The Nation Newspaper

Category: Saturday

  • FCCPC and corporate accountability

    FCCPC and corporate accountability

    In largely underdeveloped capitalist systems such as Nigeria with relatively low levels of institutionalization, weak judicial structures and processes as well as fragile law enforcement, the role of regulatory agencies established to mitigate the negative effects of the operations of market forces, check corporate abuse and irresponsibility and safeguard the interests of consumers and society at large is critical. The leading agency in Nigeria in this regard is the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission (FCCPC), which was established through the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Act 2018 to facilitate fair, rule-guided business practices while protecting the interests of consumers.

    As lucidly expressed in its mandate statement, the FCCPC’s oversight function is “geared towards promoting competition within the Nigerian economy while preventing any practices that could lead to the abuse of market dominance or monopolies, all for the benefit of consumers. In addition, it investigates anti-competitive practices, including price fixing, bid rigging, market allocation, and the abuse of dominant market positions, for possible legal actions against the involved parties”. Central to its operations is addressing consumer complaints and grievances as regards perceived exploitative prices, substandard goods and services and imposing sanctions or taking legal action against persistent corporate infractions.

    Under its current Chief Executive Officer/Executive Vice Chairman, Mr Olatunji Bello, renowned journalist, editor, lawyer and administrator, who assumed office in June 2024, the FCCPC has significantly scaled up its activities aggressively holding corporate organizations to account while meticulously addressing consumer complaints and grievances. In the statement announcing his appointment, President Tinubu had mandated Tunji Bello to “ensure the holistic realization of the Commission’s mandate of protecting and promoting the interest and welfare of Nigerian consumers, and ensuring the adoption of measures to guarantee the safety and quality of goods and services”. The role of the FCCPC has acquired added significance against the background of the economic hardships attendant on the painful but inevitable economic reforms of the Tinubu administration particularly the removal of fuel subsidy and the merger of the parallel foreign exchange markets that had engendered high inflationary spirals that are only gradually beginning to recede.

    Citing high operational costs, corporate organizations in different sectors have increased their tariffs to the consternation of already hard hit consumers despite the fact that many of them continue to report high profit levels. In the telecommunications sector, for instance, there has been a 50 per cent hike in tariffs. In the electricity industry, the regulatory authorities approved an increase in tariff for Band A customers from N68 KWh to N225 KWh but which was later pegged at N209.50. Banks have increased the cost of transacting on Automated Teller Machines (ATM). The Nation newspaper columnist, Sanya Oni, recently cited the example of the private entertainment company, MultiChoice and its subsidiary,  DSTV, and their penchant for arbitrary and incessant price increases.

    In the words of Oni, “For instance, in May 2023, premium package subscribers were hit with a 51.23% increment from N16,200 to N24,500. Six months after, another major increment of 20.41% would follow, pushing the price to N29,500. Yet again, in another six months, that is, in May 2024, the service provider would be back with a new price of N37,000, a leap by another 25.42%; and the latest adjustment effective Saturday, March 1, taking the package to N44,500, a 21% increase – representing over 300% increase using 2015 as a base year”.

    The new resurgent and activist FCCPC, under Tunji Bello, has not been dormant in the face of seemingly whimsical price increases by various corporate organizations. Some of them, unused to having their excesses challenged, have pushed back, outrightly flouting the regulatory agency’s directives or engaging it in legal duels.

    For instance, on Thursday, February 27, the FCCPC directed MultiChoice Nigeria not to effect any new price increases as it had announced until the conclusion of the Commission’s ongoing investigation into the proposed price hikes. It had earlier directed the Chief Executive Officer of the company, Mr John Ugbe, to appear before its investigative hearing to justify the envisaged increases. The FCCPC had stated that “Pursuant to this, MultiChoice is expressly instructed to maintain the existing price structure as of February 27, 2025, pending the Commission’s review and final determination on the matter. Maintaining the status quo on pricing is essential to prevent any potential consumer harm during this period”. However, in a reckless display of the highest disregard and contempt for not just the regulatory authority but Nigeria’s legal system, MultiChoice Nigeria proceeded with its price increase on March 1, 2025.

