The Nation Newspaper

Category: Saturday

  • The challenge of constitution review (2)

    The challenge of constitution review (2)

    THE 45-man Committee on the Review of the 1999 Constitution, with the Deputy Senate President Barau Jubrin as Chairman and Senate Leader Opeyemi Bamidele Vice Chairman, has concluded the zonal public hearings across the six zones.

    Four issues elicited wide ranging interests – devolution of power, state creation, local government creation and state police.

    Other issues like inclusive reforms, institutional reforms, fundamental rights and objectives, system and structure of government, reforms of the judiciary, roles of the traditional institutions in government, reforms of the fiscal environment, and electoral reforms also came up.

    State creation has been a problematic issue, due to the constitutional stipulations that now serve as inevitable constraints. It was easy for the military regimes to embark on arbitrary and tyrannical exercise through decrees without considering the core federal principles that should guide their decisions.

    As centrists, states were never created by the military rulers to deepen federalism. For example, in 1967, state creation by the military Head of State, Gen. Yakubu Gowon, was in response to the civil war. It was an attempt to quel the late Col. Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu’s rebellion and truncate his expansionist agenda. The exercise demarcated between Igbo, who were restricted to Southeastern State, and others ethnic groups who were lumped together in Eastcentral State and Rivers State.

    Also, in 1976, some aspects of the Irikefe Report on State Creation were ignored by Muritala/Obasanjo regime. For example, while some towns were proposed as state capitals, certain members of the Supreme Military Council (SMC) insisted that their home towns should be made capitals. Under subsequent military regimes, state creation was dictated, most times, by ethnic pulls, with state capitals as gifts to military cabals and their in-laws.

    Also, military governors as lesser lords of manor in states, assisted by privileged top civil servants, also created local governments, with attendant boundary disputes.

    Every geo-political region is agitating for states, but there are also regions spicing their agitations with inexplicable arguments that tend to demarket the claims of others.

    The factors of population, land spread and resources have to be considered along with historical issues and the quest for the redress of past and current injustice.

    Read Also: Constitution review: Women groups demand 84 reserved seats in National Assembly

    It was a contentious issue at the 2014 conference in Abuja. As Southeast delegates pressed for more states, Ahmadu Ali, former senator and minister, was taken aback that the Southwest kept quiet, or did not make enough noise. The argument was that the old Eastern Region, whose delegates were more vociferous, had more states than the Western Region.

    The old West has eight states – Lagos, Oyo, Ondo, Ogun, Osun, Ekiti, Edo and Delta. However, nine states had been carved out of the old East, namely Anambra, Enugu, Abia, Imo, Ebonyi, Akwa Ibom, Cross Rivers, Rivers, and Bayelsa, which in population, is not up to the old Alimoso local government in Lagos State. This fact is cleverly covered or omitted by Southeast agitators for more states who continue to make cloudy and subjective references to a Southwest with six states and a Southeast with five.

    Senator Bamidele disclosed that the Senate Committee had received 31 proposals for the creation of additional states;  six from Northwest, eight from Northcentral, five from Southeast, six from Northeast, six from Southsouth and four from Southwest.

    In the Southwest, the people of Ijebu and Remo are asking for a state. Ibadan, made up of 11 local governments, wants a seperate state from Oyo. In Delta, there is clamour for Anioma State. In Ondo, there is agitation by Ilaje and Ikale for Coastal State. Igbomina people from Osun and Kwara want Igbomina State with the capital in Offa.

    Prominent stakeholders of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) are also seeking recognition as a sub-national entity. In its present form, Abuja is more or less a state, except that it does not have a House of Assembly.

    The House of Representatives Committee even said 31 requests were made. All the agitations and demands are legitimate. They are driven by various factors. These include ethnic and geo-political considerations, perceived marginalization and unequal distribution of resources and opportunities.

    The process of creating new states in Nigeria is complex. It requires constitutional amendments and political consensus, which can hardly be arrived under a civilian administration.

    The creation of a new state in Nigeria requires a multi-stage process outlined in Section 8 of the Constitution. It is a tedious procedure. Apart from the support from the area seeking the state, a referendum is required. But the more difficult criterion is the approval by a majority of existing states. The final process is that the resolutions on state creation have to be passed by the chambers of the National Assembly.

    How to secure the two/third vote of the 36 states is challenging. It is big test for governors who control the Houses of Assembly and federal legislators whose positions may be shaped or dictated by ethnic bias, religious considerations and primodal sentiments.

    The Senate has received 18 requests for the creation of local government areas nationwide. This, without mincing words, cannot be a “federal or central matter,” but a matter for the respective states to handle. It is a defect of the so-called federal constitution that local governments are listed in the constitution. The practice of central control of the local government system is incompatible with federalism. Local government should be removed from the federal purview, and states should be allowed to create councils, based on agitations, feasibility, suitability and peculiar circumstances of the areas making the demands.

    There is a proposal for the establishment of state police, other state government security agencies, and the establishment of the  State Security Council to advise governors on matters relating to public security and safety. State police is not new. But, its establishment is dragging for too long. There is need for more commitment on the part of the government.

    The present centralised police structure did not evolve from the people, and communities see the policemen as strangers and oppressors who cannot serve their purpose adequately.

    Any amendment thar does not lead to devolution or decentralisation of power to the state and local government is a deservice to federalism and a waste of time. That is why the bill seeking to transfer  labour, industrial relations, industrial disputes  and minimum wage from the Exclusive Legislative List to the Concurrent Legislative List in the Constitution is salutary.

    Remarkably, the railway has been decentralised. But states have not embraced the opportunities. Also, it is important that the proposed bill  to transfer the control of interstate waterways  from the Exclusive Legislative List to the Concurrent Legislative List should see the light of the day because it would grant the federal and state governments the power  to legislate on matters relating to shipping and navigation on interstate waterways.

    What is required in a federal state is not uniformity but unity in diversity. Nigeria is federalising too much, and the military legacy of centralisation or uniformity should be discarded.

    There is no justification for dragging land matters with the states by the Federal Government. The lands belong to the state. Also, a uniform law for traditional institution is unnecessary. There is nothing wrong if the adjucation on traditional disputes terminates at the regional court of appeal so created. Even, the suggestion that the Supreme Court should be decentralised should be considered as it will reduce the number of pending cases at the apex court.

    It is laughable that company registration is still being handled by federal authorities, although the companies are domiciled in states and local governments. So also is the issuance of driving licence, which fell under the purview of states or local governments in the past.

  • Mai Gaskiya: The life andtimes of Muhammadu Buhari (2)

    Mai Gaskiya: The life andtimes of Muhammadu Buhari (2)

    It is not in doubt that many of us had the impression of a Buhari as a leader driven by genuine concern for the nation’s welfare, one naturally reinforced by his lifestyle and personal conduct. Unlike many political figures who accumulated wealth and lived ostentatiously even under his watch, Buhari’s approach to life contrasted such and combined with his military background and reputation for integrity, created a unique political persona that resonated with millions of Nigerians who had grown weary of corruption and misgovernance.

    Sadly his war against corruption was much truncated with Nigerians not getting much the results they had been promised. First, certain persons in the Buhari administration tinkered with the administration’s resolve by using their office to shield or frustrate attempts to properly prosecute those with charges of corruption. Likewise, the courts rather than serve as grounds for obtaining justice  gave those charged adjournments, entertained frivolous appeals, and allowed one or two technicalities to determine cases with judgements that let off one too many persons who siphoned the nation’s resources.

    On insecurity, Buhari had talked tough whilst campaigning in 2015, on assumption of office the Boko Haram insurgency in the Northeast had reached alarming proportions, with the terrorist group controlling significant territory and creating a humanitarian crisis. The administration’s military strategy, combined with improved intelligence gathering and regional cooperation, succeeded in degrading Boko Haram’s capabilities significantly. While the group remained a threat throughout his tenure, the restoration of government authority over previously lost territories represented a meaningful achievement.

