision. FGM refers to all procedures that involve partial or total removal of the external female genitalia for non-medical reasons.

    The World Health Organisation (WHO) says the practice, which is deeply rooted in tradition, has no health benefits. FGM is said to violate girls’ and women’s human rights and can leave enduring physical, psychological, and social consequences.

    Nigeria’s First Lady, Oluremi Tinubu, attended the opening ceremony, and called for collective action “towards a future free from female genital mutilation.” Her presence and involvement underlined the need for urgent action towards “transformation in our communities.” 

    The event drew experts from more than 24 countries to strategise on ending the harmful practice by 2030. The practice not only violates human rights but also poses serious health risks, including complications during childbirth and psychological trauma, according to experts. The Technical Consultation served as a platform for knowledge exchange, collaboration, and the development of innovative approaches to tackle the issue.

    About 19.9 million Nigerian women and girls are reported to have undergone FGM, which means that the country has the third highest number of females scarred by FGM worldwide.  The geo-political zones in Nigeria with the highest FGM prevalence are South- East and South-West.

    A gripping BBC story, published in March, about a FGM survivor with Nigerian roots, Valerie Lomari, gave further insights into FGM-related emotional and physical trauma.  UK-based Valerie, aged 52, was subjected to FGM as a 16-year-old in a Nigerian village. After university, she got married and relocated to the UK.  “Being intimate has always been difficult for me,” she said, painting a picture of FGM consequences.  The mother-of-three recalled that “the births were so painful.” 

    Five years ago, she set up Women of Grace, an organisation that supports FGM survivors in Cambridgeshire, Essex, Hertfordshire and London. “We educate families and I speak in schools about the dangers of FGM. It is a violation and needs to be stopped through education,” she said. “FGM is a life sentence and I am still living with the physical and emotional trauma… I won’t stop telling my story until this barbaric practice no longer exists.”  She was recently invited to New York to give a speech about FGM at a United Nations (UN) conference.

    Similarly gripping is the story of US-based Atanda Gbadegeshin Adedokun who fears that if he returned to Nigeria with his family, his daughter, Sarah, would be subjected to FGM, and his sons, Joseph and Emmanuel, would be subjected to “facial laceration.”  He hails from Iwere-Ile, Oyo State, where, he said, both practices were “in accordance with their traditional religious worship and culture.” 

    FGM is still being practised in parts of Oyo State, according to a report issued by a Nigerian organisation focused on youth and environmental health.  The Executive Director, Value Re-orientation for Community Enhancement (VARCE), Ademola Adebisi, said: “In the course of my investigation, I discovered that those who hide their children, or even run away with them so as not to undergo this barbaric act, are compelled to bring the children back home to carry out rites, or risk being excommunicated and ostracised, or even called bastards.”

    Read Also: Reps deputy speaker drums support for Tinubu

    This corroborates Adedokun’s account that when he visited his hometown, in February 2022, he was “informed of the mandatory requirement to bring my family back so that we can be ‘sanctified’ before the deity for refusing to have my daughter genitally mutilated, and my sons facially lacerated.”

    VARCE reported the case of one Adeagbo Adebimpe, who said after she was tricked into returning to her hometown, Aroro, Idi Obi, in Oyo State, with her two young daughters, they were subjected to FGM without her consent. 

    Adedokun’s refusal to cooperate with traditionalists in his hometown is based on his wife’s experience as a FGM victim, and his own experience as “a victim of facial laceration marks.” His wife, of Mende origin, was subjected to FGM “when she was a child in Sierra Leone,” he said, and has continued to suffer “severe menstrual pains, lack of sexual arousal and pleasure, and difficulties during childbirth.”

    “I was a victim of facial laceration marks,” he said.  “Till today, it is difficult for me to look at myself in the mirror and any time I gather the courage to do so, I shudder…The laceration and mutilation marks on my face since childhood affected my emotional and mental well-being.”

    According to him, he continues to receive messages demanding that he should return to Iwere-Ile with his family “to be ‘purified’ and ‘sanctified’.” He has been threatened with physical injury and death, should he fail to comply.

    These stories show the gravity of the FGM issue in Nigeria. UNFPA and UNICEF are collaborating with the Federal Ministries of Women Affairs and Health towards achieving the objectives of the largest global programme on eliminating FGM, UNFPA-UNICEF Joint Programme on the Elimination of Female Genital Mutilation: Delivering the Global Promise. The UNFPA-UNICEF Joint Programme is currently in its fourth phase (2022-2030).

    FGM is a global concern. In 2012, the UN General Assembly designated February 6 as the International Day of Zero Tolerance for Female Genital Mutilation, “with the aim to amplify and direct the efforts on the elimination of this practice.”  An authoritative report shows that the largest numbers of victims are in African countries, accounting for 144 million cases, followed by 80 million in Asia and 6 million in the Middle East.

