Category: Saturday

  • Emeka Nwosu’s perspective on media,  politics and power in Nigeria (1)

    Emeka Nwosu’s perspective on media, politics and power in Nigeria (1)

    WHAT can be said to lie fundamentally at the root of Nigeria’s multi-dimensional crises of politics, society and economy that have persisted, even systematically worsened, in the last over six decades of the country’s post-colonial experience? The crisis of politics showcases the lack of vision of the political elite, uncontrolled quest to capture and wield state power at all costs mainly for material aggrandizement and the consequent instability of the polity as well as inefficacy of public policy. At the level of the economy, most Nigerians continue to experience large scale poverty, ever deepening penury and escalating inequality between a microscopic rich political, business and bureaucratic elite and the abysmally poor majority of the masses.

    And the ‘season of anomie’ evocatively captured by Professor Wole Soyinka in his novel published over five decades ago, has unquestionably become the defining feature of a society where corrosive materialism, the get rich quick by any means syndrome, moral perversity of the most bizare variety, occultism, kidnapping for ransom, banditry, religious extremism among others have become indelibly etched on the spatial and mental landscape.

    Reading though the brand new cerebral offering titled ‘Media, Politics and Power in Nigeria: A Personal Perspective’ by Dr. Emeka Nwosu, journalist, scholar, political communications and public relations practitioner, politician, community leader, devoted family man and opinion molder, one comes inescapably to the conclusion that the fundamental trouble or challenge with Nigeria is essentially a crisis of values. The bankruptcy of values has eroded the sinews of society, polity and economy compounding the crises of citizenship, nationhood and underdevelopment.

    In this work, the author critically dissects and exhaustively analyzes the dynamic interrelationship among these three critical elements of the Nigerian extant reality – media, politics and power – from the prism of his personal life trajectory. Incidentally, he shares the same year of birth, 1960, as the country and he masterfully captures the critical intersections, correlations and divergences between his birth, childhood, early youth, schooling, growth into adulthood with the attendant family responsibilities, media career, politics and politicking under military dictatorship, immersion in community development efforts, and his ripening into early ‘elder-hood’ as a maturing statesman in his own right.

    This gripping analytical narrative runs into 274 pages subdivided into twenty five chapters and the reader finds it difficult, once he has started, to put down the book with its easy flowing language, meticulous descriptive detail and enchanting story telling. Dr. Nwosu’s memory is almost photographic, his recall of names of persons, incidents and places impressive while the numerous pictures of different phases of his life that dot the book testify to careful record keeping – an eye on history.

    Born on 25th February, 1960, at St Geralds Hospital, Kakuri, in the southern reaches of Kaduna metropolis in the north, Dr. Nwosu was the fifth child from his mother who was the first of his father’s three wives. While his father, Chief Yellow, Enyiocha Nwosu, was a prosperous big time merchant who traded in food items like garri and yam, Emeka’s mother made good in the soda soap making business and this economic success enabled both parents to build their own houses in different parts of Kaduna while his father put up an impressive, modern structure in his village, Umukabia, in 1962. The Nwosu’s economic Odyssey was Illustrative of the adventurous, entrepreneurial spirit of the Igbo which saw many of them dispersing to other parts of the country from their landlocked geographical location where they prospered through sheer industry and uncommon tenacity in the face of daunting odds.

    Like most other Igbo children born outside the East at the time, the young Emeka was taken back to the village at about 1965 to commence schooling. As he writes, “Apart from introducing the child into formal education, the early home coming was also to enable the child learn the Igbo language and properly understand the Igbo culture, traditions, mores and customs”. Along with his age mates in Umukabia, Emeka got immersed in such daily activities as trekking a distance of about two kilometers to and from school every day, carrying out domestic work after school including fetching water from the nearby stream and firewood from the bush farm, a distance of about 3 kilometers, helping in preparing the farms during planting seasons as well as reading and writing letters for old parents in the village.

    The author gratefully acknowledges the positive impact and molding influence which his being taken back to the village from the village at an early age had in shaping the kind of human being and citizen he has ultimately become. Such ethical orientation as sense of discipline and propriety, respect for elders, love for hard work, a high sense of achievement motivation, love for and commitment to family and community, honesty among others were inculcated in the young growing up in the village. In his words, “The core of my personality, I must say, was formed in the village. I believe the decision my parents took to bring me from Kaduna to our home town, Umukabia, at that formative age was a good one. It was that decision that made it possible for me to learn the language and understand and appreciate my cultural roots. And it is obvious to me that I cannot claim to be a better Nigerian without first being a good and well cultured Igbo man. The identity crisis which some Nigerians suffer today can be explained in the absence of such cultural grounding and orientation”.

    The author’s mastery of Igbo idioms, language and culture is evident throughout the book. This no doubt is responsible for his strong bonding with members of his immediate and extended families as well as bred in him an abiding commitment to the welfare and development of his community, clan, state, Igbo land and Nigeria as a macro-entity. It is surely difficult for one brought up to embrace the tenets and habits of the fear of God, respect for elders and seniors, love of hard work and honesty, thirst for knowledge and education as well as sacrificial quest for the communal good to be attracted to such vices as cultism, rape, cybercrime, kidnapping for ransom, ritual killing, mindless materialism and many others which today have had such destructive consequences across Nigeria including Igbo land.

    This bedrock of positive, life-affirming values enabled the author to succeed and thrive in his trajectory through life from his excellent attainments in education, media practice, political communication and consultancy, legislative aide at the National Assembly, active engagement with politicians at diverse levels as well as his remarkable leadership roles in the diverse spheres of life in which he has distinguished himself. Emeka’s autobiography exemplifies the Aristotelian conception of the exemplary citizen as that individual whose life is intricately intertwined with the pursuit of the communal good without which his solitary existence can have only marginal meaning.

  • Colonialism, consequences and legacies

    Colonialism, consequences and legacies

    The recent two  primaries  of the two  major parties in Nigeria show clearly the nature of Nigeria’s federation ,its colonial legacies and the   changing   interface   of  the concept of zoning and balancing of positions and appointments in our national politics . Whilst  this was going on our  former colonial  overlord which merged Northern and Southern Nigeria  into  a  Nigerian state  in 1914 ,  sprang a surprise on the  international community by diverting unwanted migrants , products  of its colonial piracy and pillage  ,   now  seeking asylum in Britain  ,  to Rwanda  with  the swift agreement of that African  nation and the provision of ample funds to finance  the novel and most unexpected project or  policy , if one can really call it that .

    As  Nigeria was trying to come  to terms with its slogan  of unity in diversity and the choice between religion and politics in the choice  of North South   ,  North North  ticket or Muslim Christian or Muslim Muslim  ticket  it is obvious  that  the legacies of British  colonialism has  not eroded the ageless description of Nigeria’s late political  sage , the intellectually   robust  Obafemi  Awolowo  who once famously  noted that Nigeria  was a mere geographical  expression  and  not   a true  nation . Our  history  ,  and the difficulties and problems of living amicably  together  always come  to the fore at election time . How these  recent presidential  primaries have gone peace fully  after all said and done  and the undertone in the choices of candidates form  the basis  of our discussion of the topic of the day .