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    Consequently, on March 5, the FCCPC instituted legal proceedings against MultiChoice Nigeria and its Chief Executive Officer, John Ugbe, “for violating regulatory directives, obstructing an ongoing inquiry and engaging in conduct deemed violations of the provisions of the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Act (FCCPC). According to the FCCPC, “By disregarding the FCCPC’S directive and implementing the price hikes before appearing before the Commission’s investigative hearing on March 6, 2025, MultiChoice has not only flouted regulatory processes but also demonstrated a pattern of conduct that undermines consumer rights and fair competition”.  In any self-respecting country,  there should certainly be severe consequences for such contemptuous impunity especially by a foreign entity.

    Earlier, a shareholder of MTN Nigeria who is also a legal practitioner, Emeka Nnubia, had instituted legal proceedings against the FCCPC seeking to halt the regulatory agency’s investigation into suspected potential anti-competitive practices by the MTN. Nnubia contended that the FCCPC’s request for information from MTN violated data protection laws and that regulatory authority over MTN resided with the National Communications Commission (NCC) and not the FCCPC. In his ruling on February 7, 2025, Justice F.N. Ogazi, of the Federal High Court in Lagos, affirmed the statutory authority of the FCCPC to regulate competition and consumer protection across all sectors of the economy and that the regulatory agency’s request for information from MTN did not violate any data protection laws but was undertaken within its statutory powers.

    When the NCC approved a 50% adjustment in telecommunications tariffs, the FCCPC warned that “Issues such as network congestion, dropped calls, inconsistent Internet speeds, unusual data depletion, and poor customer service have remained prevalent concerns. It is, therefore, crucial that tariff adjustments directly translate into demonstrable and tangible service enhancements for consumers.”. The FCCPC took on the Ikeja and Eko electricity distribution companies (IKEDC and EKEDC) when they contemplated charging consumers for the cost of replacing ‘obsolete’ meters insisting that the Discos must comply with the order by the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) that “meter replacements must be prompt, without disrupting service and at no cost to the consumer; and ensuring that consumers are not subjected to estimated billing due to delayed installations”.

    The FCCPC had also, at various times, engaged other corporate giants like Guarantee Trust Bank (GTB) and Air Peace on alleged violations of consumer rights. It is certainly a new and welcome season of ensuring corporate accountability in Nigeria in the best interest of consumers and society at large.

  • WS @ 91: The eternal iconoclast who refuses to be tamed

    WS @ 91: The eternal iconoclast who refuses to be tamed

    As Nigeria’s literary colossus Wole Soyinka marked his 91st birthday last Saturday, July 13th, 2025, the nation and indeed the global  community celebrated not merely the longevity of a man, but that enduring relevance of a voice that has remained uncompromisingly authentic for over six decades. At 91, Soyinka—Nobel laureate, playwright, poet, activist, and a perpetual thorn in the side of tyrants—continues to embody the very essence of intellectual fearlessness that has defined his remarkable journey from Abeokuta to Stockholm and beyond.

    Born Akinwande Oluwole Soyinka in 1934, the man who would become Africa’s first Nobel Prize winner in Literature was shaped by the uneasy convergence of traditional Yoruba cosmology and Western literary traditions. His early exposure to both worlds—the rich oral traditions of his Egba heritage and the formal education at Government College Ibadan and later the University of Leeds—created a unique intellectual hybrid capable of speaking to multiple audiences simultaneously.

    Soyinka’s humanism is perhaps his most defining characteristic, transcending the narrow confines of tribalism, nationalism, and even continental identity. His works consistently champion the dignity of the human spirit against all forms of oppression, whether political, religious, or cultural. This humanistic vision is evident in masterpieces like “Death and the King’s Horseman,” where he explores the tragic collision between African traditional values and colonial impositions, and “The Lion and the Jewel,” which examines the tension between modernity and tradition without reducing either to caricature.

    His humanism extends beyond literature into lived experience. Throughout his life, Soyinka has demonstrated an unwavering commitment to human dignity that knows no ethnic or national boundaries. His support for the Igbo dominated Biafra during Nigeria’s civil war, despite being Yoruba, exemplified his belief that injustice anywhere threatens justice everywhere—a philosophy that would later inform his criticism of various Nigerian governments regardless of their ethnic composition.

    As an author, Soyinka has given the world a body of work that ranks among the finest in global literature. His collection of plays, novels, poems, and essays have not only entertained but educated generations about the complexity of the human experience. Works like “The Interpreters,” “Season of Anomy,” “ Trials of Brother Jero” The man died” “Death and the King’s Horsemen “and “Ake: The Years of Childhood” have become essential reading for understanding post-colonial African literature and society.