    Introduced in 2008, the UNFPA-UNICEF Joint Programme supports interventions in 17 countries, including Nigeria, and influences global anti-FGM efforts through knowledge sharing and advocacy.  

    Importantly, the Joint Programme supports the development of enabling policies and legal frameworks, access to essential services, girls’ and women’s empowerment, and community-led social and gender norms change by working in partnership with governments, civil society, development partners, and communities. This is in line with the 2030 Agenda of Sustainable Development in five priority states in Nigeria, Oyo, Osun, Ekiti, Imo and Ebonyi.

    In 2015, former President Goodluck Jonathan signed into law the Violence Against Persons Prohibition Act, also known as the VAPP Act. Section 6 of the Act prohibits harmful traditional practices like FGM. This raises the question of enforcement.

    Understandably, UNFPA and UNICEF are worried that the world will miss the target of ending FGM by 2030 without urgent action. The country’s authorities should be concerned too.

  • Ajayi Crowther in the spotlight

    Ajayi Crowther in the spotlight

    It was a striking weekend: the celebration of the 160th anniversary of the consecration of Bishop Samuel Ajayi Crowther; the celebration, on June 29, of the 160th anniversary of the birth of Diocese on the Niger (Anglican Communion); and the announcement of release dates of a new novel by Biyi Bandele, about Crowther’s rise to celebrity, published posthumously. 

     The Bishop of Diocese on the Niger, Bishop Owen Chiedozie Nwokolo, noted that its anniversary celebration was unprecedented, and would henceforth be done yearly.  According to him, Diocese on the Niger “is the first diocese in Nigeria, and Crowther was our first bishop.” He said Crowther, “the first ever African bishop in the world… brought the gospel of Christ to this part of the world in 1857, and through his ministry we became a diocese”; and he was consecrated Bishop, Niger Territories on June 29, 1864.

    A life-size statue of Crowther, he said, would be unveiled by the Primate of the Church of Nigeria, adding, “It will be a significant landmark in Anambra State and in Onitsha.” He described Crowther as “the one that brought light here, that brought education, that brought development… there is no way we can put him aside.”

    It was in Osoogun, in present-day Iseyin Local Government Area, Oyo State, that his life began as well as the story of his life.  It was in his home town that Fulani slave raiders seized him in 1821. He was eventually sold to Portuguese slave traders at the age of 12. The young Ajayi of Yoruba ancestry was rescued by the British navy and taken to Freetown, Sierra Leone.

    Read Also: ‘Restructure Nigeria along US, UAE lines’

    Crowther had described his enslavement as “the unhappy, but which I am now taught in other respects to call blessed day, which I shall never forget in my life.” In his progression to priestly prominence, he took an unlikely path carved by unlikely destiny helpers. For him, slavery turned out to be a springboard to celebrity.

    Crowther’s achievements were remarkable, considering his unremarkable beginnings. Following his conversion to Christianity and his baptism in 1825, he adopted the name of a prominent British clergyman of the Anglican Church Missionary Society (CMS). He studied in England and attended the Fourah Bay College, Sierra Leone, where he advanced his exceptional interest in languages, which became of immense use in evangelism.

    He made history when he was ordained as the first African bishop of the Anglican Church at a ceremony in England, in 1864.  In the same year, he was given a Doctorate of Divinity by the prestigious University of Oxford.

    His language skills produced the first Yoruba translation of the Bible, which was completed in the 1880s, and a Yoruba version of the Anglican Book of Common Prayer. These projects demonstrated how seriously he took his Christianity and his evangelism. He also produced primers for the Igbo language and the Nupe language.

    However, Bishop Nwokolo observed, “something went wrong.” White missionaries who did not like Crowther because he was black, ironically, accused him of “encouraging idolatry.”  “All his efforts, his work was played down,” he said, and for a long time after him no other black man was allowed to be bishop. He observed that the Church of Nigeria talked about Crowther, “but in written record, episcopally there is no record of the ministry of Crowther in the Church of Nigeria record.”

    In 2015, the Archbishop of Canterbury, Justin Welby, publicly expressed remorse for the sin against Crowther at a ‘thanksgiving and repentance service’ in England. Welby is the leader of the Church of England and the symbolic head of the worldwide Anglican Communion. His apology on behalf of the Anglican Church spoke volumes about Crowther’s place in history.

    Welby said: “We in the Church of England need to say sorry that someone was properly and rightly consecrated Bishop and then betrayed and let down and undermined. It was wrong.”  He also said in his sermon that Crowther, a victim of racism, had “evangelised so effectively,” and “led his missionary diocese brilliantly,” but “was in the end falsely accused and had to resign, not long before his death.”  Crowther died of a stroke in Lagos in 1891, which was possibly connected with his desolation. “We are sorry for his suffering at the hands of Anglicans in this country,” Welby said.