    We    view  this   again  , in the light  of the international   law that  Britain  has clearly broken in  literally  cancelling asylum  for those fleeing  wars , against   what   international law  strictly  demands .  We  think   this smart way     of  protecting  British sovereignty and  national   interests   as   quite  underhand   and   we  see this frantic effort as   a  nemesis  for Britain’s  consequences of its colonial  past as the migrants  desperate  rush to  and choice of Britain is no more than a case of the chicken coming home   to  roost . This  , we shall explain in historical  and con temporary terms  today .

    On  Nigeria  ,we   look at  the emergence of Abubakar Atiku as PDP presidential  flag  bearer  and the   choice  of Delta state  governor Ifeanyi Okowa  as his running mate . We  shall  look too at the emergence of Jagaban Bola Ahmed  Tinubu as the ruling party’s presidential flagbearer and   the argument  on his choice of a running mate on the basis of religion and geography and  the politics of that,  given the nature of  our zoning political culture and mentality .  We   shall  also  look at the personalities of the these leaders and their track record in our Nigerian  federation .

    Both  the Jagaban and Atiku  are  well tested hands and veterans  of Nigeria’s  politics .They  are  both friends who  respect  each  other very  much . When Atiku was elected as presidential  candidate , Tinubu who  was yet  to be elected then , welcomed Atiku  as a worthy  opponent . In   the campaign for  his candidacy  Atiku  was rumoured to  have threatened his party’s  hierarchy  and leadership that if  he was not elected  he would submit  his powerful  party apparatus to the use of the Jagaban and the PDP would  lose the 2023 presidential election . That  clearly worked  for the PDP eventual  flag bearer   but now the die  is cast as both leaders throw their  hats  in the ring for an exciting presidential  battle of the two  leading titans of Nigeria’s moneybags politics .  Let  me admit that nobody  knows  Nigeria’s problems better  than these  two  contestants and I will  not waste  my time narrating them  to them . The  novelty  is that both have never been president . They  have gone through the expensive leadership rung of senator and   governor  . Atiku  was Vice President and has been  losing his party’s   presidential nomination serially till now .Tinubu was a most  successful Lagos  state  governor and would have been Vice President but for the menace of the Muslim Muslim  ticket which  had him  nominating a surrogate as Vice  President before shouting from the roof top bravely and winning the presidential  ticket .Mostly   with the righteous indignation of many Nigerians who believed  he did  not deserve the raw  deal  his party and its chairman  were  about to unleash on him on the eve  of his winning the partys’ presidential nomination .

    Zoning  and religion ,  aside  I think we are about to witness  a campaign of two  leaders who  will  want to really  transform the nation which they  know like  the back of their  hands  . The  remarkable  thing is that although Atiku  will  blame the APC for the failure of security in the nation I  do not think he will  personally blame his opponent  for  that as he knows the nature of Nigeria’s party politics and  leadership . Having been Vice President of a president    who  was hostile to him and called him  names  I expect Atiku to treat his opponent with  great  respect as  the stature ,and exposure of both leaders is such  that they    have the connections  nationally  to move the nation forward  positively . Tinubu  however is the man to beat given his exposure in managing the  government of  Lagos  state  for two terms successfully  and grooming his successors  ever since . Lagos  is the commercial capital of Nigeria and even though oil  is the main stay of Nigeria’s  economy , Lagos is the nation’s   economic    heart  throb  . For   now  no one  in Nigeria   knows   better  how  to keep this   commercial   heart  beating   rhythmically  and working well   for the benefit of  all   Nigerians  trooping in their millions daily to earn a living in Lagos    than the APC presidential  candidate , the Jagaban of Borgu  ,  now about to become the Jagaban  of Nigeria . This  is no flattery  but a clear matter of political experience ,   proven   capacity , tenacity of purpose and focused ambition. One  should reap where he has sown and     that is what  the Jagaban   rightly    deserves .His  party     and   most   Nigerians nationwide know the  ability and pedigree of the man  they  have chosen  to  fly  the flag  of the APC in the 2023 presidential  elections as Nigerians prepare for the promised transformation of their nation under a time tested leader as their president in 2023 .

    Going  back to the Boris  Johnson  government’s underhand  diplomacy of transferring  migrants risking their lives on the  Mediterranean and the high seas  to live in Britain ,  to   Rwanda instead ,  one should  warn the UK  PM  that  but for colonialism  these migrants would know nothing about  the existence of Britain . British  colonialism uprooted many  cultures in their colonies and gave them a new quasi British  way of life . That  was what gave birth to Multiculturalism  extolled so much as nice by Tony Blair when he was in power . But  integration of  migrants  from   the  famous   British  Common wealth   has failed  woefully . In addition the spread  of the benefits of the welfare state that Britain floated  so  lavishly after the second world war  is becoming   thinner   if not unaffordable  for a multicultural  Britain . That  has made the Boris Johnson government to decide that desperate  diseases  need desperate  cure  hence the Rwandan  solution to Britain’s boat  migrants  crisis . Britain  has conveniently  forgotten that under International  law ,  it is expected to give sanctuary  to those fleeing wars and many forms of political  exploitation or discrimination . On  this score Britain has  behaved   like a  rogue  state  in transferring migrants  to  Rwanda, even  though one must admit  that the prospect of Rwanda as destination for desperate migrants will  be  a  sure  disincentive  for such  migrants seeking a better life in the land of their  former Colonial  masters  . Definitely with  this Rwanda masterstroke Britain  has killed  two  birds with  one stroke  albeit  at the price of violating  international  law   quite deliberately and brazenly too .

     

  • The Southeast political ‘boys’  must grow to be men…

    The Southeast political ‘boys’ must grow to be men…

    “In politics, nothing happens by accident. If it happens, you can bet it was planned that way -Franklin D. Roosevelt

    The political space can be more exciting than some sports because while most sports are played within certain times, politics is timeless. The intrigues, the horse-trading, the lobbying, the planning, the betrayals the back-stabbings and camaraderie are endless. Did they not say that in politics there are no permanent friends or enemies but only permanent interests? It can be intriguing staying on the sidelines watching real politics being played out.

    The Nigerian democracy in the last twenty three years has been a potpourri and the players like the peacock very often display their decorated plumage. A Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar (RTD.) who midwifed Nigeria’s return to democracy in 1999 celebrates his 80th birthday this month and is alive to push further his peace efforts in Nigeria and across Africa. By next year, the June 12 democracy day honouring the election of late MKO Abiola would be 30 years.

    The hope is that before then, Nigeria would have elected its next President and other candidates for both legislative and executive positions.  Hopefully, Nigerians would have made the right choices given how far we have come. The incoming President has a lot to worry about in a country that has been fragmented by the hype about regions and religion.

    The two biggest political parties, the All progressive Congress (APC) and the main opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) like other smaller political parties have chosen their Presidential and Vice- Presidential Candidates  in line with the directives of the electoral umpire, the Independent national Electoral Commission (INEC).

    Even though a lot of intrigues and permutations went on before the choice of candidates, it was interesting to watch the politics around both parties played around Zoning, Regions and Religion. It was interesting to see the doublespeak, the contradictions and the paradoxes playing out in the field. But again, it was interesting to see the protection of interests, the unity in diversity, the ostrich-playing around the issues of religion and region.