    However, Buhari’s presidency also witnessed the emergence of new security challenges, including escalating farmer-herder conflicts, banditry in the Northwest, and separatist agitations in the Southeast. These multifaceted security issues proved more complex than anticipated, revealing the limitations of purely military solutions to problems with deep socioeconomic roots. The administration’s response to these challenges was often criticized as inadequate or biased, highlighting the difficulty of governing a diverse nation with competing interests and historical grievances.

    Read Also: Buhari: Gambian President Adama Barrow pays condolence visit

    The economy served as Buhari’s most complex challenge. His administration inherited an economy heavily dependent on oil revenues and facing significant structural imbalances. The commitment to economic diversification, while conceptually sound, faced implementation challenges that limited its effectiveness. The administration’s emphasis on infrastructure development, particularly in transportation and power generation, represented genuine attempts to address fundamental constraints on economic growth.

    Also the introduction of social intervention programs, including conditional cash transfers and school feeding programs, demonstrated awareness of the need to address poverty and inequality directly. However, economic growth remained sluggish for much of his tenure, unemployment increased, and Nigeria experienced two recessions. Critics argued that some economic policies, particularly the administration’s approach to exchange rate management and trade restrictions, hindered rather than helped economic recovery.

    An honest assessment of Buhari’s life as an officer, military ruler, politician and civilian president must acknowledge that despite his good intentions for the Nigerian people he by virtue of being first a human had significant shortcomings. Again, the man was unjustly perceived as an ethnic and religious bigot and some of his actions lent credence to them such as his appointments in office as a civilian leader and some of his utterances, however to cast Muhammadu Buhari in such mould is to be unfair to a man who in the aftermath of the civil war treated his Biafran comrades at arms with the utmost form of dignity and this was at the height of the war, one who looked twice to the SouthEast region whilst shopping for running mates and one who gave every region a sense of belonging in his eight years.

    Buhari’s approach to civil liberties and press freedom as a military head of state contrasted deeply with his time as civilian president, though there were a few infringements the general on much occasions played by the rule book.

    Despite these challenges, Buhari’s presidency left a substantial infrastructure legacy that will benefit Nigeria for decades. The completion of major railway projects, including the Lagos-Ibadan and Abuja-Kaduna rail lines, represented significant achievements in transportation infrastructure. I cannot forget to mention the Second Niger Bridge and a number of interventions by the Buhari administration in the SouthEast region, this is a bridge that the Obasanjo, Yar Adua and Jonathan administrations had gyrated about for 16 years with little or nothing to show for it , a man unfairly trolled as a hater of the Igbo nation started and completed in eight years. Similarly, improvements in power generation capacity and the construction of roads and bridges across the country created a foundation for future economic growth.

    The administration’s focus on agriculture, while not achieving all its objectives, helped reduce Nigeria’s dependence on food imports and improved food security in several sectors. The Anchor Borrowers’ Programme and other agricultural initiatives demonstrated a recognition that economic diversification required deliberate policy interventions and sustained investment.

    What ultimately distinguished Buhari’s presidency was the consistency between his personal values and his public service. Throughout his tenure, there were no credible allegations of personal enrichment or corruption against him personally. This integrity, while sometimes accompanied by rigidity in policy implementation, established a standard of conduct that contrasted sharply with many of his predecessors.

    Future leaders can learn from both Buhari’s successes and failures. His anti-corruption efforts showed the importance of institutional reform, while his communication challenges highlighted the need for better public engagement. His infrastructure achievements demonstrated what focused government investment could accomplish, while his economic struggles revealed the importance of comprehensive policy coordination.

    The man who repeatedly sought the presidency out of genuine concern for Nigeria’s welfare, who maintained his integrity throughout his tenure, and who ultimately respected democratic norms by peacefully transferring power, leaves a legacy that transcends partisan politics. Muhammadu Buhari may not have solved all of Nigeria’s problems, but he approached them with sincerity and determination that future leaders would do well to emulate. His greatest contribution may ultimately be the demonstration that principled leadership, even with its limitations, remains possible in Nigerian politics.

  • Malcolm muggeridge and the end of Christendom (2)

    Malcolm muggeridge and the end of Christendom (2)

    In the first part of this review of the inaugural Blaise Paschal Lectures on Christianity and the University delivered at the University of Waterloo by the great 20th century British journalist, Malcolm Muggeridge, in October, 1978, we observed the distinction that the lecturer made between ‘Christendom’ and the Christianity that can be traced directly to the founder of the faith, the simple and humble carpenter from Nazareth. While Christendom derived its origin from the adoption of the Roman State of Christianity as the formal religion of the empire by Emperor Constantine and has sourced its authority, influence and prestige from state patronage in diverse countries, Jesus stayed far from the palaces of the powerful or the courts of royalty or the citadels of the intellectual elite but turned the first century world upside down through the faith and proselytizing zeal of ordinary men and women with no earthly acclaim or appeal. He declared pointedly that his kingdom was not of this world.

    Malcolm was of the view that though the Christianity traceable to Christ has continued to thrive and turn around lives, the State-centric ‘Christendom’ had come to an end in any meaningful sense as at the time he delivered his Paschal inaugural lectures. Nearly five decades after he rendered his thoughts on the issue, it is difficult to fault Muggeridge’s conclusions – indeed the situation may have worsened for a steadily declining ‘Christendom’. Given his latter conversion to Christianity, first in its Anglican and later Catholic, varieties as he grew older and wearied of the aggressively immoral, pleasure -seeking pursuits of his early youth to middle ages, Muggeridge was fitting to deliver the lectures of a Paschal whose mores and values he had come to identify with.

    Muggeridge was enthusiastic about delivering the inaugural Paschal Lectures because he admired the humble disposition of the French mathematician, physicist, inventor, philosopher and Catholic writer of the 17th Century who refused to be associated with the secular arrogance and disdain for the spiritual and supernatural that was increasingly associated with the life of scholarship and the intellect. As he put it in the lecture, “Although Paschal was a very proud man, but he put aside his pride to bow himself down at the altar rail with his fellow Christians, whomsoever they might be, in perfect brotherliness”. He was of the view that although a superlatively great scientist, Paschal eschewed the overweening arrogance characteristic of many scientists in our contemporary world and “practiced true humility, which is the greatest of all virtues. Indeed, as he points out, humility is the very condition of virtue”.

    One thing that stands out strikingly in Muggeridge’s Blaise Lectures is his passionate love for the written word, which is not surprising given his legendary success as a life-long journalist who practiced mostly in the first half of the 20th century in the United Kingdom, United States, India and the early years of the communist Soviet Union. Referring to what he described as the extraordinary skill and beauty of the language of Paschal’s magisterial apologia in defense of the Christian religion, ‘Les Pensees’, he avers that “I have always had a sort of mania about words – it’s the only consistent and abiding passion I have ever had. For that reason, if for no other, Paschal made an immediate appeal. I think the most wonderful sentence ever penned is in the first chapter of St. John’s Gospel, “In the beginning was the Word…”. How tremendous are its implications”.

    Continuing, he writes enchantingly, “In the beginning was the Word…”. It had to be the Word. It couldn’t be, for instance, “In the beginning was the video tape…”, “In the beginning celluloid…”, or “In the beginning was a microphone…” – none of that. In the beginning was the Word, and one of the things that appalls me and saddens me about the world today is the condition of words. Words can be polluted even more dramatically and drastically than Rivers and land and sea. There has been a terrible destruction of words in our time”. He laments the easy pollution of words like love, freedom or liberation and submits that “The truth is that if we lose the meaning of words, it is far more serious in practice than losing our wealth or our power… Without our words, we are helpless and defenseless; their misuse is our undoing. For instance, we speak of liberalizing our abortion laws, which means simply facilitating more abortions. Or we speak of reforming our marriage laws, when we mean creating more facilities for breaking more and more marriages”.