     There is no doubt about his extraordinary evangelistic role in the early years of Christianity in Nigeria.  Not for nothing is he regarded as the father of Anglicanism in Nigeria.  “Today, well over 70 million Christians in Nigeria are his spiritual heirs,” Welby said in tribute to his pioneering efforts.

    It is commendable that Bishop Nwokolo, who is Igbo, displayed objectivity by noting that Crowther deserved to be celebrated, and the celebration should not be affected by his Yoruba roots. He said: “Yes, he was a Yoruba man, but what he did for us cannot be counted. So, we are going to show the world that something happened here many years ago.”

    His life captured the imagination of Nigerian writer and filmmaker Biyi Bandele, who completed his novel Yorùbá Boy Running, which charts Crowther’s “miraculous journey” to prominence, just before he died in August 2022, aged 54.

    The novel is described as “a many-voiced, kaleidoscopic portrait of an extraordinary man,” According to the blurb, “From the heart-stopping drama of Àjàyí’s last day of freedom to the farcical intrigue of the Òsogùn court; from a meeting with Queen Victoria; to his consecration as the first African Bishop of the Anglican Church, his journey, like all great odysseys, circles back to where he began.”  The book has an introduction from Nobelist Wole Soyinka, who calls Bandele “a unique, all-responsive talent.” It will be released in the UK in July; and in the US in September.

    However, the great man’s home town, Osoogun, needs to be developed, and should be an important tourist site. Interestingly, the so-called Crowther monument site in the town was listed by the National Commission for Museums and Monuments (NCMM) as one of the country’s 100 most important monuments during the centenary celebration of Nigeria’s amalgamation in 2014.  The site includes the spot he and other captives were kept tied to a giant tree before they were sold into slavery, and ruins of a place said to have been his home.

    The town continues to show signs of extreme neglect.  It is a place of history, and deserves to be given attention by the authorities. Ultimately, it is a dishonour to Crowther that Osoogun remains unreflective of his greatness.

  • Femi Esho: Exit and memories

    Femi Esho: Exit and memories

    It was striking that Femi Esho’s daughter, Bimbo, broke the news of his death by sending me a video, with the words, “Last dance with my dad. May your gentle soul rest in peace, Daddy.”  As they danced to a song by Juju maestro Ebenezer Obey, she hailed him, calling him “Evergreen Baba.”  There were birthday cakes and drinks on a table in front of them. He died on June 17, aged 77.    

    The video brought back memories of the first time I met him, and the last time I saw him.  I knew him by reputation before I first met him, some years ago, at the Lagos residence of his friend who was also my friend.  We got talking and he got me thinking about his service in the music sphere. His passion for music was infectious.

    When he gave me his calling card, I was struck by the fascinating quote inscribed on it: “Without music, life would be an error – Friedrich Nietzsche.” He gave me a valuable collection of the works of Afrobeat king Fela Anikulapo Kuti, produced by his company, Lagos-based Evergreen Musical Company Ltd, described as “Africa’s greatest custodian and producer of music of yesteryears.”

    After that stimulating meeting, I received regular invitations to events organised by his company. “I started collecting music at the age of 12,” he said at one of those memorable events in Lagos, in 2017, which celebrated “10 Music Legends of Lagos Evolution.” It was a celebration of indigenous music genres, including Apala, Sakara, Juju, Highlife, Fuji, Waka, Folk, Agidigbo, Afrobeat and Were.

     Ultimately, Esho was the star of the show, with his long white beard, doing what he had mastered over the years. He gave insight into the works of the awardees and why they deserved their awards. They included Hubert Ogunde, Jimi Solanke, Adeolu Akisanya, Abibu Oluwa, Batilu Alake, Ayinde Bakare, Ayinde Barrister, Bobby Benson, Fela Anikulapo Kuti and Haruna Ishola, among others.  He displayed impressive knowledge of Nigerian music history.

    Read Also: Femi Esho (1946 – 2024) 

    Born in Ilesa, in present-day Osun State, he was described as “the undisputed largest collector of music of yesteryears.” His collection was said to include “over 150,000 vinyl plates made up of 78rpm breakable plates, 45rpm and 33rpm, hundreds of reel-to-reel tapes, thousands of cassette tapes of various music along with archival materials such as His Master’s Voice (HMV), various reel-to-reel machines, various turntables with the oldest 100 years old, books and newspaper articles on Nigerian music, video recordings of early Nigerian music icons.”

    He was a music collector extraordinaire based on his extraordinary music collection. According to an anecdote about him, when he visited Ghana in 2008 to seek permission rights to release the works of some old Ghanaian Highlife stars, the late Jerry Hansen of the Ramblers Dance Band, who was then 86, “could not hold back his tears as he exclaimed that it was a great shame that Esho came all the way from Nigeria to present to him all his lost works.” The drama underlined his significance as a music collector.