    The PDP claimed they were throwing the contest open to all zones but it was interesting seeing a governor Tambuwal of Sokoto step down for an Alhaji Atiku Abubakar.  He did not just step down and leave him in the lurch, he directed his delegates to cast their votes for Atiku. A governor Nyesom Wike was not amused by the action of a Tambuwal as he lost to Atiku.  When most people  expected a Wike to be chosen as Atiku’s running mate, a governor Ifeanyi Okowa  of Delta state, a former Senator and one of the organizers in PDP clinched the vice Presidential slot in what the PDP feels would amount to killing two birds with one stone.

    The feeling is that an Ifeanyi Okowa is from the South South that has five PDP states, he is by some lineage links an Igboman as his name implies as against a Wike who at every breath distances himself from any link with the South East. So he fits in to supposedly ‘calm’ Ndigbo who have been sulking after losing out on all fronts. The game gets more intriguing and interesting.

    The APC primaries presented more drama. The rumours about consensus candidate or an anointed of  President Buhari all came crashing down as the Northern governors reached a strategically viable option of zoning the presidency to the South. Former governor of Lagos State, Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu clinched the ticket with a landslide victory over even Vice President  Yemi Osibanjo (SAN).

    In a beautiful display of regional solidarity, former governor Ibikunle Amosun,  Ekiti state governor Kayode Fayemi, Senator Boroffice, former Speaker of House of Representatives, Dimeji Bankole,  all stepped down for the APC leader, Senator Tinubu. Others including former governor Godswill  Akpabio of Akwa Ibom state, Jigawa state governor,  Muhammad Badaru and the only female aspirant in the race, Uju Ohanenye all  stepped down for him too.

    Then came the battle for the Vice presidential candidate and because the APC candidate is a Muslim, the analysis and counter analysis has been going on about the import of a Muslim-Muslim ticket in a 2022 Nigeria that is a far cry from the 1993 Muslim –Muslim ticket of a late MKO Abiola and Babagana Kingibe. The question then is, what has religion and region done to the psyche of the average Nigerian? Does the political climate solve or exacerbate ethnic and religious tensions?

    In all these, the South East region feels a sense of déjà vu as they seem to be outsiders in the two political parties. The Roundtable Conversation wanted to find out why the region known for its strength as one of the tripods of the Nigerian state has seemingly lost out for the top positions in the two biggest political parties in the land. Does this align with the cries of marginalization by the Igbos or are they victims of their own political naivety?

    We sought the views of Obiora Okonkwo (Ph.D) an academic, entrepreneur and politician who has been in the field and tested the waters. We wanted to find out from him whether the Igbo politicians have really paid their dues in Nigerian politics or are they just crying wolf and waiting for political manna to fall from heaven? Have the Igbos galvanized enough support and worked hard enough? To him, the fate of Ndigbo in national politics is traceable to grave mistakes the people made in the past.

    In the past, when the Igbos chose  flawed leadership selection processes that neglected capacity, competence, merit and rather went for what in quote is called loyalty that was redefined to mean stupidity absolute  in the area of  of who should never say no to you or who you can control and manipulate in the political field. That  unfortunately became the criteria for those who have the capacity  to install leaders and the political class started seeing a class of politicians who see politics as a means of livelihood instead of a platform for service for the people and a race. In the course of doing that, they went for just anybody and today, the chicken seems to have come home to roost and so in the national political field, the boys have not grown to men.

    In the days of icons like late Alex Ekwueme or Chuba Okadigbo, their names effortlessly came up when issues of zoning anything to the South came up politically. They were from the South East and achieved greatness before their foray into politics so their rise in the national  political consciousness was easy because they had the sagacity and the gravitas to drive national politics and represent the zone while still being good national players. They had the clout and presence but today we have people in the pitch but they have not proven to be good players and so there is no team work like we see in the other zones.

    The point has been made and it is time for the South East to re-strategize and plan how to reintegrate themselves into national consciousness. It takes hard work to recalibrate and re-evaluate strategies. To Okonkwo, the South East must learn to sit back and use their position to negotiate more deftly to get the zone to fight for the future. The South East must begin to stamp their political value through strong participation, team work and serious negotiations with others. Globally, politics is not about emotions and sentiments, it is serious work that needs planning and tactically foolproof strategies.

    The Roundtable Conversation also spoke to Sam Omatseye, a veteran journalist and public affairs analyst about his evaluation of the cry of political marginalization by the South East. He maintains that politics is about engagement. He feels that some of the political players in the South East have not tried enough to engage other regions. Politics at the national level is about serious handshakes across regions.  Somebody like Ogbonnaya Onu who was prominent in the APC, what did he do to bring the people of the region into the party? No region can wait to be served without working hard enough. All the political leadrrs from the region ought to do better at integrating the region to the center rather than lamenting. National political participation that yields positive results is not a tea party. Participants must work very hard to own their space at the dining table. Politics is not about sentiments or whipping up emotions. Politics is played with grit and tact and every zone must learn the ropes and be ready to make sacrifices and play by the rules. The leaders did not do enough work in bringing in the people and so no one uses power as reward if you have not worked to earn it.

    Watching the activities at the primaries of the APC and PDP, it was obvious that the best strategists won the game especially in the North versus South political games. It was interesting to watch the grandmasters play their politics and the efforts being rewarded. Political success is not a hundred meter dash, it is a marathon and success at the end is determines by those who can stay the course without tiring out or falling off the tracks.

    The Roundtable believes that the South East must learn to play as a team as is evident in other regions instead of the present individual expedient politics of egoistic individuals who forget that they need to plant trees they might not sit under its shades. Political actions for centuries mark out persons and those who achieve greatness and immortalize themselves are those whose sense of service goes beyond self to the larger community and nation.

    Political inclusiveness is never achieved my whining or lamenting. People work hard in the political space and get their dues at the right time. Now that the die is cast, the Roundtable Conversation only hopes lessons have been learnt and amends would be made. Change is the only permanent thing in life they say. We wait and watch.

     

    The dialogue continues…

  • Are political scientists too not to blame? (1)

    Are political scientists too not to blame? (1)

    Is there not some peculiar way in which, not just the Political Science discipline, but also the academic political scientists as its practitioners in particular, are implicated and stand largely condemned by the grossly derelict and decrepit state of post-colonial Nigeria 61 years after what the late Professor Bade Onimode derisively described as the attainment of ‘flag’ or ‘nominal’ independence? For, no matter what our leaders may grandiloquently pronounce as her (perennial?) potential as the fabled ‘giant of Africa’, Nigeria, relative to her population and resource endowment remains, in her abysmal failure, an embarrassment to Africa and the black race. But then, why single out Political Science and its scholarly devotees for special indictment for the sorry state of a country which, one of its brightest minds, the late Professor Chinua Achebe, looking back in part nostalgia to its colonial past, bemoaned the disappearance of a country that once thrived at least to a relative degree of satisfaction before it’s much-vaunted independence?

    The answer is simple. The discipline’s classical masterminds, Plato and Aristotle, perceived and described, directly or indirectly, Political Science as the ‘Master Science’. Its disciplinary focus is the study of the art and science of the principles of organizing a well-ordered state and deploying its compulsory and over awing power to ensure that all other ‘partial’ associations and groups within its jurisdiction – the professions, economic entities, the arts, culture, academia, sports, culture, etc – exist and flourish.