    His literary significance extends beyond mere artistic achievement. Soyinka has served as a cultural ambassador, interpreting Africa to the world and the world to Africa. His 1986 Nobel Prize in Literature was not just personal recognition but a validation of African literary expression on the global stage. The Swedish Academy’s citation praised his work for its ability to fashion “the drama of existence” in a “wide cultural perspective and with poetic overtones.”

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    Perhaps no aspect of Soyinka’s life has been more consistent than his activism. From his student days at University College Ibadan where he founded the Pyrate’s Confraternity alongside six other colleagues of his, the Pyrate’s Confraternity the first indigenous campus confraternity in Africa, gave pep and colour to campus life in Nigeria  attempting to curb the penchant for ethnicity and tribalism as well fight moribund conventions. Also, Soyinka has been regular critic of contemporary Nigerian politics, never hesitant to speak truth to power. His activism has been marked by an intellectual rigor that refuses to be swayed by popular opinion or political expediency.

    His opposition to the Western Region Premier Samuel Akintola in the 1960s and the shameless rigging culture that was introduced into the region much demonstrated his early commitment to democratic principles. When the First Republic, Gowon, Babangida Abacha, Obasanjo, Jonathan and Buhari administration’s became increasingly authoritarian and corrupt, Soyinka didn’t retreat into academic neutrality but actively participated in the resistance, even staging a dramatic intervention during a rigged election radio broadcast. This act of defiance led to his arrest and foreshadowed a lifetime of confrontations with authority.

    During the Nigerian Civil War, Soyinka’s support for Biafra was rooted not in ethnic solidarity but in his belief that the Igbo people were facing systematic persecution. His clandestine mission to negotiate peace led to his detention without trial for 22 months, much of it in solitary confinement. His prison notes, later published as “The Man Died,” remain one of the most powerful testimonies against tyranny in African literature.

    Soyinka’s confrontation with General Sani Abacha’s dictatorship in the 1990s perhaps best illustrates his moral courage. As Abacha’s regime became increasingly brutal, executing environmental activist Ken Saro-Wiwa and his colleagues, Soyinka emerged as one of the most vocal critics of the military government. His open letter to Abacha, published in international newspapers, was a masterpiece of moral indignation that helped galvanize international opposition to the regime.

    Facing death threats and the very real possibility of assassination, Soyinka fled Nigeria and spent several years in exile, continuing his criticism from abroad. His book “The Open Sore of a Continent” provided a devastating critique of Nigeria’s post-independence trajectory and Abacha’s particular brand of savagery. Even in exile, he organized protests and lobbied international governments to impose sanctions on Nigeria.

    Soyinka’s later criticism of Olusegun Obasanjo’s civilian administration from 1999 to 2007 demonstrated the consistency of his principles. Despite Obasanjo’s role in Nigeria’s return to democracy, Soyinka didn’t hesitate to criticize what he saw as authoritarian tendencies and corruption in the administration.

    Soyinka’s importance extends far beyond Nigeria’s borders. As one of the most prominent African intellectuals of the 20th and 21st centuries, he has served as a voice for the global Black experience. His writings have provided intellectual ammunition for the struggle against racism and colonialism worldwide. His concept of “Negritude” and his debates with Léopold Sédar Senghor helped shape discussions about Black identity and cultural authenticity.

    His global stature has opened doors for other African writers and intellectuals, paving the way for the current generation of globally recognized African authors. His insistence on the universality of African themes and experiences helped counter the marginalization of African literature as merely “regional” or “exotic.”

    In recent years, Soyinka has faced criticism from some quarters, particularly from supporters of Peter Obi’s 2023 presidential campaign, often referred to as the “Obidients.” These critics, many of them young Nigerians active on social media, have accused him of inconsistency in his political positions and questioned his criticism of their preferred candidate.

    Such criticisms, however, reveal a fundamental misunderstanding of Soyinka’s intellectual project. Throughout his career, Soyinka has never been a partisan politician or a tribal champion. His positions have been guided by principles rather than personalities or ethnic loyalties. Those who expect him to support particular candidates based on ethnic or regional considerations have clearly not understood the man or his work.