    Before he formed his musical company, he had worked for the Lagos State government, and was a secretary to the state’s first military governor, Mobolaji Johnson. He had a stint at a big architectural firm. He had also set up an Advertising/PR agency, and ran a printing consultancy.

    His social life equipped him for his musical role. He had frequented popular clubs in Ibadan and Lagos before he eventually decided to devote his life to music preservation and promotion in the early 1990s.

    He formed a band in 1993, known for its rich Highlife repertoire, which was patronised by high-profile figures and various corporate giants. He presented radio and television programmes promoting evergreen music, particularly Highlife. He presented “Highlife Renaissance” weekly on Raypower, the first private radio station in Nigeria, for about three years.  To mark Nigeria’s centenary celebration in 2014, he reviewed Nigerian music from 1914 to 2014 in a programme on the network service of Nigerian Television Authority (NTA).

    His musical company revived the works of music greats such as Bobby Benson, Eddy Okonta, Rex Jim Lawson, E.T. Mensah, Joe Mensah, Haruna Ishola, Victor Olaiya and I.K. Dairo through a repackaging project involving music from the 1920s. He also released the complete works of Fela Anikulapo Kuti and Ebenezer Obey.

    According to him, “Highlife and some of its variants originated from Nigeria, Ghana and a few other African countries, hence it can be described as our gift to the world.” However, he observed, “you can hardly find more than three or four recreation spots where the music is still enjoyed by patrons of musical bands. We feel that the situation portends a great danger to our indigenous contribution to the world of music, something that has the potential of being a major income earner for Nigeria if properly harnessed.”

    The last time I saw him, he looked frail. But he danced at the event tagged ‘Yaba Evergreen Happy Hour,’ organised by his company and the authorities of the Yaba Local Council Development Area (LCDA), Lagos. It was an unprecedented collaboration to promote live bands in the community, and celebrate the music of notable Nigerian musicians, particularly in the Highlife category.

    The event took place on December 15, 2003 at Akinwunmi Centre, Yaba, Lagos. It marked the end of the year and boosted the month’s atmosphere of celebration. Chairman of Yaba LCDA Kayode Omiyale, the event chair, welcomed guests to “the home of music.”  The area is associated with the musical careers of legends like Sunny Ade, Fela Kuti, Ebenezer Obey, Roy Chicago, Adeolu Akisanya, Victor Olaiya, Orlando Owoh, and Bobby Benson, who used to play regularly at popular clubs located in Yaba and its environs.

    Esho’s legacy includes the Evergreen Music Heritage Foundation, which he launched “to preserve and safeguard musical heritage.”  It is “a one-stop place for research and documentation” of a considerable number of Nigerian musicians, designed to “help to create a world-class archival institution to cater for the needs of researchers, anthropologists and sociologists the world over.”

    It is a testimony to his vision and energy that a gigantic multi-purpose centre for the activities of the Foundation is under construction in Lagos, fulfilling his 25-year dream. A significant cultural figure, he will be remembered as a giant who made a name for himself as a music collector, preserver and promoter.  

  • Delaying Akinkunmi’s burial

    Delaying Akinkunmi’s burial

    Nearly a year after his death, the celebrated designer of Nigeria’s flag, Taiwo Akinkunmi, remains controversially unburied. Known as ‘Mr Flag Man,’ he died on August 29, 2023, aged 87. Delaying his burial, 10 months after his exit, further demonstrates disconnected governance in Nigeria.

    A concerned group, Yoruba World Congress (YWC), UK, recently wrote an open letter to President Bola Tinubu, saying Akinkunmi “did his best for this country and his body should not be allowed to remain in the mortuary without attention and without a befitting burial.”

    Following his death, the Minister of Information and National Orientation, Mohammed Idris, led a Federal Government (FG) delegation that paid a condolence visit to his family in Ibadan, Oyo State, where he was based, though he hailed from Abeokuta, Ogun State.  “He designed one of the most powerful symbols of our collective existence as a country and a nation,” the minister said at the time, adding, “Mr President shares with them in this grief, and the FG is with them throughout this period, and whatever the request the family puts forward, the FG will look into it.” Also, the Oyo State government officially expressed its condolences in a letter to the family signed by Governor Seyi Makinde.

    However, the public show of interest by the federal and state authorities has not resulted in expected action. According to YWC, the Akinkunmi family “had planned the burial for 7th and 8th of December 2023,” but “it was annulled by the Oyo State government on the grounds that there was no representation from the government to confirm the date chosen by the family.”

     The group also said: “After several attempts by the Akinkunmi family representatives to get the burial done, the Oyo State government representatives further confirmed that late Pa Akinkunmi’s burial is state burial and that the government will take charge of the entire programme.”