    In his immortal ‘Grammar of Politics’, one of my favorite political scientists, Professor Harold Laski, notes at least two senses in which politics, as the art and science of the organization and management of the state as well as deployment of power, constitutes the master, all-encompassing and most critical vocation. First, in one aspect, to Laski, “it becomes an organization for enabling the mass of men to realize social good on the largest possible scale”. Secondly, Laski posits that the state “exists to enable men, at least potentially, to realize the best that is in themselves”. In other words, the justification for the state’s existence, its legitimate monopoly of the machinery of coercion, and the willing submission of the society over which it superintends to its authority is its ability to create and maintain the environmental conditions for the maximization of human potential individually and collectively. In neither of these senses has the Nigerian post-colonial state justified its existence and legitimacy either under dictatorial or, supposedly, democratic rule.

    The late Professor Billy Dudley, in his Presidential Address at the 1974 Annual Conference of the Nigerian Political Science Association (NPSA), at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, also alluded to the ultimate responsibility of the political organization of the state, impliedly on a democratic basis, as inevitable for the attainment and promotion of the common good of society. In his words, “To return once more to Aristotle, politics is also civic education, an education in the way by which a people, in the words of Oakshott, attend to the arrangement of the society. To deny a people of politics is thus to deny them a civic education. It is, in brief, to deny that man can be human and conversely, to assert that we are but a herd of animals to be shepherded and guarded”. Does the visionless, inept, venal, and democratically denuded character of our politics, a function, largely, of the moral bankruptcy of our political elite across the board, not shorn us as a people of our defining human essence by forcing us to exist vulnerably in an anarchic and amoral society in which life has become the Hobbesian ‘solitary, nasty, brutish and

    These were some of the central concerns of foremost political scientist and public sector reform advocate, Professor Tunji Olaopa, of the Nigerian Institute of Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS), at a public lecture  he delivered at the Department of Political Science, the University of Ibadan, on Thursday, June 25, 2015, titled ‘The Legitimacy of Political Science as a Discipline in Nigeria”. Professor Olaopa’s point of departure was a column by the noted political scientist, Professor Ayo Olukotun, in the Punch Newspaper titled: “Elections: where are our political scientists?” It was an article in which Professor Olukotun “lamented not only the glaring invisibility of the Political Scientists in Nigeria on the national conversation about national development and progress but also about the role of public intellectuals in the national discourse.”  Professor Olaopa cited the near moribundity of the Nigerian Political Science Association (NPSA) and the virtual comatose state of its once illustrious journal, ‘Studies in Politics and Society’ to support Olukotun’s contention.

    Incidentally, Professor Olaopa, easily the brightest and best mind in my political science class at the University of Ibadan both at the undergraduate and postgraduate levels, delivered his lecture in honour of Professors Bayo Adekanye and John Ayoade, who had just been appointed as Emeritus Professors by the Premier University. This piece is to commemorate the 80th birthday of one of these star scholars, Professor Adekanye, which is coming painfully and embarrassingly well after the date of the event on August 19, 2021. Then better late than never. The eminent political scientist, diligent researcher, meticulous analyst, and rigorous methodologist has been deservedly widely celebrated by the political science and academic community in Nigeria and beyond for his attaining the 80-year landmark this side of eternity.

    But again, why celebrate such an accomplished, prolific, and prodigiously productive scholar with a piece that, impliedly, laments the seeming failures of contemporary political science in Nigeria? The reason is that I partly agree with the submission of Professor Olaopa that the discipline of political science, while it remains solid and robust across institutions, is not living up to the standard set by the generation of Professor Adekanye at least in terms of contributions to public discourse on finding enduring solutions to the country’s protracted political problems.

    The distinguished professor has made indelible contributions particularly in his area of specialization, civil-military relations, conflict containment and resolution as well as peace remediation. I can still picture the young then Dr. Adekanye as he taught us in an undergraduate course titled ‘Insurgency and Counter-Insurgency’ in the early 1980s.

    It was a course in which we studied, among others, the burgeoning anti-apartheid insurgency in South Africa, the insurgency in Algeria at the end of the Second World War, and the Mau-Mau uprising in Kenya. Who knew at the time that Nigeria would herself have to contend with an insurgent uprising that has lasted for more than a decade? His collection of selected essays published in 2007 and titled ‘Linking Conflict Diagnosis, Conflict Prevention and Conflict Management in Contemporary Africa’ is an invaluable legacy to students and an invaluable resource for policymakers in conflict-ridden and post-conflict challenged societies.

    Earlier, in 1999, Professor Adekanye published his seminal and prescient book, “The Retired Military as Emergent Power Factor in Nigeria”; a book in which he offered a scholarly and systematic analysis of the growing power and influence of retired military officers in contemporary Nigeria with a specific focus on the second republic and the latter Babangida years. His central contention in this book was that the traditional concept of civil-military relations in Nigeria that portrays a rigid demarcation between the civil society and military realms has become outmoded with the retired military elite becoming a growing cohesive power bloc playing key roles in the economy and other commanding heights of civil society. Surely, the investigations and findings of this work have to be extended by further studies that encompass the last two decades of this dispensation.

    *This article was first published October 16, 2021

  • Welcome Jose Peseiro

    Welcome Jose Peseiro

    A Coach with such an unenviable record P 10 W 1 D 2 L 7 (played 10 matches; won one game; drew two ties and lost seven of the 10 fixtures) should not be coaching the Super Eagles. Need I waste space to list the countries he has handled? But the record which hurts most is that he has been sacked by African nations – indeed African club sides. The dictum, The morning tells the day rings so true with Peseiro’s coaching pedigree and it is rather unfortunate especially when this recruitment is meant to revamp the dwindling fortunes of the team. Add Peseiro’s last two losses to Mexico and Ecuador and get a well-painted picture of gloom. If this is what Nigeria got from the European market of foreign coaches, then those who selected him must leave our game alone.

    This isn’t another attempt to judge a book by its cover, rather it is a subtle warning for Peseiro to put on his thinking cap, dig deep into his bag of coaching tricks – if he has any – and navigate through this thorny path to glory. It is achievable but he should be transparent when picking his players for matches – Rohr’s tenure should serve as a lesson. Any player who fumbles during games loses his shirt for subsequent games. Such markers put players on their toes which inevitably rubs off on how the team plays.

    These few words are not meant to cast aspersion on the person of Peseiro nor is it a deliberate ploy to score him a failure knowing too well that no two matches are the same. However, everyone would agree with me that a coach – just like a player – is as good as his last game. Indeed, there two types of coaches – those waiting to be sacked and those already sacked. Coaches whose teams don’t excite their nationals have their services dispensed with. No dilly-dallying.

    Jose Peseiro, please find comfort in this precedence that Nigeria has had with recruiting coaches with not too impressive citations as coaches before they got the Super Eagles job. Truth be told, these half-baked coaches don’t improve our teams because the players report to camp only to find out the manager recruited exhibit in training sessions are medieval. The NFF should know that our players have improved on themselves in a geometrical way while our coaches and administrators are moving forward arithmetically in the basics of the game. It is this imminent gap that has ruined the progress of the Super Eagles, albeit all our soccer teams irrespective of gender.

    Nigerians keep pinching themselves while watching our foreign legion wondering if they were the same people shining in their various teams in the world. The answers aren’t farfetched. Our players think they are doing Nigerians a favour while playing for Nigeria. What they have forgotten is that most of them except the Nigeria-born lads would never be where they are today and who they are also today without being a Nigerian in the first place. Sadly, many of them didn’t wear the country’s Green-White-Green jerseys across our national teams.