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    He argued that the beautiful lucidity of his mind and the wonderful clarity of Paschal’ s thought puts a lie to the widespread notion today that believers are credulous, sentimental people and that it is materialists and scientists and humanists who have a sceptical mind. Rather, he contends that “I believe myself that the age we are living in now will go down in history as one of the most credulous ever. How could anyone look at television advertisements without reaching that conclusion? All those extraordinary potions that are offered to make your face beautiful, those things you can swallow to make your breath fragrant, are all apparently believed in to the extent that people buy the products…here, in the Western world, the most highly educated, the most progressive, the most advanced part of the earth, there is a reservoir of credulity beyond the wildest dreams of a wizened witch doctor from Africa”.

    Muggeridge avers that Paschal was the first to warn about the deleterios consequences of the exaggeration of the importance of the human ego “in contradistinction to the cross , symbolizing the ego’s immolation” and the romantic, arrogance -derived expectation at the time of the Enlightenment “that man, triumphant, would bring to pass that earthly paradise whose groves of academe would ensure the realization forever of peace, plenty and beautitude in practice. But what a nightmare of wars, famine, and folly was to result therefrom”. He deplores the scholastic and philosophical arrogance responsible for the celebrated presumed ‘death of God’ at the Enlightenment noting significantly that it was Nietzsche who first announced the death of God and that “Then, growing bolder, he went on to insist that God had been murdered by his creature, man, this being, according to Nietzsche, the most glorious and promising event in human history”.

    He then continues ruefully that “Not surprisingly, Nietzsche ended in an insane asylum in Venice and continued his observations about the death of God from a padded cell. But in a world that has itself gone mad like him, in excess of arrogance and self-conceit ,his ravings continue to be seriously regarded, as for that matter do those of other lunatics down to and including the Marquis de Sade”. It is thus appropriate that Muggeridge quotes from the American critic, Leslie Fiedler, in portraying the pathetic dilemma of contemporary man, particularly Western man, thus, “God has been abolished by the media pundits and other promoters of our new demythologized divinity. We continue to insist that change is progress, self-indulgence is freedom and novelty is originality. In these circumstances it’s difficult to avoid the conclusion that Western man has decided to abolish himself, creating his own boredom out of his own affluence, his own vulnerability out of his own strength, his own impotence out of his own erotomania, himself blowing the trumpet that brings the walls of his own city tumbling down”.

  • APC: The task before Yilwatda

    APC: The task before Yilwatda

    Unlike Ambassador Umar Damagum, acting National Chairman of the highly decimated Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Barrister Julius Abure of fragmented Labour Party (LP), and retired Brig.-Gen. David Mark of the crisis-ridden African Democratic Congress (ADC), Prof. Nentawe Yilwatda, the new National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), is presiding over a largely united and cohesive party.

    Up to now, there is no obvious faction in the ruling party, despite the frantic attempts by propagandists and social media miscreants to allude to imaginary cleavages arising from the memory of rested legacy parties that fused into a formidable platform.

    The major test for the former university teacher and ex-Humanitarian, Disaster Management and Social Development Minister would come during the state party congresses and nominations for elective positions ahead of 2027 polls.

    Nomination politics always drive the parties in power to the edge in Nigeria. Succession politics at the sub-national level often unleashes tension. In the past, faulty state congresses led to a huge electoral misfortune. The court did not spare the platform.

    The greatest asset of the new chairman is his integrity. Either as a teacher, electoral officer, politician or minister, no baggage has been attributed to him. He narrowly lost the Plateau State governorship election in 2023. One of his assignments now may be to woo the man who defeated him, Caleb Mutfwang, and persuade him to abandon the distressed party on the Plateau for the APC.

    Yilwatda’s choice was a product of wide consultation among the leaders of the party: President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Vice President Kashim Shettima, members of the National Caucus, the National Working Committee (NWC), the National Executive Committee (NEC), and the Progressives Governors’ Forum (PGF), the most influential bloc in the party.

    Read Also: Yilwatda, Akume, Yahaya, Sani rally North for Tinubu

    To succeed, he would need the active support and cooperation of these party organs and structures.

    In 11 years, APC has produced seven chairmen. The turnover is high, suggesting  leadership instability, a manifestation of internal squabbles, a clash of influence and ego, lack of a shared vision, derailment from a steady mission, lack of trust and confidence-building, as well as diminishing emotional intelligence on the part of party leadership. It is worse in PDP which has produced 18 national chairmen in 27 years.

    Yilwatda’s predecessors are former governors who were also party leaders at the state level. There is no party in Nigeria that jokes with the cult of governors, especially when they are jointly pushing a collective agenda. Over time, the fear of the governors has become the beginning of wisdom. Thus, when just five governors declined support for the PDP in 2023, the party lapsed into a decline. It has not recovered from the resultant fall.

    Perhaps, serving and former governors were selected as national chairmen from that rank to make communications easy, with them as the intermediaries between the party and the governors’ forum. The belief might be that as serving or former governors, they fully understand the language of their colleagues. Experience has, however, shown a glaring gap between expectation and reality.

    Apart from the erstwhile interim chairman and former Osun State Governor Bisi Akande, the tenures of his five successors were marked by controversies. A section of the party was fed up with the John Odigie-Oyegun leadership midway, despite supporting his emergence against the wishes of President Muhammadu Buhari’s camp. Odigie-Oyegun and Buhari appeared to have previously parted ways in the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) before the logic and urgency of mergers/fusion of legacy parties brought them together in 2014.

    His successor, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, also ran into turbulence. His albatross came through his former colleagues in the governors’ forum. At first, he was dancing to their cultish tune. But as he could not balance the influence of the powerful governors and the demands for equity and internal democracy, the governors removed the rug from under his feet.

    In those days of the Buhari administration, some APC governors indulged in anti-party activities by sponsoring governorship and parliamentary candidates on the platform of opposition parties. An action man, Oshiomhole slammed suspension on them. But his sanctions caused his downfall. They retaliated by insisting on his ouster. The President and Party Leader, Buhari, was aloof.

    Oshiomhole’s estranged godson, turned adversary at home, Godwin Obaseki, with who he had a running battle, moved against him at the ward level. The national chairman was suspended. As the crises multiplied, Oshiomhole was shoved aside for a caretaker chairman to take over.

    Yobe State Governor Mai Mala Buni’s mandate was to restore sanity, unite the party, and reconcile aggrieved chieftains within six months. Instead of doing his job within the stipulated time and bowing out honourably, he became a sit-tight party manager for two years.

    After the elongated interim period, Buhari brought in Abdullahi Adamu, who had stood by him as a senator when the Bukola Saraki-led Senate was not on good terms with his presidency. He never aspired to be chairman. What the former Nasarawa State governor could now be remembered for was that under his tenure, zoning was nearly jettisoned when Senate President Ahmad Lawan suddenly surfaced as Buhari’s anointed presidential candidate ahead of the 2023 general election. It was disputed by governors who stormed the Aso Villa to confront the former president. But Buhari disowned the plot.

    There might be a nexus between that episode and the hidden circumstances that led to his departure from the national secretariat of the party.

    However, the circumstances that led to Dr. Abdullahi Ganduje’s sudden resignation appear to be in the realm of conjecture, although he said he stepped down on health grounds.

    In contemporary Nigeria, the emergence of party leadership at the national and state levels is being linked with the preferences of presidents and governors to the extent that party conventions and processes are no longer competitive but mere coronation ceremonies.