    The Oyo State government was said to have requested another date for his burial, and his family sent “April 10, 11 and 12 2024.”  “But this date has also lapsed as all attempts to get to the governor or his representatives were futile,” YWC said.  Since Akinkunmi’s death, his family “made it known that they have been paying N2,000 daily as a mortuary bill without any support from the government,” the group added.

    The YWC, therefore, called on President Tinubu “to urgently look into this matter so that the family can bury their dead and be pacified.”

    Read Also: Taiwo Akinkunmi: Yoruba writes Tinubu over delay in burial of designer of national flag

    Akinkunmi was in his early twenties when he designed the national flag, after stumbling upon a newspaper advertisement calling for the submission of designs for the Nigerian flag ahead of the independence of Nigeria from British rule in October 1960. He was then studying Electrical Engineering at Norwood Technical College, now known as Lambeth College, in London.

    His design was a vertical white band with a radiating red sun, which was flanked by two vertical green bands.  It was selected from among about 2,000 entries as the winning entry because of its ingenuity and profundity. He got 100 pounds for his effort. The judges, however, removed the red sun, leaving only a green-white-green design for the national flag. The green colour signifies agriculture; the white colour stands for unity and peace.

     He was reported saying, “I was well known all over the place. Everybody was calling me Mr Flag Man.” After his education in the UK, he returned to Nigeria in 1963 and rejoined the civil service in Ibadan. He had been employed by the government of the Western Region after he left Ibadan Grammar School (IGS) in 1955. He retired as a civil servant in the early 1990s.

    Interestingly, it can be said that he became anonymous after some time, until one Sunday Olawale Olaniran, then an undergraduate at the University of Ibadan, helped to put him back in the spotlight. Olaniran, who called him a “hero without honour,” was doing research on Nigeria’s history for a pamphlet when he decided to search for the designer of the country’s flag.

    “People said he was dead, that I should forget about looking for him and just write about the flag,” Olaniran was reported saying.  But he kept searching until he found the flag designer in Ibadan.  Akinkunmi was said to be living alone, and lacking proper care.  When they met, according to Olaniran, he “was incoherent and kept talking to himself.”

    The researcher was moved to tears. “So, I got in touch with a journalist and we went back two days before Independence Day,” he said. “Even the journalist couldn’t believe the man was still alive.”

    Akinkunmi was a pensioner, but his pension payments were irregular, the researcher said, adding, “Some Nigerians went to him and donated foodstuff, clothes.”

    When the story of his sad situation appeared in The Sun on October 1, 2006, Olaniran said, it attracted the attention of many Nigerians who were unaware of his plight.  Two years later, in 2008, Olaniran was contacted through his blog by a representative of the organisers of the Nigerian version of Who Wants to Be a Millionaire? They wanted to get in touch with Akinkunmi.

    He later appeared on a special edition of the TV show, and got a cheque for two million naira. His son said the money “given to him by the telecommunications giant, MTN, when he was a guest on Who Wants to Be a Millionaire? in 2008,” enabled him to complete the building of his house in Ibadan. The house, painted in the colours of the Nigerian flag, made a strong statement about its owner.

    His eventual inclusion on the list of national honours’ awardees in 2014 was the climax of a difficult journey to deserved recognition.  It was a long road to that juncture. Oddly, Akinkunmi received the country’s national honour more than five decades after he designed the significant symbol. The delay was inexplicable and inexcusable.  The national honours were instituted four years after the flag was officially hoisted on Nigeria’s Independence Day, October 1, 1960, in replacement of the British Union Jack. The honours are for Nigerians who have rendered service to the benefit of the nation.

    After a campaign by Nigerians who felt he deserved a national honour, Akinkunmi was finally honoured by his country in September 2014, under the President Goodluck Jonathan administration. He received the national honour, Officer of the Order of the Federal Republic (OFR), and was also symbolically appointed as a salaried honorary life presidential special aide. He was 78 at the time and a retired civil servant.

    It is highly concerning that Akinkunmi is unburied, nearly a year after his death, mainly because of inaction on the part of the Federal Government and the Oyo State government. He deserves better.

  • A tainted victory

    A tainted victory

    From the look of things, the Chief of Staff to President Bola Tinubu, Femi Gbajabiamila, must be feeling victorious after FirstNews, an online medium, on May 8, retracted a negative story it had published on January 28, headlined ‘How Gbajabiamila attempted to corner $30bn, 66 houses traced to Sabiu.’  A report said the story had portrayed him as “re-looting funds and landed properties allegedly recovered from Tunde Sabiu, an aide and relative to former President Muhammadu Buhari.”

    He had demanded a retraction of the story through his lawyer, Kemi Pinheiro (SAN), who described the publication as “false and defamatory,” adding that it portrayed Gbajabiamila as “a fraudulent, corrupt, dishonest, shady, unreliable and disloyal person who is unfit to hold the exalted office of Chief of Staff to the President.”