    The zeal and determination to excel are missing from what our European-based stars do on the pitch while playing for Nigeria. These necessary ingredients for improved performance rest with the fact that our players don’t get to camp early such that the group get enough days to train to achieve success. Instead, they report to camp in trickles and tell lies about themselves including such lies as late release by the clubs – even benchwarmers use such lame excuses.

    “I have confidence in Nigerian players. I want the team to command the game from the beginning to the end. That’s how to win a game,” Peseiro said.

    “You lose the ball, you retrieve the ball quickly. The team must have more of the ball possessions to be in control of games.

    “My ambition is to win the next AFCON tournament. I need to adapt to Nigeria football, step by step. I want to win and I have the players that can do it for Nigeria,” he said.

    Back to the Super Eagles. It is equally important to ask Peseiro’s employer, Nigeria Football Federation (NFF) whose duty it is to employ any member of the Super Eagles’ technical crew? Is it the NFF’s duty or that of Peseiro being the head of the squad’s technical crew? This poser is necessary given what happened in Dallas involving Peseiro and the federation’s designated match analyst. It wasn’t nice what happened. Perhaps, the NFF especially, Amaju Pinnick, needs to take a look at what obtains in England. The talk about the paucity of funds is cheap considering the ripple effects of such new things in the dynamics of tea building.

    England National Team.

    Southgate – (Manager)

    Steve Holland (assistant manager).

    Graeme Jones (assistant coach)

    Chris Powell (assistant coach)

    Martyn Margetson (goalkeeping coach)

    Steve O’Brien (lead performance analyst)

    Mike Baker (senior performance analyst)

    Daniel Parker (performance analyst)

    Peter Clark (performance analyst)

    Bryce Cavanagh (head of physical performance and nutrition)

    Dr Benjamin Rosenblatt (lead physical performance coach)

    Steve Kemp (lead physiotherapist)

    Dr Ian Mitchell (head of performance psychology)

    Modern Coaching now has:

    Video Analyst

    Opposition Scout/Researcher

    I digress!

    Many pundits feel strongly that the torrid state of the MKO Abiola Stadium’s pitch inhibited play for the Eagles. The lie to this submission rest with the way the Sierra Leoneans tackled the Eagles till the very end of the game, including playing two consecutive corner kicks in the extra time period. Indeed, Alex Iwobi, Victor Osimhen and Simon troubled the visitors and enlivened the hearts of many Nigerians watching the game around the world.

    It must be said here that 22 players played on the pitch at any given time. Interestingly, the Sierra Leoneans didn’t have the luxury of training on that pitch more than once. Yet, they aren’t complaining about the pitch. Let’s stop holding on to straw for this despicable performance on Thursday.

    The central defence manned by Ajayi, Troost-Ekong and Kenneth Omeruo has been patchy and conceding goals, especially the early ones scored during games. Once such early goals are conceded, the team wobbles all through with the coaches stirring onto to the pitch unable to respond tactically until perhaps the 67th minute. The delay creates more problems until the bad-playing players are substituted.

    This has been the narrative of how badly the Eagles can be during matches. Sadly, the next selection exercise would bring every player back, thus raising further posers if the list of players is constant. Not surprising for analysts to decipher. We get to see the same fumbling players because they are the handiwork of European agents or scouts working to protect interests all the time.

    Eagles need a breath of fresh air and it should start with the weeding of tired legs such as Ekong, Ajayi et al. You don’t engage a car in reverse gear and expects it to move forward. Those who have lost their jobs shouldn’t be allowed to use Nigeria’s matches as the platform for fresh contracts with new clubs. Elders such as Ahmed Musa could be the Team Manager of the Eagles not NFF Board members, who should be strictly leaders of delegations.

    In a post-match comment on Thursday night after beating Sierra Leone 2-1 in Abuja, Peseiro said: “I can play any player, I make the final decision. If I ask you, to give me your XI, it will be

    different from others.” “I believe in my players, it’s my responsibility to select the players according to our plans.”

    “We changed the setup in the second half, I think it was only the last 10 minutes our opponent had some good moments. We created a lot of scoring chances, we could have won with a bigger margin, but the team needs more time and we must work.”

    Dear Peseiro, where did you see Oghenekaro Etebo play football this season?  Isn’t Peseiro aware that relegated Watford FC of England released Etebo into the transfer market? Will Peseiro say that it was his decision to field Sadiq Umar ahead of Ademola Lookman? What was Peseiro trying to prove by substituting Victor Osimhen? Look coach, Osimhen is our best player in Europe and should remain on the pitch excepts he signals to the bench that he is feeling funny.

    Hey, Peseiro must think that the Eagles job is another bazaar where the highest bidders reign supreme. No way.

  • Moghalu: Abrupt end of a dream

    Moghalu: Abrupt end of a dream

    For Kingsley Moghalu, a former Deputy Governor of Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and presidential aspirant on the platform of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), it was an abrupt end to his dream of contesting and winning the next presidential election.

    Moghalu was declared loser of the contest after he was beaten to the party’s ticket by Dumebi Kachiku during the week. Sentry gathered from close allies of the disappointed politician that he had high hopes of clinching the ADC ticket.

    Read Also: Tinubu: The man who would be president

    But suddenly, the music stopped as he was floored by Kachiku at the shadow poll. Before the commencement of voting, Moghalu had said he would defeat Bola Tinubu and Atiku Abubakar, presidential candidates of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) at the 2023 election.

    “I am here to offer myself to you not because I am better than anybody here but because I care about the future of our country. I offer myself because God has given me the main recognition to stand side-by-side with Atiku, Tinubu and to send them into retirement,” he had said. But Kachiku put paid to such high hopes.

    Moghalu, however, said as a person of faith, he believes that God knows his plans for him, and will lead him to a perfect end that he may not know as a mere mortal. Friends and foes alike are now eagerly waiting to see what that end would be.

  • Rivers: Enter Fubara’s private army

    Rivers: Enter Fubara’s private army

    The news of how youths from different parts of Port Harcourt truncated the planned arrest of the governorship candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Rivers State, Siminialayi Fubara, by operatives of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) last Tuesday, is still trending.

    The drama took place at the International Airport as the plane that brought Fubara and other PDP chieftains who had accompanied him to Abuja to receive his certificate of return touched down.

    Eye witness accounts claimed that as the operatives moved to accost him, youths described as political thugs by some commentators, fiercely resisted the officials.

    Read Also: Youths foil Fubara’s arrest, attack EFCC officials

    Fubara, former Accountant General of the state and three other top government officials had been declared wanted by the EFCC over alleged N117 billion fraud.

    After the airport show, the candidate, still heavily guarded by the band of youths, proceeded to the state party secretariat where he addressed supporters and stakeholders.

    Sentry gathered that since that day, the man does not go anywhere without this army of youths following him in buses and pick-ups, to provide security.

    These youths have emerged as Fubara’s new private army as Sentry observed that no other team of security operatives are now seen in his entourage as he moves across the state campaigning ahead of the 2023 general elections.

  • 2023, Southeast and self-marginalisation

    2023, Southeast and self-marginalisation

    Elder statesman, Dr. Ogbonnaya Onu, is bitter. It is not without some justification. The former governor of Abia State and Minister of Science, Technology and Innovation in the Muhammadu Buhari administration protested that the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), which zoned its presidential ticket to the South, refused to micro-zone it to the Southeast, his region of birth.