    Unlike the processes that threw up Chief Adisa Akinloye as chairman of the defunct National Party of Nigeria (NPN) in the Second Republic, Ambassador Babagana Kingibe and Chief Tony Anenih as chairmen of Social Democratic Party (SDP), Chief Tom Ikimi and Dr. Hammed Kusamotu as chairmen of National Republic Convention (NRC) in the Third Republic, and Chief Solomon Lar of the PDP at the beginning of this dispensation, the selection of party chairmen from the Olusegun Obasanjo days has been the sole affair of the President. Also, state chairmen are candidates of the governors.

    Ruling parties, from 2002, never had the opportunity of customary, internal healthy rivalry; the wheeling and dealings, the rigorous mobilisation and campaigns by chairmanship aspirants, the debate on issues, the critical media portrayals, the enunciation of their manifestos at the convention, and the attendant shared conviviality.

    The old element of selection that is visible in the current guided process is the wide consultation and strategic scrutiny that heralded the choice of Yilwatda, a candidate without blemish. The approach is built on zoning of the slot to a particular region. Yilwatda’s choice fulfilled the ethnic, zonal and religious balance.

    The onus is on the professor to justify the trust reposed in him and remain loyal to the party. Yilwatda should be a man of progressive intentions and ideas for him to make an impact as chairman of the biggest party in Nigeria. APC should migrate from being a mere vehicle for seeking power to the pedestal of ideology so that it can fulfil the criteria of identity, form, content and predictability.

    He has promised to unite the party. In states where there are crises, he should not delay reconciliation. Concessions should be given, and consensus should be built. Complaints by aggrieved members should not be brought to the court until the internal mechanism for conflict resolution has been fully explore.

    Yilwatda, who is expected to work with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and other party stalwarts, should try to keep the party united and avert defections that may be blown out of proportion by the adversarial media.

    Whenever there was a defection from the APC, no matter how insignificant, it was usually blown out of proportion by a section of the media. It is typically referred to as an implosion.But even the gale of defections from the opposition to the ruling party has never received due attention from such media outlets. Instead, it was condemned by the same biased section of the media, with the defectors to the ruling party being label as polticians without principle.

    As observed by the ‘man of timber and calibre,’ Dr. Ozumba Mbadiwe, in Nigeria, politicians like to gravitate towards winning parties.  Defections can throw up concerns about the harmonisation of party structures. The party’s membership register should be updated.

    The chairman should ensure that newcomers into the fold are accommodated and accorded a sense of belonging. A governor who defects automatically becomes the leader of the state chapter. There is also a need for the old members to adjust to the leadership change. Collaboration should triumph over exclusion or marginalisation.

    The chairman needs to make the zonal chapters very strong so that regional matters within the party can be easily settled at that level. The two deputy chairmen and six vice chairmen should be active as coordinators at the regional levels. It may not be a bad idea for Yilwatda to embark on the tour of the six regions to feel the pulse of the chapters.

    Next year, there will be a major test for the APC leadership during the Ekiti and Osun State governorship polls. While the party should consolidate on its profile in Ekiti, it needs to support the bid of the Osun State chapter to bounce back. The greatest task before the party chairman is the re-election of President Tinubu.

    Under Yilwatda, the party should be supreme, and the leadership should show discipline. Exemplariness must trickle down from the top.

    The scramble for the limited elective slots by many qualified, competent and loyal party chieftains often spark stiff competition, antagonism and protracted conflict. Post-primary crisis should always be addressed with speed.

    Also, accommodation should be found for those who lost elections within the larger, collective interest of the party.

    State chapters should be allowed by the party leadership to choose from the options of consensus, direct and indirect primaries, based on their peculiar circumstances.

    APC governorments at the state level would do the part a lot of service if they consistently perform to expectation. The state chapters should constantly assess the policies and programmes of the state governments to ensure that they reflect their campaign promises, party programmes and public expectation.

  • Like Falcons, like Madugu

    Like Falcons, like Madugu

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu doesn’t ever fail to excite this writer with his concise approach to issues. The President does things out of strong conviction. He hardly plays to the gallery. No wonder most of his presidential decisions run against the grail. The President gave nothing away with his countenance over what laid in wait for the worthy sports ambassadors. Obviously, the President is a very good listener as epitomised during the Meet the President’s session on Monday, which erupted into a roar when he announced the country’s ‘thank you’ gifts to the girls one has always described here as magicians.

    The President on Monday announced monetary rewards, approving the Naira equivalent of $100,000 (approximately N153 million) for each player and $50,000 (N75.6 million) for each member of the coaching crew, totalling N4,503,600,000. He also conferred the national honour of Officer of the Order of the Niger (OON) on each member of the victorious squad, as well as a three-bedroom apartment each to go with.

    The President’s directive that the girls be paid their outstanding allowances till the semi-final was the elixir which propelled the girls to lift the trophy. One is, therefore, alarmed by the outcry over the President’s gift which would serve as the fillip for the game going forward. France, a renowned soccer nation recognised her World Cup-winning team in 2018, not because teachers or civil servants were unimportant, but because exceptional contributions demand exceptional recognition. For the girls who played and gave out their best, the rewards shouldn’t have been given anything less than what the President announced. I’m glad that the President said the figures should be paid in the equivalent of its value in naira.

    One is particularly thrilled that goalkeeper Ann Chiejene benefited from this largesse because she once manned the goalpost during her heydays with the Super Falcons carrying a two-month pregnancy. The President’s gesture to the girls whose backgrounds have been shrouded in secrecy has now provided impetus where they would now become the subject of discussions globally during this transfer window for the new European season. Need I remind you that these girls are breadwinners for their families – ignoring the societal vices around them to eke a living playing football to international levels for both their clubs and country.

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    One develops goose pimples each time the country’s national anthem is sung at sporting competitions all over the world and a Nigerian or group of Nigerians mounts the podium to celebrate excellence and change the narrative that something good can come out of Nigeria. How much is the N4.5 billion compared to the traction the girls have brought, with the international media celebrating our great nation that is being propelled by the Renewed Hope mantra? Take a bow great Super Falcons!

    GTI Asset Management & Trust Limited in a statement described the Falcons’ victory as a testament to the indomitable Nigerian spirit — a spirit defined by resilience, passion, and the ability to rise to the occasion when it matters most, pointing out that: “This triumph is not just a sporting milestone; it is an inspiration. Let us harness this moment to invest further in the beautiful game because it helps foster national pride and project a positive image for Nigeria on the global stage.”

    What the President has done with the government’s gesture, I dare say, brings back the beauty of the game to the girl child around the 774 Local Government Areas (LGAs), that there are other platforms to change their destinies through sports. Parents in these LGAs would be happy to allow their kids to play the beautiful game, citing the president’s game-changing gifts.

  • 2026, 2027 and the PBAT, BAO model

    2026, 2027 and the PBAT, BAO model

    Given the perceived distance of the federal government from the grassroots where communities are located in the states and local government areas and the yet unrealized efforts to ensure effective financial and administrative autonomy to guarantee the efficacy of local government service delivery, the states still remain the most critical units of governance for the impactful delivery of democratic dividends to the populace. Thus, the performance and developmental strides of State governors are central to the electoral prospects not only of the chief executives at the state level but also of President Tinubu and other contenders for power at the centre in the forthcoming critical 2027 presidential elections. An interesting feature of centre-state relations under the Tinubu presidency over the last two years is the near quadrupling of revenue allocation to the states as a consequence of the courageous removal of fuel subsidy by the President immediately after being sworn into office.