    The notion that Soyinka’s positions are inconsistent reflects the pedestrian thinking of those who mistake intellectual independence for political opportunism. Soyinka has always reserved the right to criticize any leader or movement that falls short of his exacting standards of democratic governance and human rights. His criticism of various political movements and leaders, including those popular with certain demographics, is entirely consistent with his lifelong commitment to holding power accountable.

    The attacks on Soyinka by some sections of the “Obidient” movement reveal more about their own intolerance than about any failings on his part. Their expectation that an intellectual of Soyinka’s stature should conform to their political preferences demonstrates a troubling authoritarianism masquerading as democratic activism. The idea that criticism of their preferred candidate amounts to some form of betrayal shows a profound misunderstanding of the role of public intellectuals in a democracy.

    At 91, Soyinka remains what he has always been: an iconoclast who refuses to be domesticated by popular opinion or political expediency. His recent interventions in Nigerian politics, including his criticisms of various political movements and candidates, are entirely consistent with his lifelong pattern of speaking truth to power regardless of the consequences.

    Those who demand that Soyinka conform to their political preferences have learned nothing from his decades of independence. They would reduce him to a cheerleader for their cause, failing to understand that his value lies precisely in his refusal to be anyone’s partisan. His criticism of the “Obidient” movement and its candidate is no different from his criticism of Akintola, Abacha, or Obasanjo—it flows from his commitment to democratic principles and human dignity.

    As Soyinka enters his 91st year, his legacy is already secure. He has given Nigeria and Africa a body of work that will endure for generations. More importantly, he has provided a model of intellectual independence and moral courage that continues to inspire. His insistence on speaking truth to power, regardless of the political consequences, remains as relevant today as it was in the 1960s.

    The measure of Soyinka’s greatness lies not in his ability to please contemporary political movements but in his unwavering commitment to principles that transcend partisan politics. At 91, he continues to embody the very best of the intellectual tradition—fearless, independent, and uncompromisingly honest. Nigeria and the world are better for his presence, and his voice remains as necessary today as it was six decades ago when a young playwright first dared to challenge the powerful on behalf of the powerless.

  • Farewell to Awujale Adetona

    Farewell to Awujale Adetona

    For several reasons, the late Awujale of Ijebu land, Oba Sikiru Kayode Adetona (Ogbagba Agbotemole II), will go down in history as one of the luckiest.

    Besides ascending the throne of his forefathers at a youthful age of 26, Oba Adetona had one of the longest reigns, spanning 65 years, one of the longest not only in Yoruba land but also across the country. His long reign was marked by peace and development. Despite this, he stayed out of trouble – traditional, social, and financial – in most parts of the period. He was never enmeshed in self-inflicted intrigues. He was also among the first set of traditional rulers who were well-educated and well-liked by their people.

    Even in death, there were testimonies from his people that he did not mingle with those who would tarnish his image. To the people, he was a living legend, someone they fondly called “Orisa Ijebu,” or the Ijebu deity, about the reverence his people accorded him. It was not because he was a tough traditionalist; it was because the people cherished his contributions to their progress and held him in high esteem. He was a tested and trusted leader who defended the people’s interests.

    He was the personification of unity in his vast domain, in the axis of Yoruba land, which shares boundaries with Remo in its southwest, Ibadan in its north, Osun in its northeast, and Ondo towns and villages, such as Mahin in Ilaje, in its southeast. He was the quintessential man of the people.

    The revered Awujale was responsible for the advantageous position of Ijebu-Ode, his seat of traditional power and headquarters of Ijebu land.

    To his credit, all the Ijebu believed in him as a moral voice and source of inspiration throughout the period of his time in power.

    He cherished and protected his royal background. If he had dreamt of becoming a king, little did he guess that the honour would come at the prime of his life.

    The selection of the 26-year-old prince in 1960 as the successor to the deceased Oba Adesanya Gbelegbuwa II, who joined his ancestors the preceding year, was a turning point.

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    Charming, sociable, charismatic, educated, cultured, enterprising, and forward-looking, Oba Adetona was a product of township consent in the people’s search for a more enlightened ruler for the emerging modern era. It was consistent with the advice of colonial Governor David Cameron that educated monarchs were more knowledgeable and exposed than their illiterate counterparts..

    Sixty-five years later, Ijebu-Ode is better for it. The people made the finest choice, and they have continued to reap the fruits of development, progress, and prosperity.