    The socio-cultural group, Ohanaeze Ndigbo, has also raised an eyebrow over the refusal of the two major parties to shift power to the region.

    Onu, a notable APC elder, freely expressed the feeling of his ethnic nationality. But, delegates of his party were not similarly inclined. His colleagues in the APC National Caucus, who are from other zones, were also not so disposed. The reason is that APC has only registered a skeletal presence in the Southeast, despite the victory of Hope Uzodinma, governor of Imo State.

    With an abysmal numerical strength, APC has never really considered winning the Southeast votes as a priority, beyond getting 25 per cent at the poll. Indisputably, the Southeast has consistently remained the stronghold of main opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). Yet, PDP has never looked in the direction of the region in its presidential electoral calculation.

    Political parties have never played the roles of national unifier. But a government midwifed by a party can be, if the head of government has a national outlook and sees the entire country as his vast constituency.

    It has been a tall order. Therefore, there is the scramble for Aso Villa, the seat of federal power, by competing and antagonistic tribes locked in deep conflict and competition for federal power and resources. The tribes are not equally endowed, in terms of numerical strength, natural resources, strategy and bargaining power.

    More or less, the hallmark of Nigerian politics is primordial sentiment. The birthplace, ethnic root, and religion of candidates are projected over and above their educational qualification, competence, experience and love of the country. It may appear now that these factors can be displaced by money or “deep pocket” of aspirants.

    The racial factor in Nigerian politics is a big issue. To reduce tension, politics in the heterogeneous country is anchored on cross-racial balance. When two or three ethnic groups tend to form a formidable alliance on the platform of a major political party, the beneficiary standard bearer is most likely to secure federal power. The ethnic groups outside the parley are left in the cold.

    The historical antecedent of Nigeria tends to support the argument. There was never a time all the tribes collaborated or supported a common agenda that would lead to the installation of a pan-Nigerian president. The nearest to it was the June 12, 1993 presidential election. When it was annulled, the struggle for its revalidation nearly paled into an ethnic agitation.

    Experience has shown that an agreement between two major tribes has often secured the victory of either of the major parties at the poll. Nigeria has been and may remain for a long time a two-party state, the presence of other smaller parties notwithstanding.

    Read Also: South East deserves presidency, says Onu

    The question is: how have the two tribes who form partnership at a given time fared in power sharing? Has power distribution been equitable?

    In the First Republic, the alliance between the monolithic North on the platform of the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) and Igbo’s National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) paved the way for the first coalition government of Prime Minister Abubakar Tafawa Balewa.

    Igbo had many ministers in the Balewa government. It was never envisaged that the North would yield the position of Prime Minister to an Igbo parliamentarian under that arrangement in the foreseeable future.

    Instructively, Yoruba’s request through the Action Group (AG) for an alliance with NCNC was turned down because of the friction between the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo and the late Dr. Nnamidi Azikiwe.

    The two leaders were still engrossed in bitterness over the struggle for the Western Regional Government House in Ibadan, eight years after.

    In 1964, when the crisis-ridden AG (Yoruba) and NCNC (Igbo) finally agreed to work together on the seemingly broader platform of the United Progressives Grand Alliance (UPGA), it was a cosmetic alliance. It was even suggested the alliance became easier because Awo, who was in jail, was not the targeted beneficiary. The two parties were no match for the Nigeria National Alliance (NNA), made up of stronger NPC (Hausa-Fulani)/Nigeria National Democratic Party (NNDP) of Samuel Akintola (Yoruba).

    Although an Igbo, the late Major-General Thomas Aguiyi-Ironsi, became the first military Head of State after Balewa was murdered in the nation’s first coup d’état, his policy of unification, nepotism and promotion of ethnic interest was infuriating to other tribes. His regime, which only lasted six months, led to ethnic suspicion, strife and rancour. It deepened the gulf between the North and the Southeast. There is a subsisting dilemma. Although the Southeast and the North have been political partners, there is no evidence that the North is ready to trust the Southeast with power.

    In the Second Republic, the scenario of “collaboration and suspicion” was enacted. The ruling National Party of Nigeria (NPN), which was backed by majority of Hausa/Fulani, formed an accord with the Nigeria Peoples Party (NPP), led by Azikiwe, leader of Igbo. A Fulani, Alhaji Shehu Aliyu Shagari, was President. The vice presidency was conceded to the Igbo of the Southeast. Ahead of 1987, the NPN was never thinking of a succession plan that would lead to the installation of a president of Igbo extraction. Indeed, the NPN national chairman, the late Chief Adisa Akinloye, a Yoruba, was already warming up for the ticket.

    Since Shagari’s vice-president, Dr. Alex Ekwueme, left office, no other Igbo has either been president or vice-president.

    In the ill-fated Third Republic, the two-party system tended to close the wide cleavages. The country was only polarised into two divides – the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the National Republican Convention (NRC). The national profile of the SDP candidate, Bashorun Moshood Abiola, was the issue.

    Yet, it was evident that the Southeast gravitated more towards the NRC, which fielded a candidate from the North, Bashir Tofa. Only the vice-president was conceded to the Igbo, a slot taken up by Slyvester Ugoh.

    Since 1999, the Southeast has embraced the PDP. Up to now, bloc votes have been delivered to the party from the five states in the region. But, unlike in the Second Republic, the presidential slot has never been zoned to the Southeast.

    When General Olusegun Obasanjo was the presidential candidate and Alhaji Atiku Abubakar was his running mate, the Yoruba of the Southwest, until 2003, rejected the PDP. But, the Southeast supported the party.

    The party also enjoyed the support of the Southeast when Alhaji Umaru Yar’Adua was presidential candidate and Dr. Goodluck Jonathan, an Ijaw, was his running mate. Also, the zone supported the party when Jonathan was its candidate and Governor Namadi Sambo of Kaduna State was the running mate, the Southeast still supported the PDP.

    In 2019, PDP presented Atiku/Peter Obi ticket. It was said that the region had settled for the second fiddle.

    The recent nominations have confirmed that the Fulani-Hausa/Ndigbo collaboration is meant to shut the door to Aso Rock against the Southeast. While the APC zoned its presidential slot to the South, the PDP, against the run of popular opinion, refused.

    After 23 years of collaboration between the North and the Southeast in the PDP, the main opposition has given the impression that it cannot win next year’s presidential election with an Igbo candidate.

    The party is now trying to pick an Igbo-Christian running mate from either the Southeast or Southsouth for the purpose of ethno-religious balancing.

    While the Southwest vigorously agitated for zoning of the APC to the zone, and it eventually became its beneficiary, the Southeast seems to lack a coordinated agenda for 2023.

    Igbo politicians in the PDP only made a feeble scrambling for the presidential ticket. They lacked joint home support. Therefore, they failed in their bids. They are now struggling for vice presidential slot, which is constitutionally a spare tyre.

    Why did Igbo aspirants refused to listen to the advice of their elders who pleaded with them to step down and endorse a regional consensus candidate? Why did they not emulate Sokoto State Governor Aminu Tambuwal, who jettisoned his presidential ambition and upheld his Northern regional interest?

    The Igbo have refused to put their house in order. While four APC presidential aspirants from the Southwest – Dr. Kayode Fayemi, Dimeji Bankole, Prof. Ajayi Boroffice and Senayor Ibikunle Amosu – stepped down for Asiwaju Bola Tinubu at the national primary, Igbo PDP presidential aspirants refused to collaborate. The result was split vote.