    It is thus not surprising that most governors, including those belonging to opposition parties, have hardly expressed any negative disposition to the re-election of the President for a second term while we have had the wholesale transplantation of the governance and party structures of previously solidly Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) states in Delta and Akwa-Ibom to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). In taking such a radical step of drastically reshaping the partisan colouration of their states, governors Sheriff Oborevwori and Umo Eno, respectively, and the political leadership of their states have cited the favourable inclination of the Tinubu administration to their states and the resultant developmental outcomes.

    Ekiti State, one of the most politically sophisticated and educationally advanced sub-national jurisdictions in the country, offers an example of the electorally significant impact of centre-state amity for the re-election prospects both of President Tinubu at the presidency and Governor Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji (BAO) in the critical South-West state. Although both Tinubu and Oyebanji belong to the APC, the truth of the matter is that the struggle for electoral dominance in the state has always been a grim and tight battle between the progressives in their various mutations from the defunct Alliance for Democracy (AD), the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) to the current APC and the PDP. Under Governor Oyebanji ‘s leadership astuteness, however, we are witnessing a rare coalescence of disparate political forces across party lines in support of continuity in office of Tinubu and BAO.

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    Next year, Oyebanji heads to the polls to seek the electorate’s mandate for a second term, while aggrieved political elements within and beyond the ruling APC are already experimenting with possible coalitions to oust Tinubu from power two years before elections are due at the centre in 2027. It is obvious from unfolding events that Ekiti is one state where the politics of coalition to oust the incumbents at the centre and in the state, especially through the emerging mechanism of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), is not flying. An indication to this effect was the mass rally held in Ado-Ekiti on Monday, at which ex-governors of Ekiti State in this dispensation and diverse political leaders across partisan divides, in an unprecedented manner, emphatically and unanimously endorsed Tinubu and BAO for a second term in office.

    At the event, ex-governors Niyi Adebayo of the APC, as well as Ayo Fayose and Segun Oni, both of the PDP, cast their lot in support of the re-election of the President and the governor, with the governor of neighbouring Ondo State, Mr Lucky Aiyedatiwa, on hand to lend his contributory voice. The three ex-governors are no pushovers in the politics of Ekiti State. Although BAO’s immediate predecessor, Dr Kayode Fayemi, was not at the event, he was present at an earlier meeting where key stakeholders in Ekiti State had voiced their support for the re-election of President Tinubu and BAO. A former Deputy governor of the State and federal law maker, Senator Biodun Olujimi, of the PDP, a senior lawyer, Mr Obafemi Adewale (SAN) and a state lawmaker of the Social Democratic Party (SDP), Babatunde Omotola, also defected to the APC and declared their support for the re-election of the President and the governor.

    Federal and state legislators, as well as Federal Executive Council members and heads of federal agencies from the state, members of the executive committees both of the government and the party, local government functionaries, among others, all voted in support of the motion for the re-election of Tinubu and BAO. A critical factor in this rare near-unanimity behind the re-election of the duo in a state with highly enlightened and critical minds like Ekiti is the consensus of opinion as regards the exemplary performance of the governor as he heads into his third year in office in October. A non-performing governor would have been a political liability both to the President and to himself. But in diverse sectors from agriculture, education, health, security, road infrastructure and rural development, among others, the indelible and verifiable imprints of the BAO administration are obvious for all to see.

    In the face of biting food inflation, for instance, the aggressive promotion of higher agricultural productivity has been the preoccupation of many state governments, with Ekiti State being one of those at the vanguard in this regard. The BAO administration has resuscitated moribund farm settlements established in the state by the Obafemi Awolowo administration in the first Republic, resulting in the renovation of agricultural buildings and furnishing of upgraded accommodation for youths mobilised into farming at Erifun farming settlement. While about 200 participants have been empowered to go into horticultural production, about 1000 youths have been engaged in the Bring-Back-the-Youth into Agric Program, cultivating various crops in land clusters across the state.

    Diverse quantities of assorted agricultural inputs, including small-scale processing equipment, day-old chicks, poultry feed, bags of maize, fish seeds, goats, and pigs, have continually been distributed to hundreds of farmers in the state, while seven wet markets have been upgraded and several kilometres of farm roads upgraded. Following the payment of its counterpart funding of about N1 billion, the Rural Access and Agricultural Marketing Project (RAAMP) commenced the intensive construction/rehabilitation of rural roads across the state. The administration created at least 32 farm clusters in different parts of the state for communities and cooperatives, with the state government bearing the cost of land clearing in addition to other support gestures to activate and sustain the clusters.

    In recognition of the people’s fervent love for education, the BAO administration has recruited about 2000 teachers for primary and secondary schools while expending N14 billion in the renovation and construction of 203 public schools, payment of about N700 million as Running Grants to all public schools in the state and paying over N1.2 billion in examination fees for about 150,000 students who wrote junior and secondary school exams since 2023. The administration also paid over N2.5 billion as counterpart funding for the 2022 and 2023 Universal Basic Education Commission, procured instructional materials for primary schools worth about N174.1 million while paying car and housing loans, upgrading graduate teachers in primary schools to level 16 and provided diverse training and capacity building interventions for about 1,700 teachers.

    Within its first two years in office, the BAO administration had disbursed about N400 million as grants to about 922 micro, small and medium enterprises in addition to sponsoring certificates issued by the Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC) of 5, 400 micro, small and medium enterprises. The BAO administration secured an $80million facility from the African Development Bank (AfDB) for the Ekiti Knowledge Zone, which is projected to generate no less than 12,000 jobs in the state in the first instance. It also provided $100,000 each to 10 Cooperatives in partnership with USADF, secured N1 billion funding for the Ekiti Cooperative Industry and partnered with Access Bank to facilitate credit facilities worth N1 billion to boost small-scale businesses for women.

    Apart from investing massively in the provision and upgrading of rural and urban health facilities, the BAO administration is also executing expansive road rehabilitation/construction projects such as the Ikere-Igbara Odo; Igbara-Odo to Ikogosi; Ikere to Ilawe; Ikogosi Township roads;   Ikere-Ise-Emure to Eporo road; Ado Ekiti to Iworoko to Ifaki Dual Carriageway (federal road); Ifaki-Efon Alaaye; Omu-Ijelu, Ijurin-Ipoti, Ikole–Ara-Isinbode road and construction of Ekiti ring road among several others. The administration’s expenditure on security, including the re-equipping and re-arming of the Amotekun Corp has made the state safer than BAO met it while it has also invested substantially in upgrading the power supply infrastructure, including the supply of transformers to scores of communities across the state. At its last State Executive Council meeting this week, the BAO administration approved over N18.5 billion for various projects encompassing road construction, electricity supply, water, sanitation and hygiene, agriculture and security, among others.

    But then, the demonstrated performance in diverse sectors is not in itself sufficient to harness the wide scope of support that BAO has won for himself and President Tinubu. After all, it is all too easy for opposition politicians to deny and denounce accomplishments that even the blind can see and the deaf can hear. What is particularly outstanding about the governance style of BAO is the wisdom and maturity with which he has steered the affairs of a state that had been all too often associated in the past with political bitterness, acrimony and violence. Even his political adversaries testify to his disarming humility, patience, simplicity and modesty. This has no doubt ensured the harmonious relationship he has had with his predecessor and benefactor, Dr Fayemi.

    It is also why even erstwhile bitter political opponents are willing to bury their differences and join BAO in putting the best interests of the state above partisan considerations. The ex-governors who have endorsed the governor and the President for a second term have their fair share of disagreements and contrasting views and perceptions, but he has succeeded in getting them to transcend these through uncommon tact, diplomacy and dexterity. As ex-Governor Fayose declared at the rally, “I must commend Governor Oyebanji ‘s humility and his rare leadership style. He deserves another term. I hereby endorse, without reservation, President Bola Tinubu for a second term”. Echoing similar sentiments, Engineer Oni declared, “I’m here to say the Nigeria of our dreams is coming gradually. And since the Nigeria of our dreams is coming, the Ekiti of our dreams is near. One thing Governor Oyebanji has done better than us is his ability to bring people together…By working together, we can make Ekiti great and a state of our dreams”.