    Pinheiro’s law firm had demanded, “within seven days of receipt” of its letter, dated May 3, an “unequivocal public retraction and apology,” and the FirstNews management, in a statement on May 8, complied, saying it had discovered that the said story contained “falsehoods and fabricated stories handed out to us as facts by a misleading source which was highly negligent on our part and for which we deeply tender an unreserved apology to the Chief of Staff to the President.” The management also said they had “no malicious intent” towards Gbajabiamila.

    Read Also: Tinubu honors mothers on special day

    The media company’s response provoked the dramatic resignation of its General Editor, Segun Olatunji, who had written the controversial story. “It has become imperative for me to resign my appointment for the safety of my person and my family,” he said in his resignation letter, attributing his resignation to “the latest development regarding the Gbajabiamila story.” His thought-provoking parting shot: “I want to state that in no distant time, the truth will come out and then it’ll be my word against theirs.”

    Was Olatunji’s unlawful detention and torture for two weeks by the Defence Intelligence Agency (DIA) connected with the so-called Gbajabiamila story? Was the politician involved in the operation that dealt with the journalist extrajudicially?

     In an oppressive operation, agents of the Nigerian military invaded his Abule-Egba home in Lagos State, on March 15, and took him away. They denied knowledge of his whereabouts, and detained him for two weeks under harsh conditions before eventually releasing him following public and professional outcry. It was unbelievable that such lawlessness happened under the President Tinubu administration.

    After his release on March 28, Olatunji told the story of his hellish experience. At an event organised by the International Press Institute (IPI), the Nigerian Guild of Editors (NGE), and the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ), in Abuja, he provided disturbing details of how he was brutalised by his captors. 

    His gripping narrative: “On March 15, I was at my house in Lagos, watching ‘Journalists’ Hangout’ with my seven-year-old son, when suddenly, soldiers burst into the sitting room.

    “I saw my wife and one-year-old son amongst them, crying. I asked what happened, and she said they arrested her from her shop and asked her to take them to where I was…

    “I asked an officer, whom I identified as Colonel Lawal if I could know why they were looking for me, and he said no, that they were from the military and they were there to arrest me.

    “Immediately, he seized my phones as he had earlier seized my wife’s phones. I said okay, let me go in and dress up since I was only in my boxer shorts; some of them (soldiers) even followed me to my room as I took my shirt and trousers…

    “They handcuffed me and put me into the vehicle. At first, I thought they were taking me to the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) in Apapa (Lagos), but then we made a detour to the Air Force Base and straight to the office of the National Air Defence Corps (NADC) where we waited for about three hours. I didn’t know we were waiting for a military aircraft to come pick me up.”

    He continued: “After a while, when the aircraft came, someone came to me and asked me to hand over my glasses and then put a blindfold on me.” He didn’t know that they were taking him to Abuja.

    “They moved me into the aircraft, and we took off; when we landed, they took all my clothes. I was left with my boxer shorts. They also put leg cuffs on me in addition to the handcuffs and put me in a cell.

    “At one point, one of the officers came and tightened the cuffs on my right hand and leg. I was there groaning in pain, and it was that way for three days.” 

    What did he do to deserve such torture? “They were asking me about certain stories that FirstNews had carried,” he said.  “One of them told me that I was one of those abusing the Chief of Defence Intelligence. I said: How? He said we did a story, and I replied that it was a general story. They didn’t say much about that.

    “He also asked me about a story we carried about the Chief of Staff to the President. I think that was the major thing.” Olatunji said “people in the corridors of power who are not happy with what FirstNews is doing” were to blame for his ordeal. 

    After he was released, and physically free, he remained in the cage of fear.  “Given the series of events, I want to say that my life is not safe because they have everything about me; they know my house,” he lamented.

    Nigerian democracy must not encourage a climate of fear in the media, which is supposed to hold power accountable under a democracy. Olatunji’s maltreatment by state actors in connection with his role as a journalist was condemnable. It was ultimately an attack against press freedom.  In a democracy, people in power who feel aggrieved by media actions, or alleged wrongs committed by media practitioners, are not expected to resort to self-help or lawlessness. 

    The NGE had expressed its intention to pursue justice for Olatunji. It remains to be seen if that will be taken to its logical conclusion.  The retraction by FirstNews does not validate the unlawful treatment of Olatunji by state actors. State actors are not above the law and must not be allowed to get away with unlawful treatment of journalists.

  • Shettima and grateful doctors

    Shettima and grateful doctors

    Interestingly, Vice President Kashim Shettima recently received a group of female medical doctors at his private residence in Maiduguri, the Borno State capital. It was a special visit by the doctors “to thank him for all he has done for us and to congratulate him on his well-deserved position as the Vice President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria,” explained one of them, Dr Aisha Kaumi. Shettima of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) became Vice President in May 2023.