    While the tenure of his predecessor was full of tension, with two assassination attempts on him, Oba Adetona largely presided over a peaceful era with neither adversary nor misfortune. God made him to triumph over challenges. He continually deployed the weapons of incisive wit, courage and principle. A very accommodating paramount ruler, he promoted inclusion and rallied sons and daughters from all towns and villages to see themselves as one. This was evident in the display of oneness and cohesion by the “regbe-regbe” (age groups) during the yearly Ojude-Oba (literally: the King’s Front Yard) Festival, which always attracts tourists to his domain.

    Ace Apala musician, the late Haruna Ishola, captured the unique installation and presentation of the staff of office to Oba Adetona in Ijebu-Ode by the Premier of Western Region, the late Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola, in the epic record he waxed after the ceremony.

    Tall and dignified, Kabiyesi exuded happiness over the fulfilment of destiny. The town was aglow with festivities. Eminent Yoruba leaders, including the Leader of Federal Opposition, the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo, witnessed the historic moment. The attention of the whole country was on Ijebu, the land of enterprise.

    It was a story of sacrifices. Oba Adetona’s father, Prince Rufai Adeleke, who nursed a legitimate ambition for the throne, sacrificed his aspiration to boost the chance of his beloved son.

    The obedient son, after the encouragement of the elders who craved a better tomorrow for Ijebu land, answered the call with patriotism and sacrificed his pursuit of education and golden fleece in the United Kingdom to serve his people.

    Three Ijebu-Ode community leaders – Ogbeni-Oja Timothy Odutola, Chief Emmanuel Okunnowo, and Chief Samuel Sonibare – stood behind the young monarch like the Rock of Gibraltar. They were prominent Action Group (AG) stalwarts. Odutola, a reputable industrialist, served as a member of the Regional House of Assembly. Okunnowo, also a businessman, was a federal parliamentarian, and Sonibare was an investor and media owner who kept the purse of the party. Lamentably, Sonibare latter passed on in 1964, barely four years after that patriotic community service.

    Nobody could fault the judgment of the three Ijebu musketeers at that moment of cardinal decision-making. They acted in the community’s interest. They never led Ijebu astray. They also brokered genuine reconciliation between the new Awujale and other contestants. The young monarch also submitted himself to their gerontocratic guidance. Arrangements were made for offsetting the expenses incurred by other contestants.

    Following his ascension to the prestigious stool, Oba Adetona automatically joined the tiny elite club of Yoruba obas whose members included the Ooni of Ife, Oba Adesoji Aderemi; the Eleko of Lagos, Oba Musendiku Adeniji-Adele; the Olowo of Owo, Oba Olateru Olagbegi; the Ewi of Ado-Ekiti, Oba Anirare Aladesanmi; the Olubadan of Ibadan, Oba Isaac Akinyele; the Zaki of Arigidi-Akoko, Alhaji Olanipekun; the Aholu Menu Toyi of Badagry, Oba Cladius Akran; the Deji of Akure, Oba Ademuwagun Adesida; the Odemo of Isara, Oba Samuel Akinsanya; and the Timi of Ede, Oba Adetoyese Laoye.

    Remarkably, these monarchs were also active leaders of the AG. It was a time of hot regional politics. Two years after he ascended the throne, the Western Region was in turmoil. Neutrality was impossible for key leaders.

    When the party split in 1962 during the Jos Convention, some of the traditional rulers, who were ministers and House of Chiefs members, took sides in the divisive and destabilising politics, queuing either behind Akintola or Awolowo. Politically, Yoruba land became divided.

    Oba Adetona was a member of the House of Chiefs. Thus he was not insulated from political pressure. The monarch witnessed the sudden collapse of a united Western Region, the friction between Awolowo and Akintola, the bitter contest for power and lack of tolerance, the ‘Wet E’ episode in the “Wild, Wild West,” the trial and the imprisonment of the Federal Opposition Leader, and the collapse of the legitimate authorities in Nigeria.

    Thirteen years later, the scion of the Anikilaya royal family in Ijebu-Ode was embroiled in a misunderstanding with the state government. His palace was threatened. Former Ogun State Governor Olabisi Onabanjo, a subject of the Awujale, announced the deposition of the king. The governor’s action was premised on the suspicion that Kabiyesi was pro-National Party of Nigeria (NPN), the ruling party at the federal level, while the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) was the main opposition and governing party in Ogun State.