    A number of BAO’s associates are said to have deserted the APC for opposition parties but the impact of such has been as visible as pebbles in a vast ocean of positive approbation of his efforts. It is interesting that the endorsement of BAO and PBAT for a second term transcends the political class and includes the public and private sector workforce, artisan groups, trade associations, civil society organisations and transport unions. Some leaders in the state aver that the people are unhappy with the PBAT federal government because of the dilapidated state of many federal roads across the state. But the sophisticated people of Ekiti State realize that an administration that is just two years in office cannot justly be blamed for a situation that has steadily deteriorated over the last two decades.

  • Mai Gaskiya: The life and times of Muhammadu Buhari (1)

    Mai Gaskiya: The life and times of Muhammadu Buhari (1)

    The figure of Muhammadu Buhari emerged into the consciousness of many Nigerians twice before his emergence as military head of state. The first was as the Nigerian National Petroleum C’orporation’s helmsman and then as the General Officer Commanding of the Third Army Division during the Chadian invasion of 19 Islands in the Lake  Chad region of Borno State, where Buhari not only repelled the Chadians but also advanced 50km into Chad with the intention of punishing the invading army. It is important to note that  General Buhari took the decision to invade Chad against orders from his own Commander in Chief , Alhaji Shehu Shagari.

    A man of unwavering principles and quiet determination. His journey from a young military officer in the 1960s to becoming Nigeria’s president in 2015 represents one of the most remarkable political comebacks in African history. What struck observers most profoundly was his persistence in the face of repeated electoral defeats and his consistent message that Nigeria could be transformed through disciplined leadership and systemic reform.

    Upon his emergence as Nigeria’s military head of state on the 1st of January, 1984, the Buhari administration was hailed as the nation’s saving regime. With his reputation as an austere, disciplined leader who abhorred corruption, Buhari and his military side kick in Tunde Idiagbon immediately attempted to cleanse the Augean stables, they moved against politicians who had looted the nation blind handing out severe jail terms and even attempted the kidnap of the Alhaji Umaru Dikko from the UK.

    The War Against Indiscipline, WAI program was the nation’s first major attempt at curbing corruption and Indiscipline as a malaise and for the first time in the nation’s annals there was a well established departure from the usual  lip service and empty hype paid or given to such campaigns in the past. For the first time Nigerians, a people always in hurry queued up in public places and patiently waited their turn, members of the civil service turned up at their duty posts on time and utility workers turned down bribes for fear of getting arrested, the harsh jail terms a number of the class of 79 and 83 received added to such fear, the bedlam Nigeria was majorly known for then was gradually becoming an ordered society. Sadly, whilst the Buhari/Idiagbon administration meant well for the nation, it’s perceived inflexibility, it’s harsh decrees of No 2 and  No 4 and it’s failure to immediately fix the economic woes of the nation did them in, and by August 27, 1985, General Dongoyaro was on air to announce the ouster of the Buhari/Idiagbon administration.

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    After his detention and release, Buhari was again thrust into the spotlight with his appointment as Executive Chairman of the Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF) by the Abacha administration in 1994. Buhari again demonstrated that a Nigerian could hold office without enriching himself or members of his family. Through him, PTF achieved a number of milestones in major sectors and it’s  impact was so resounding that even when the Obasanjo administration attempted to whip up a white paper on the agency with the intention to implicate Buhari and either prevent him from vying for office and challenging Obasanjo for seeking a second term in office, it found nothing on the man and thus had to resort to other tactics including massive electoral heists to deny Buhari the presidency twice in 2003 and 2007.

    His transition to civilian politics and his relentless pursuit of the presidency through democratic means truly revealed the depth of his commitment to Nigeria’s transformation. After losing presidential elections in 2003, 2007, and 2011 majorly through underhand means, many thought that he would  retreat from public life and bemoan the tragic state of the nation and his perceived inability to do little or nothing about it. However by 2014, Buhari was to  take up the gauntlet of  serving his country through the All Progressives Congress, APC, the rest is history.

    When Buhari finally ascended to the presidency in 2015, it marked a watershed moment in Nigerian politics. His victory represented the first time an opposition candidate had defeated an incumbent president through the ballot box, demonstrating the maturation of Nigeria’s democracy. The campaign had been built on three fundamental pillars: fighting corruption, improving security, and revitalizing the economy. These were not mere campaign promises but reflected genuine challenges that had plagued Nigeria for decades.

    The early days of the Buhari administration were marked by significant symbolic gestures that reinforced his anti-corruption credentials. The launch of the Treasury Single Account (TSA) system helped consolidate government finances and reduce opportunities for financial malfeasance.

  • The challenge of constitution review (1)

    The challenge of constitution review (1)

    The National Assembly is, once again, taking Nigeria through another round of constitution amendment. In the past, the periodic exercise yielded only token results. Would the outcome of the piecemeal review be different this time round?

    The need for a review is premised on the discovery of certain gaps, omissions, and defects in the 1999 Constitution, which have always elicited complaints and criticisms among the various stakeholders.

    The constitution has been variously described as a unitary project, an imposition by the military, and a document that stifles federalism. It has been viewed as an inexplicable instrument for strengthening the centre to the detriment of the sub-national units that are expected to be coordinated with the distant, powerful central authority.

    The national document stipulates the fundamental principles the country must abide by and the direction the people should collectively take in the course of their governance journey. But it appears Nigerians, from the First Republic, have not collectively produced a truly “people’s constitution”.

    The 1999 Constitution has also come under attack for sustaining the imbalances in the so-called federal structure characterised by lopsided state and local government distribution among the over 250 ethnic groups lumped together by the colonial interlopers.

    For 26 years now, it has remained the bone of contention because of its inability to reshape fiscal relationships between the two critical tiers and guarantee a miniature opportunity for measurable resource control.

    The late legal luminary, Chief Rotimi Williams (SAN), once said that the constitution lied against itself when in its introductory passage it stated that “we the people,” when it was obvious that a military decree gave birth to it.

    The operators from 1999 to date have been lukewarm in redirecting energy to fundamental amendments that should lead to the devolution or decentralisation of power. While there is a consensus about the urgency of state police as a baseline for tackling insecurity, it is only being pursued at a snail’s speed.

    But, the meagre amendment recorded in the recent past has paled into an improvement on paper. While rail transportation has been decentralised, the states or groups of states at the regions are not exploring the opportunity for the growth of their domains.

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    Other initiatives, including the mechanisms of federal character, catchment area, and quota system introduced to foster equity or convey an impression of non-exclusion and non-marginalisation, have not added up. Critics allude to the elimination of merit and blockage of growth in certain regions to facilitate the progression to development in other regions.

    There is also the argument in some quarters that the constitution is not the problem; the obstacles, they say, are the operators. While the perceived flawed constitution is taken to the cleaners, the sub-national units are not eager or willing to really subject it to a judicial test, thereby depriving the country of a final pronouncement by the arbiter on some contentious issues generated by the document.

    There is the subsisting tension between the National Assembly, which is constitutionally empowered to review the document, and eminent Nigerians pushing for a new constitution under the banner of ‘The Patriots.’

    Among the Patriots are distinguished Nigerians who are former operators of the constitution, and those who defended the operation while they were in power. These include former ministers, governors, legislators, advisers, and ruling and opposition party chiefs. Also among The Patriots are retired diplomats of global repute, leaders of ethnic mouthpieces, rights activists, labour representatives, some traditional rulers, professionals, critics and other members of civil society. The feeling is that, although it is not an elected body and, therefore, may not pass the test of representativeness because a democratic mandate is doubtful, they mean well for the country.