    During his first term as Borno State governor, he introduced a Female Medical Intervention Programme to sponsor the training of female doctors abroad. He was a two-term governor from 2011 to 2019. In 2014, his administration gave scholarships to beneficiaries of the female empowerment scheme from the state’s 27 local government areas.

    At the time, he observed that the state “desperately needs” female medical doctors “in view of the fact that women have peculiar health challenges arising from maternity, menstrual and other issues that women would be in the best position to handle as a result of the African culture and religion.” The state government said $9500 would be spent on each of the beneficiaries per session, and their parents were not expected to make contributions to their training.

     According to Kaumi, “We were 60 then, 30 of us from El-Razi Medical University, Khartoum in Sudan, and the other 30 who graduated from the National University of Sudan. Alhamdulillah, all of us graduated and currently, about 50 of us are working with the state government here in Borno State. The remaining ten are yet to pass their medical exams but, Insha Allah, we are hoping that they will catch up with us.” She added that the visit “went well,” and the Vice President “assured us that in case we want to specialise he was 100 percent ready to assist us.”

    It is striking that she said the doctors were working in public hospitals in Borno State, apparently uninfluenced by the reported escalating exodus of medical professionals from Nigeria. It is unclear whether they are obliged to serve the state under the terms of the training programme. Or is serving the state their way of demonstrating gratitude for their training?

    In the health sector, doctors, nurses and other health professionals are leaving the country as if escaping from a hopeless situation. The alarming flight has been blamed on poor leadership, corruption, poor remuneration and toxic work experience. More than 9,000 medical doctors were reported to have left the country to work in the UK, Canada and America, from 2016 to 2018. Also, more than 700 medical doctors trained in Nigeria were said to have relocated to the UK from December 2021 to May 2022, a period of six months.  According to the Nigerian Medical Association (NMA), Nigeria-trained doctors are leaving in droves for Saudi Arabia, Oman, Kuwait, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates.

    It is noteworthy that the country’s doctor-patient ratio is alarmingly poor, and nowhere near the standard prescribed by the World Health Organisation (WHO), which is one doctor per 600 people. The situation is worsening as doctors continue to leave the country for pastures new. With only about four doctors available per 10,000 people in Nigeria, it is unsurprising that there are issues regarding availability of, and access to, quality primary healthcare services in the country. There is no doubt that the problem is compounded by the flight of nurses and medical laboratory scientists.

    Importantly, in April 2001, heads of state of African Union countries met in Abuja and pledged to set a target of allocating at least 15 percent of their annual budget to improve the health sector. It is disappointing that Nigeria has consistently failed to meet the standard of the Abuja Declaration. For instance, only 4.7 percent of the national budget was allocated to the health sector in 2022; and only 5.75 percent of the total budget was allocated to the health sector in 2023. The 2024 national budget continues the trend of underfunding in the health sector.

    Read Also: Ondo 2024: APC will retain power, says Aiyedatiwa

    Kaumi notably remarked that the Borno State government, under Shettima’s successor, Babagana Zulum, “is really doing well in trying to equip the hospitals.”  In February, the WHO State Coordinator in Borno State, Ibrahim Salisu, commended the Borno State government “for giving the health sector the utmost priority, as demonstrated by the allocation of about 15 percent of the total state budget for 2024 to the health sector.”

    There are significant lessons from the doctors’ visit to Shettima, including his vision for healthcare in Borno State and his creative female empowerment ideas, which are relevant nationally.  The visit also highlighted the present Borno State government’s laudable prioritisation of health sector funding. 

    Shettima’s state-sponsored female medical training programme remains attractive, and is worth emulating by state governments across the country, possibly localised to reduce the cost. It is a powerful empowerment tool and a potent intervention in a country where girl-child education still faces formidable challenges, including cultural and economic factors. 

    According to the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) Nigeria Country Representative, Cristian Munduate, at an event to mark the International Day of the Girl (IDG) 2023, “7.6 million girls in Nigeria, many from the northern regions,” lacked access to quality education. “We need to emphasise the transformative power of education,” she said. The IDG is observed annually on October 11. It is a global platform to advocate the full spectrum of girls’ rights.

    Kaumi’s life was transformed, and the lives of the others who benefited from the medical training programme.  “It was indeed a dream come true because I never ever thought I would become a medical doctor,” she said.  “So, Alhamdulillah, I’m very grateful to the Vice President. Without him, I don’t think I would have become a medical doctor today. It was not easy; it was a kind of roller coaster of hardship and the courage to study well so that we can come here and help our people in Borno State. So, we are very grateful to him.” He certainly deserves their gratitude, and the country’s appreciation.