    The battle shifted to the court. The late Adama Constance Yesufu, lawyer and politician, who once reminisced on the Awujale’s ordeal to reporters in Lagos, insisted that it was all political. His Royal Majesty, nevertheless, survived. The feud was festering when the Second Republic collapsed. The rest, as it is often said, is history.

    Today, traditional rulers are agitating for constitutional roles, oblivious of the fact that their involvement in politics in the past created problems for them. The Aseyin was harassed by the Akintola government. Alaafin Adeniran Adeyemi 11, former Oyo Divisional Council chairman, was deposed. Owo, the domain of Oba Olateru-Olagbegi, was divided. Zaki Arigidi fled his town. Akran of Badagry was detained. Emir Sanusi of Kano also had a problem in 1962. The salary of Odemo of Isara, Oba Samuel Akinsanya, was reduced to one kobo per year. Politicians challenged the Eleko, Oba Musendiku Adeniji-Adele,  to a duel at the Lagos Council. A Soun of Ogbomoso was beheaded. The lessons of the past are very instructive. The wise need to learn from history rather than to repeat it.

    Oba Adetona’s permanent tenure spanned the elongated period of military rule and four republics. Under him, Ijebu land continued to produce citizens who add value to the country. The people’s pastime is trading, which is consistent with the economic pursuits of their forebears.

    Indeed, Ijebu paramount kingship was linked with commerce. To profit from the trade along the coast, ancient kings of the land erected tolls for traders en route to Ejinrin (in Lagos State) in the days of yore. It made them and their aristocratic companions very rich.

    Oba Adetona continued to build on the legacy of prosperity through clean and legitimate commerce in a modern era. He led by example as an investor of note. He guaranteed ease of doing business by offering accommodation to indigenes and other residents.

    Major markets in Ijebu-Ode, including the famous Ita-Osu, Ita-Ale, and Oke-Aje, which was named after him years ago, were expanded and modernised. They became the confluences of commerce for traders from all walks of life during Oba Adetona’s reign.

    Ijebu-Ode grew in leaps and bounds under his reign. Its population increased geometrically. Today’s picture of urbanisation in the town contrasts with the sixties, when big amenities and huge government presence were not there. The town is now proud of more industries and other commercial ventures, tertiary institutions, hospitals, five-star hotels, and numerous housing estates.

    The monarch also contributed to the development of scholarship by instituting an academic chair in politics and good governance at the Olabisi Onabanjo University (OOU) at Ago-Iwoye in Ogun State. Last week, Governor Dapo Abiodun said it would gladden the hearts of the people whenever Oba Adetona’s School of Post-Graduate and Research Studies in Governance is affiliated to the Nigerian Institute of Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS) at Kuru, near Jos, the Plateau State capital.

    Oba Adetona was an advocate of justice. He saw all Ijebu sons and daughters as his children. In moments of adversity, he has never turned his eyes away. On a number of occasions, he tried to reconcile politicians in deep conflicts without taking sides.

    Also, it is noteworthy that he never abandoned any of his subjects in distress. A case in point was the plight of the business icon and big employer of labour from Ijebu-Igbo. The royal father pressed buttons until the siege was over.

    Oba Adetona did the same for the late Lt.-Gen. Oladipo Diya, a former Chief of General Staff (CGS), whose life hung in the balance when his boss, the late military Head of State, General Sani Abacha, said he had uncovered a coup plot involving the Odogbolu-born senior soldier. When Abacha tried to dwell on the extent of Diya’s alleged involvement, the royal father reportedly said: “But remember, Diya is my son.”

    Bold and courageous, he advised against the third term agenda.

    Like many progressive blue blood in the Southwest, Oba Adetona was thankful to God that a Yoruba son, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, became President in his lifetime. He remained very close to him till his last day.

    Oba Adetona’s unfulfilled dream is the non-actualisation of the Ijebu State. But for Ijebu and Remo compatriots, the struggle to actualize the dream continues. Its realization will gladden the heart of the late monarch even while he is with his ancestors.