    While it is hard for the ’eminent personalities group’ to deny the existence of a democratically elected central legislature, they are unwilling to submit their recommendations or proposal to it in the course of the review. Some critics prefer to intimidate the parliament with the nebulous argument that the legislators are products of defective elections. Yet, it is becoming increasingly hard to organise another jamboree and capital-intensive constitutional conference when the anticipated report may not be significantly different from the reports of the 2004 and 2014 confabs that are gathering dust.

    Certain categories of Nigerians derive pleasure from being delegates to the successive constitutional conferences. Instead of agitating for the implementation of previously accumulated reports, they are calling for a repeated conference and trying to blackmail the government into acceding to their proposal.

    Those pushing for another brand of parley, which is the Sovereign National Conference (SNC), are taking the country back to 1914, with the appeal that the basis for peaceful co-existence has not been properly agreed upon by the diverse ethnic groups in this highly heterogeneous country. They cleverly avoid the fact that in the fifties, the founding fathers – Obafemi Awolowo, Ahmadu Bello, and Nnamdi Azikiwe, among others – agreed on some basic principles.

    The argument of the proponents of the SNC is that federalism is the answer. This is correct, as it tallies with the vision of the pathfinders of history. That is why President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who believes in federalism, should not spare efforts in making the Federal Government to fully devolve power to the sub-units in a constitutional manner. 

    But their call for regionalism has taken many Nigerians aback. While states in a region can cooperate and achieve economic integration, the call for the dismantling of the states and reversion to the regional structure of the pre-and independence era is illogical. The goals of unity in diversity and preservation of identities are defeated when, for example, the Igbo of Asaba, Urhobo, and Itshekiri now return to the old capital of Ibadan, and the Kanuri of Borno return to Kaduna. How can marginalisation be averted when the Efik, Ibibio, Ikwere, Ogoni, Andoni, and Ijaw return to Enugu?

    Also, the call for a return to the parliamentary system is misplaced. The circumstances surrounding the adoption of the current presidential system should not be forgotten. Those who recommended the switch in the 1978/’79 Constitution Review Committee and the Constituent Assembly were the operators of the cabinet system of the First Republic who witnessed the tension between President Nnamdi Azikiwe and Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa. Zik retorted that he, as the ceremonial president, could not imagine working with a power-loaded Head of Government. In fact, in 1964, the country was enveloped in apprehension when the President initially refused to call on the Prime Minister to form the government because he was not convinced about the integrity of the nationwide parliamentary elections.

    At the recent public hearings, the outstanding issues – local government autonomy, state and local government creation, boundary disputes, constitutional roles for traditional rulers, and resource control – came to the front burner.

    Despite the court ruling, autonomy for local government remains a burning issue. There was no proper understanding of the elevation of the council system into a third tier. It is an aberration that the local governments created by the states are listed in the Constitution. Autonomy is automatically hampered by the realisation that the Houses of Assembly retain the roles of creation, oversight, and prescription of rules and guidelines for the local governments. The councils were created as units of grassroots governance to cater for local concerns on behalf of the states. They are extensions of the state apparatus for ease of administration at the local level.

    The agitation for state creation is legitimate. The elite are protesting marginalisation, oppression, and exclusion in some states. They want some access to state resources, like their privileged rivals in the respective pre-existing states. But its feasibility is doubtful. The question is: how viable are some states?

    The military had committed the error of a lopsided distribution of states. Redressing the colossal injustice is problematic. In the Southwest, for instance, agitators are calling for six or more states. The pattern of agitation is the same in the other five geopolitical zones. The Southeast has a special case. It is protesting the inequality of five states against seven in the Northwest and six in other zones, despite its comparatively smaller landmass.

    The only solution is not to create more states. Another solution is to create one more state in each of the six regions. The best answer is to remove local government completely from the purview of the Federal Government and allow the states to create more local governments to foster inclusion, a sense of belonging and development.

    Monarchs are clamouring for roles in government, forgetting that their involvement in politics in the past republics created problems for them. Some of them were deposed for operating from the opposition side and treading the path of the inevitabilities of partisanship.

  • Anioma State: history, identity and need for equity

    Anioma State: history, identity and need for equity

    Nigeria has a very interesting even if often paradoxical history. The area that was colonized by the British Empire had in the 19th century like nations consisted of many ethnic groups. Colonialism was principally a political and economic enterprise for the benefit. It was therefore an outcome of colonial strategy that the British took certain political decisions for both political and economic expediencies.

    The political dominance of the three ethnic groups possibly based on population has since remained the albatross of development in Nigeria. The post-independence military coups had ethnic colorations and since then in the words of legendary literary icon, Chinua Achebe, politics has become the proverbial knife that has cut what held the Nigerian people together and things have fallen apart.

    The 1967 civil war set the stage for further ethnic divide and mutual suspicion in the larger Nigerian state. Both military and civilian governments have been tainted by both ethnic and religious allegiances that have never translated to development. The effects of Nigerian/Biafran civil war between 1967-1970 still reverberates in the Nigerian polity in ways that political historians and economists have agreed must be redressed .

    Even though the then Head of State, Gen. Yakubu Gowon (Rtd.) promised the three Rs, Reconciliation, Rehabilitation and Reconstruction post-civil war, many analysts believe it has been mere socio-political rhetoric devoid of sincerity and an eye for real reconciliation and development. In fact many believe that the Igbos with historical evidences have been handed the shortest end of the stick.

    The paradox remains that while the mantra seems to be that the three major ethnic groups are equal, for some reasons Ndigbo have solid reasons to feel marginalized in the Nigerian project. State creation   has been one socio-political and economic tool. From 1967 – 1998, the various governments have created 36 states. Gowon administration sought to split the Eastern region as a political and economic tool. Today, the North has 19 states while the South has 17.  Most regions have 6 states apiece and even the North West has seven states while only the South East has just 5 states.

     State creation is a political action that has both socio-political and economic implications. The agitation for the creation of Anioma state predates the present republic. It emerged from the voices of indigenes seeking a reunification with their kits and kin spread across the country due to migration, trade and the civil war, a re-affirmation of socio-cultural identity and a solid base for generational identity and self pride.

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    The Roundtable Conversation had engaged with a wide network of Ndigbo and socio-cultural groups both at home and in the diaspora and there is unanimity of demand for an Anioma state.  Prof. Pat Okedinachi Utomi is a renowned professor of Political Economy and Management Expert. He is the founder of Center for Values in Leadership.  He traced the efforts of late Dennis Chukwudi Osadebe (1911-1994) whose iconic memory as a politician, journalist and former Premier of the Mid-Western Region of Nigeria looms large in the history of Anioma state creation in the last six decades.

    He recalls that there are Ndigbo in parts of Cross River, Rivers, Benue, Kogi and the five states of the South East. The creation of an Anioma state to him is merely a political action that is long overdue. A huge part of Delta state is home to people of same ancestry, language, culture, food and heritage. He believes that ethnic identity is not bad on its own but political marginalization and manipulation can be veritable sources of conflicts which hampers development. He recalls that as for viability, the Anioma region as the name implies (Good land) has the human resources that is the key element of development. About 80% of the drivers of many indigenous Nigerian banks and notable technocrats trace their ancestry to the Anioma region.

    The late Asagba of Asaba, one of the most revered Nigerian academic and dignified Royal Father, late Prof. Chike Edozien was a very vocal advocate of Anioma state.  He was a direct descendant of Nnebisi, the founder of Asaba. It was not surprising that he was a passionate promoter of Igbo unity. He was immersed in encouraging the full socio-cultural unity of Ndigbo anywhere they exist. Late Dr. Ralph Uwechue, renowned diplomat became the President General of Ohaneze Ndigbo bringing with him the unity and purposeful leadership that was as admirable as it was functional in promoting Ndigbo causes and unity.  