    While anxious, focused and patriotic Yoruba elders and leaders, including Elderstatesmen Chief Bisi Akande and Aremo Olusegun Osoba; Chief Pius Akinyelure, Senator Iyiola Omisore, Governor Rotimi Akeredolu, Governor Gboyega Oyetola, Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu and others, were sweating, keeping vigil, pleading with and mounting partisan pressure on Southwest aspirants to step down for the National Leader, up to the morning of the convention, what last minute effort did Southeast leaders make to get their scattered aspirants and delegates to build a consensus?

    Instead of putting their minor differences aside, the aspirants  went to the shadow poll as representatives of a divided zone. That Igbo aspirants refused to step down for a single aspirant from the zone meant that they allowed individual interests to displace the larger collective interest of their region. Many PDP delegates donated their votes to Atiku during the PDP primary. There was no protest vote against the rejection of zoning by the party.

    The Igbo are vital assets to Nigeria, for their spirit of enterprise, industry, business acumen, technological innovation, and resilience. It is the most travelled race. Igbo traders are found in the nooks and corners of the country, and beyond. But, according to observers, there is need for them to get their politics right.

    The Igbo have always complained about marginalisation. Although it once opted to secede from Nigeria, the bid, which was interpreted as a rebellion against the imaginary union, was aborted by the military government. Since 1970, the Southeast has been agitating for re-integration, a sense of belonging and relevance. It appears the region has embarked on a fruitless search. Is the strategy faulty?

    The late Chief Bola Ige, slain Attorney-General and Minister of Justice, once called for a collaboration between the Southwest and Southeast. Would that synergy not be a right step in the right direction? It is significant to note that a section of the pan-Yoruba socio-political group, led by Chief Ayo Adebanjo, even called for power shift to the Southeast.

    If Atiku wins and he does eight years, which means the North will be in power for 16 years, there will be a battle for succession in PDP between Southwest and Southeast.

    If Tinubu wins and he is in the saddle for eight years, automatically, the ticket is most likely to go to the North in the APC.

    While the Southeast is agitating for power shift to the zone, its youths are calling for secession and disintegration of the country. The two goals do not align. The protracted violence in the Southeast has sent dangerous signals to other zones, although the sit-at-home has affected the Southeast itself more than other zones. What is the focus of Southeast? Is it to produce an Igbo president or leave Nigeria?

    To observers, Ndigbo is not fighting to leave Nigeria. They only clamour for equity, fairness and justice, which seems to be elusive. But, other regions have their grievances too.

    Having been glued to the PDP, the Southeast has not looked back. It has not reassessed its strategy, which has failed to persuade the opposition party to trust the zone with the prized ticket.

    By 2023, the ultimate power would have eluded the Southeast for 34 years. Until the zone, after a realistic assessment, reviews its methods for forging political alliance and strategic bargaining, it may be difficult for it to realise its dream of producing a president in the future.

  • Leaders, strategies and values

    Leaders, strategies and values

    It is difficult  to be   happy    and sad at the same time . Yet   that is the situation  I  am in ,  as I  write this column for today . I dedicate  it to the victims of the church slaughter in Owo  town last Sunday in which 40  people were killed and 61  injured . It  is a grim  test of faith for  Christians who worship in Churches globally  and very dangerously   now in Nigeria . But  God  knows best  and May the souls of  these  Nigerian Christian Martyrs    from   Owo ,  rest  in Perfect Peace Amen .

    Two  events on political  participation and competition  catch  my attention today  in both Nigeria and the UK . The first  is the  election  of the Jagaban  Bola Ahmed Tinubu as the flag  bearer  of the ruling APC in the forthcoming 2023   presidential elections   at the party’s primaries in Abuja . The  second is the winning  of the Vote of Confidence  of the Conservative Party by  the British PM Boris Johnson  . The  Jagaban’s  victory in the primaries gladdens my heart  in that it defeated the concept of consensus which  I have opposed vociferously  as dictatorial and anti  democracy  in my   recent  columns  Indeed I went on to write that if there  was to be consensus as a last ditch effort then  the nominee must be the Jagaban  himself  , a posture the candidate now victor later adopted to save his nomination  ,  and    pave the way  for  his  eventual election at   the just   concluded   APC   presidential  primaries  in Abuja .

    In  the case of the winning of the vote of confidence by the British PM ,  I  attest to  some admiration  , albeit    a very grudging one    at   that ,    for the survival instinct  of the British PM ,  in  that  he has shown again  that  he is  the real cat with nine lives in British  politics  as we know it today .  The  Jagaban  and Boris  ,  which   is how I will  address  them   both  henceforth  in this column ,  have much in common as political pragmatists , proactive  leaders ,  consummate  politicians    and seasoned   strategists   . Indeed  ,  I see them  as birds  of the same feather in the different  contexts and political  systems  they  operate  in , and the genius and  strategies  they  have evolved , applied and deployed   quite  brilliantly  in ensuring they have their  ways and achieve their  goals as the two  political  competition they  have won  against all  odds   vey recently  have shown .  The  leadership styles of both leaders , the moral issues and blockades they  faced in consummating their  recent electoral and political  victories in spite  of the conspiracies they faced amongst  friends and foes alike ,  form the kernel of our analysis  today .

    Let  me  start by highlighting the values  and challenges these  two  leaders faced on the way to their victories in both  Abuja and London .  Enroute  his eventual election as APC flag bearer   the  Jagaban  faced conspiracies , betrayals   and outright  treachery  but  found   fairness, justice and fair play from unexpected quarters  ,  albeit  at the last  minute .  Indeed   he discovered almost too late  that he had to blow his own trumpet when no one was ready  to listen  to him  or blow  it for him and that paid   handsomely   in     spite  of the grumblings  in high places deep  inside his party .  On the other  hand , Boris was on the way  to the guillotine  literally  within his own  party  but his cabinet  members  showed rare loyalty  , respect and discipline   to save  his leadership  to show that  the cabinet  system  is still  the guiding spirit  of British  Parliamentary  democracy . Let  me proceed to elucidate  on the nitty     gritty of these assertions   and  observations .

    Forty  eight  hours before the   presidential  primaries voting  in Abuja ,  the Jagaban and the entire APC leadership  faced a coup  mounted by no  other person than the party’s Chairman  who announced that consensus  has been  used to  pick the party’s candidate , the President of the senate  who  is from the North .  Yet   earlier  , the Northern governors  had  honorably  and in the interest of fair play and justice declared that the south should pick  the presidential  candidate because  the north had been in power for the last eight years .  The  Northern governors mounted their own counter coup and went to the president and pleaded the cause of the south for the presidency and the consensus coup was killed   when the president himself  declared that he had not picked a consensus candidate and voting must  take place . That  was the opportunity  the Jagaban  needed to show  his  hold nationwide on the party and the results  showed clearly  as the Yorubas say  in two proverbs  , first  that the head  of the elephant  is not a load  for a child  and two , that the stealth  of the  leopard should not be mistaken for cowardice .