  • A case of military lawlessness

    A case of military lawlessness

    It is alarming that agents of the Nigerian military recently carried out an oppressive operation against a Nigerian journalist and editor of an online medium, FirstNews, Segun Olatunji.  They invaded his Abule-Egba home in Lagos State, on March 15, and took him away. They denied knowledge of his whereabouts, and detained him for two weeks under harsh conditions before eventually releasing him following public and professional outcry.

    It is unbelievable that such lawlessness happened under the President Bola Tinubu administration.  Such an incident encourages attacks on journalists by state agents. Those who attack journalists, and those who encourage attacks on journalists, whether by action or inaction, can be described as enemies of journalism. The Tinubu administration must avoid giving the impression that it is one of them. That is why it must probe this incident and ensure that lawless state agents do not get away with lawlessness.

    After his release on March 28, Olatunji told the story of his hellish experience. At an event organised by the International Press Institute (IPI), the Nigerian Guild of Editors (NGE), and the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ), in Abuja, he provided disturbing details of how he was brutalised by his captors. 

    His gripping narrative: “On March 15, I was at my house in Lagos, watching ‘Journalists’ Hangout’ with my seven-year-old son, when suddenly, soldiers burst into the sitting room.

    “I saw my wife and one-year-old son amongst them, crying. I asked what happened, and she said they arrested her from her shop and asked her to take them to where I was…

    “I asked an officer, whom I identified as Colonel Lawal if I could know why they were looking for me, and he said no, that they were from the military and they were there to arrest me.

    “Immediately, he seized my phones as he had earlier seized my wife’s phones. I said okay, let me go in and dress up since I was only in my boxer shorts; some of them (soldiers) even followed me to my room as I took my shirt and trousers…

    “They handcuffed me and put me into the vehicle. At first, I thought they were taking me to the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) in Apapa (Lagos), but then we made a detour to the Air Force Base and straight to the office of the National Air Defence Corps (NADC) where we waited for about three hours. I didn’t know we were waiting for a military aircraft to come pick me up.”

    He continued: “After a while, when the aircraft came, someone came to me and asked me to hand over my glasses and then put a blindfold on me.” He didn’t know that they were taking him to Abuja.

    “They moved me into the aircraft, and we took off; when we landed, they took all my clothes. I was left with my boxer shorts. They also put leg cuffs on me in addition to the handcuffs and put me in a cell.

    “At one point, one of the officers came and tightened the cuffs on my right hand and leg. I was there groaning in pain, and it was that way for three days. When they released it all, the right side of my body felt numb. As I’m talking to you, I can still feel the numbness in my right hand and leg.”

    What did he do to deserve such torture? “They were asking me about certain stories that FirstNews had carried,” he said.  “One of them told me that I was one of those abusing the chief of defence intelligence. I said: How? He said we did a story, and I replied that it was a general story. They didn’t say much about that.

    “He also asked me about a story we carried about the chief of staff to the president. I think that was the major thing.” Olatunji said “people in the corridors of power who are not happy with what FirstNews is doing” were to blame for his ordeal. 

    Read Also: Call Ganduje’s attackers to order, APC chief tells Soludo

    The alleged mention of the Chief of Defence Intelligence, Maj. Gen. Emmanuel Undiandeye, and the Chief of Staff to the President, Femi Gbajabiamila, is bad for the image of the Tinubu presidency.

    The manner of Olatunji’s release was as curious as the manner of his capture. His captors initially denied responsibility, which made his situation even more dangerous.  According to NGE secretary-general Iyobosa Uwugiaren, “The military claimed the journalist was not in their custody. They lied to us and top government officials whose interventions we sought… However, IPI Nigeria was able to determine (without doubt) that the journalist was being detained and tortured by the Defence Intelligence Agency in Abuja… Again, they lied that the journalist was not in their custody. Yet our sources were telling us we needed to act fast to save our colleague.”

    In the end, Olatunji’s captors took him “somewhere under the bridge in Abuja,” where they released him to Yomi Odunuga, whom he described as “a good friend and brother who brought me into journalism some 27 years ago when I joined The Punch.” He said they had asked him to “call someone in Abuja who can guarantee my release.”

    Olatunji is physically free, but not free from fear. “Given the series of events, I want to say that my life is not safe because they have everything about me; they know my house,” he lamented.

    Nigerian democracy must not encourage a climate of fear in the media, which is supposed to hold power accountable under a democracy. Olatunji’s maltreatment by state actors in connection with his role as a journalist is condemnable. In a democracy, people in power who feel aggrieved by media actions are not expected to resort to self-help or lawlessness. 

    The NGE expressed its intention to pursue justice for Olatunji. “This is not the end of this matter,” Uwugiaren stated, reassuringly. “The Nigerian media community shall consult further in the next few days on the actions to take against the CDS, the CDI, and the military regarding this matter.” Indeed, the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), Gen. Christopher Musa, and the Chief of Defence Intelligence (CDI), Maj. Gen. Emmanuel Undiandeye, have some explaining to do.