    A Prof. Pat Utomi insists that on a philosophical level, he believes that the regional system of government was very productive as all regions thrived productively. However, even though many of the governors appear very profligate and poor in maximizing the value of human capital, he believes that a country  like Japan and others that have little natural resources but are in the global high development index.

     Senator Ned Nwoko represents Delta North Senatorial District and is the Sponsor of the Bill for the creation of Anioma state which has the support of most of his colleagues in the present National Assembly.  Asked his motivation for sponsoring such a Bill, he went down memory lane recalling that the agitation predates his present status as a Senator. He said he stands on the shoulders of Anioma citizens that started even before his birth. Today that he has the opportunity to represent his people, the best he can do is to add his voice to those of his progenitors and the living as a way of leaving a legacy for generations. He recalled his war time experiences staying in today’s Abia state as a pre-teen. When his parents decided to get back ‘home’ to today’s Delta area, his young eyes recorded memories that brings him to tears every time.

    The Senator recalls how the then Nigerian soldiers killed and/or raped young girls in his community. At some points, as a survivalist strategy, parents decided to tell their kids to adopt names of Benin and Yoruba people just so their life could be spared. That became the origin of ‘I’m not Igbo’ that is common with a few individuals today.

    This piece of history explains the identity crises  that has lasted over generations. This gave rise to some Igbos being prefixed with; Mid-Western Igbos, Bendel Igbos and today Delta Igbos. He advises  that the creation of Anioma state would be a soothing balm on the psyche of generations. It would spell equity, justice and peace to let Ndigbo reunite as a people and have the solid identity that gives the confidence to feel valued and part of the Nigerian state.

    He feels that the state would be viable because the human/material resources would be maximized. Asked about some people who feel Anioma shouldn’t be created or even it is, it should be attached to the South South, the  Senator said that that all the democratic processes including referendum would take place. This is why the advocates are taking all the legal steps to get the National Assembly do the needful. After all, being representatives of the people  was a product of voting power. That is democracy.

    The Senator believes that the agitation is not just about politics but about the human essence that powers development. It is about righting the wrongs of the past, it is about an inferred restitution of a people that need to reclaim their past. The now globally documented Asaba Massacre of October 1967 remains as a reminder of how deep the hurt is. The massacre was orchestrated by the Nigerian army as punitive measures for the Igbo identity of the people. The Oputa Panel presentations saw survivors still living with the trauma.

    The legislative and legal processes for the creation of Anioma state as the 6th state for the South East cannot be waved off by people who lack what  Rev. Prof. Anthony Akinwale, calls the ‘tedious task of tidy thinking’. It is not about any individual or political process but a very far reaching action that would re-orientate the wounded mindset, restore self-identity and reunite the Igbo people across the country and beyond. As the social mantra goes, ‘Igbo bu Igbo’ which translates to the Igbos everywhere are still Igbos no matter their location.

    The Senator maintains that those who tend to make the argument that the Anioma state would not be viable must remember  that the area in question has huge land mass and is blessed with arable land, huge gas deposits and some of the most productive technocrats and corporate giants in Nigeria. What with the Okonjo-Iwealas, the Tony Elumelus, the Nduka Obiagbenas, the Jim Ovias, the Achuzia, the Odogwus, the Kachikwus, the Okogwus  (in fact former first lady Maryam Babangida is credited with using her influence to get the Asaba as capital for Delta state in respect of her heritage), the Uwechues, the Utomis, the Edoziens and a host of other very brilliant and highly successful individuals that have the torch of progress as evidence of the value of human capital.

    The South East  must not remain a dot in the map according to the late President Buhari who gained a presidential twitter notoriety by claiming that he will treat the people in the ‘language they understand’, a subtle reference to the tragedy of the civil war. After his election, he claimed he would not treat the ‘97% of those who voted for him the same way he will treat the 5% that didn’t, still referencing the South East region, flawed as his statistics was.

    Equitable treatment, justice and fairness must be the bedrock of development. An Anioma state according to both Senator Ned Nwoko and Prof. Pat Utomi will engender leadership legacies that stand individuals out through the actions they take to enhance human flourishing. A Mandela, an Abraham Lincoln,  an Azikiwe, a Martin Luther king, a Ghandi and many others who remain immortal did so by acting on behalf of their people and humanity. The Anioma state creation story continues to intrigue and create room for the values of history and human memories.

    The dialogue continues…

  • Let’s not forget September

    Let’s not forget September

    September is around the corner with great opportunities for those eager to exploit them optimally. For those who may be wondering what this discussion is all about, one must say that September 1 and September 8 could be watershed date in Nigeria’s senior World Cup appearances, beginning with September 1, when the Super Eagles are billed to confront their Rwandan counterparts in one of the 2026 World Cup qualifiers inside the main-bowl of the Stadium of Champions in Uyo in Akwa Ibom State.

    The significance of these two dates (September 1 and September 8) is that for Nigeria’s flag to be hoisted among the comity of soccer-loving countries at the 2026 World Cup, the Super Eagles must beat Rwanda and South Africa to get the designated six points for both fixtures. In the event that the Eagles fail to beat both countries, then we may as well start preparing for the 2030 World. So, all hands must be on the plough. Mind you, not those leprous fingers of our sports administrators.

    It is important to stress here that our September 1 opponents beat the Super Eagles in Uyo, scoring two late goals much to the consternation of Nigerians. Curiously, the Eagles haven’t won a game in Uyo in the four 2026 World Cup qualification games played there. These drawn matches explain largely why Nigeria lies fourth in the group that has South Africa, Rwanda, Republic of Benin, Zimbabwe and Lesotho. Equally instructive is the fact Nigeria couldn’t beat Lesotho and Zimbabwe (no disrespect to them) in Uyo.

    Sadly, instead of our federation chieftains to stew in their mess, they repeatedly keep spinning the tale of a likely three points’ deduction from South Africa’s 13 points haul for fielding an ineligible midfielder Teboho Mokoena who accumulated two yellow cards in the series before their last game against Lesotho. Mokoena was first booked in the qualifying series during their 2-1 home win over the Benin Republic in November 2023. He was cautioned in the 54th minute of the game. The Mamelodi Sundowns midfielder was also booked in the 52nd minute during their 3-1 win over Zimbabwe in June 2024.

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    In releasing this point deduction spill, our federation are hopeful without explaining how points can be deducted from South Africa’s, when Lesotho didn’t file any protest; as if FIFA are Father Christmases. In fact, the hurried protest filed by Lesotho was done out of time, as they say in law. How would FIFA deduct points from South Africa when there is no official protest against them? Who would FIFA award the points to? I smell a rat here. I ask NFF spinners, when would FIFA sit to decide a matter in which no protest was lodged? Is there a precedent matter like this in FIFA’s rulings? We need to know.

    “Protests regarding the eligibility of players selected for matches in the preliminary competition shall be submitted in writing to the FIFA Match Commissioner within two hours of the match in question and followed up with a full written report, including a copy of the original protest, to be submitted to the FIFA Disciplinary Committee in accordance with the applicable provisions of the FIFA Disciplinary Code and by email to qualifiers@fifa.org within 24 hours of the end of the match and shall be dealt with by the FIFA Disciplinary Committee, otherwise they will be disregarded,” FIFA also stipulated.

    With barely 37 days to the resumption of the 2025 World Cup qualification matches in Africa, should this infringement of the rules be decided if indeed it was an offence? Presently, South Africa are topping Group C with 13 points followed by Rwanda (eight points), Republic of Benin (eight points), Nigeria in fourth place with (seven points), Lesotho (six points) with Zimbabwe bringing up the rear with (four points).