    Five     lessons that are important  for political  leadership  in Nigeria  emerged from the APC presidential  primaries. The  first  is that free and fair  elections are possible in Nigeria at least at national  party level . The  second  is that there  are honorable  politicians and leaders  in Nigeria as the Northern  governors  showed  in asking the party   to pick  its  candidate  from  the south  to show that he who comes to equity must come with  clean  hands . These  governors  have   made   history  and they  have my eternal admiration . The  third  is that  powerful  leaders who spread fake news can be check mated and stopped in their tracks   positively  in the  party  like the  governors stopped the party  chairman from spreading misinformation  about a consensus candidate when there was none .  This APC  Chairman  must  be made to face his disciplinary nemesis sooner than later in the party as he should not be allowed to get  away  with  murder on the false   consensus  flag  he flew at the party’s presidential  primaries .  Fourthly  Nigerian leaders  must  be bold to sell  their    capacity  to lead and  ability  to  deliver on their claims when they  have the record and recognition  for their achievements and should  not allow  party hierarchy  to  kill their  ambition , as it tried with  the Jagaban. Obviously the  primaries  table turned in favour of the Jagaban the moment  he   decided  to recount publicly  his role in making the present president successful  in 2015  presidential elections   ,  after  the incumbent president had lost three  elections serially before . Fifthly  ,  especially   in politics ,  prodigal  sons are very  welcome back home when they  see  light  even at the last  minute and acknowledge the leadership  of the leader that groomed   them  as some candidates  did  during the debate and stepped down for   the  Jagaban at the last APC presidential primaries .  As  some philosophers  have noted forgiveness is the  best  form of  vengeance and  since  only   the Jagaban   knows  where the shoe pinches , we ask  him to temper    justice with  mercy   .

    In  Boris’  survival  of the No  Confidence vote of his party  it  is clear  that  loyalty played a major part and that is a plus  for British  democracy  as  it  is obvious that his cabinet  colleagues  suppressed  their  ambition  to  make Boris live to see another  day . The  dictum  in British Parliamentary democracy is that the PM is’   primus  inter pares ‘  which  means first  amongst  equals   and  any of the cabinet members could  have qualified to succeed  Boris  but they kept their cool and put their ambition under lock . Which  was the opposite of what those close to the Jagaban  did  on the eve of the APC presidential  primaries . Indeed most UK cabinet  members agreed that Boris’  offence  no matter what should not deter him from enjoying the benefits of the huge mandate he won at the last  general  election , since it is the electorate that  chooses the leader as well   as the party members calling for the head of the PM on  a  platter  of  gold  .Even then  ,    the vote  of confidence has shown such  party members are in the minority . Democracy after all is embedded   in the saying  that   –  ‘the minority    can     have its  say   , but the majority  must  have  its way .

  • Tinubu: The triumph of hope

    Tinubu: The triumph of hope

    His victory is a tribute to his tenacity of purpose, audacity of courage, determination, resilience and fidelity to a vision to seek the ticket for the purpose of making an exceptional political impact.

    The victory was also a collective effort. The flagbearer is the symbol of a coalition of forces and alliances that reposed much trust and confidence in his ability, experience, expertise and capacity to make a difference with the baton of leadership in post-Buhari era.

    Having renounced his bid to return to the Senate in 2007 after his two terms of eight years as governor of Lagos State,  Asiwaju Bola Tinubu set his eyes on the presidency.

    He described it as his life ambition. He made no pretension about it. He was focused. But, when the former governor declared his ambition for president, his detractors predicted doom, saying that he will crash out. The Pa  Ayo Adebanjo faction of the pan-Yoruba group,  Afenifere, mocked him, warning that his Northern allies had already used  him and will  dump him.

    Social media warriors were on the prowl. They peddled falsehoods to dent his image, malign his reputation and generally de-market him.

    Some critics raised issues about his fitness for the job. They alluded to old age, as if it is a disease. They also raised questions about his health.

    On the field, he proved them wrong. During the consultation and mobilisation ahead of the presidential convention, he was agile, hate and hearty. He covered more grounds than his younger opponents. He mapped out his plans, set up a formidable campaign structure and backed his plans with sound strategy.

    Tinubu forged ahead with hope and optimism, traversing most of the All Progressives Congress (APC) state chapters across the federation.

    He told his story of manifold contributions to pro-democracy crusade, the consolidation of democratic rule, how he set an excellent example of good governance in Lagos and built critical cross-regional alliances for national redemption.

    Tinubu, the most tolerant politician in Nigeria, is blessed with an uncanny forgiving spirit. He also has a reputation for striving in adversity. Never downcast, he is an embodiment of hope, an elixir of life.

    Despite the prediction of doom, he succeeded in forging understanding between the Northern and Southern caucuses of the APC. The understanding, of which Ondo State Governor Rotimi Akeredolu played a good part, in terms of advocacy, led to consideration for zoning for national unity and confidence building.

    Yesterday, Tinubu fulfilled a part of his destiny when he received the presidential nomination flag from President Muhammadu Buhari, following his victory at the APC primary.

    His success during the shadow poll manifested the growing movement in support of his presidential bid. More stakeholders, including those outside the political class, will be coalescing for the realisation of the dream of the APC candidate. A great tactician and strategist, Tinubu is, no doubt, unmindful of some of the challenges in  the titanic battle of 2023.

    Winning a ticket is one thing, wining a general election is another. The standard bearer has to forge unity and cohesion in the ruling party. It is noteworthy that he has applauded those who stepped down for him. He has also given the assurance that the politics of the primary was over. Reconciliation should reflect in his disposition to inclusion. It is important that the team that will drive the campaigns should be representative of all shades of interest in the party. The CPC-ACN-ANPP-nPDP cleverages should fizzle out. Under him, APC should be one.

    During the primary, a feud broke out between Northern governors and the national chairman, Senator Abdullahi Adamu. The bone of contention was the unilateral adoption of Senate President Ahmed Lawan as consensus candidate by Adamu.

    Mutual confidence was ruptured. There is the need to restore it so that acrimony will not characterise relations between party leadership and the Progressive Governors’ Forum.

    It behoves the flagbearer to also assume the role of chief reconciliator in the party. There are unresolved crisis in some chapters arising from 2023 nominations. He will need wisdom to unite the divided chapters and prevent likely defections.

    Also, Tinubu has to secure his Southwest base. Charity begins at home. Eyes are on Ekiti and Osun states as their governorship elections draw near. It will be a major test for Tinubu, who must work hard to deliver the two states.

    It is not the best of times for the APC chapters in the two states. For example, Ekiti APC is polarised. The outcome of primary elections in Ekiti has generated a deep gulf between SWAGA group and the party’s leadership in the state. There is need to broker peace between the two ‘factional’ camps.

    Reconciliation is also an unfinished business in Osun State where the camp of Governor Gboyega Oyetola and Interior Minister Rauf Aregbesola are at war. There is no political rift that cannot be resolved. There is no permanent friend or foe in politics. What is important, as it is said, is interest.

    During the preparations for the primary, many people grumbled that Tinubu never visited the Southeast to meet with Ndigbo delegates on their soil.

    The PDP is capitalising on the score card of the current APC administration to mount an aggressive campaign. The opposition party wants to bounce back.

    The last lap of the administration should be devoted to project completion of projects in the Southeast. APC government must strive to improve the economy and fight terror. The growing perception is that the Buhari administration needs to double its efforts.

    It will need the support of the various stakeholders to contribute ideas that will facilitate the resolution of these knotty challenges.

    Also, the people of Nigeria expect from Tinubu an action plan; a manifesto that can rekindle hope and reassurance that the next APC government will perform better.