  • PMB: Simplicity in life, dignity in death

    PMB: Simplicity in life, dignity in death

    It would have been surprising if his death last Sunday, July 13, in a private hospital in London, had been received with universal approbation and adulation of a virtuous, unblemished life in a polity as complex and fraught as Nigeria. First, there are no human beings without fault. With the possible exception of the immaculately spotless Peter Obi, according to the holy gospel of the ‘Obidients’, mortal leaders are no angels. Again, an inevitable and unavoidable price of greatness is the intense controversy evoked by those who make a significant impact on history across time and space. Those who love them do so fanatically, and those who detest them are implacable in their hatred. And so it was with President Muhammadu Buhari, unassuming military Head of State for about 20 months between December 1983 and August 1985, and two-term elected President of Nigeria from 2015 to 2023. It was no different with Ahmadu Bello, Tafawa Balewa, Obafemi Awolowo, Nnamdi Azikiwe, Ladoke Akintola, Murtala Mohammed, Odumegwu Ojukwu and several others who had played prime roles in Nigeria’s political evolution.

    When he died in 1987, the great sage, unrivalled administrative genius and first Premier of the Western Region in Nigeria’s First Republic, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, was passionately mourned by his teeming followers and remorselessly reviled by those who could not differentiate him from Satan. The great novelist and thinker, Professor Chinua Achebe, had issued a public statement after Awolowo’s death, accusing him of supporting genocide during the Nigerian civil war, and vigorously canvassing against according the great politician a state burial. He did not believe that the dead deserved some respect, and he was no doubt entitled to his view in a free and open society. It is instructive in this regard that Awolowo’s arch political opponent, Alhaji Shehu Shagari, who defeated him in the 1979 and 1983 presidential elections, awarded him the National Honour of Grand Commander of the Federal Republic (GCFR), even though Awo was never President.

    A near-unanimous refrain in the outpouring of emotions following President Buhari’s transition to eternity from both his friends and foes alike, however, was the unrivalled ethical pedestal he bestrode and the impeccable moral integrity that characterised his over five decades in public life. His aversion to material accumulation earned him the lifelong adulation, adoration and reflexive loyalty of millions of ordinary Nigerians, particularly in Northern Nigeria, where mass poverty is particularly pronounced, largely as a result of leadership lack of vision and elite venality.  Indeed, in his slim but powerful classic, ‘The Trouble with Nigeria’, Achebe had traced the excessive materialism that is the bane of contemporary Nigeria partly to what he described as the deficiency in the political thought of some of our key founding fathers.

    As Achebe put it, “A perceptive student of Nigerian politics, James Booth, has drawn attention to the poverty of thought exhibited in the biographies of Dr Azikiwe and Chief Awolowo in contrast to the expressions of ideology to be found even in the more informal works of Mboya, Nyerere and Nkrumah! In a solemn vow made by Azikiwe in 1937, he pledged: ‘that henceforth I shall utilise my earned income to secure my enjoyment of a high standard of living and also to give a helping hand to the needy’. Obafemi Awolowo was even more forthright about his ambitions: ‘I was going to make myself formidable intellectually, morally invulnerable, to make all the money that is possible for a man with my brains and brawn to make’. Thoughts such as these are more likely to produce aggressive millionaires than selfless leaders of their people. An absence of objective and intellectual rigour at the critical moment of a nation’s formation is more than an academic matter. It inclines the fledgling state to disorderly growth and mental deficiency”.

    Though controversial, Achebe ‘s contention here in my view contains some grains of truth. Buhari was no intellectual and did not pretend to be one. He was a simple soldier who defended his country’s territorial integrity first on the battlefield, next in a war against indiscipline and corruption through ‘redemptive’ military statecraft between 1984 and 1985 and then on the partisan political terrain as a politician and emergent statesman between 2003 and 2023. Yet, he had a strong moral orientation to life undoubtedly influenced by his deep commitment to Islamic spirituality. It is amazing that a man who was military governor of the former North Eastern State comprising about five states today did not seize the opportunity to amass stupendous wealth. He was a former Chairman of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) and military Head of State but never allocated any oil bloc to himself. He never acquired any property in Lagos. It almost sounds like fiction.   It was after he left office in 2023 that the succeeding Tinubu administration upgraded his house in Kaduna.

    When he assumed office as military Head of State in 1984, following the martial overthrow of a thoroughly corrupt and decadent Second Republic, the military still had the image of being a redemptive, messianic institution with the requisite reservoir of patriotism and professional integrity to rescue Nigeria from the havoc of predatory politicians. There is no doubt that Buhari and his deputy, Brigadier General Tunde Idiagbon, pursued their War Against Indiscipline and Corruption in essentially purist and uncompromising, Messianic terms. Thus, they set up anti-corruption tribunals that tried and jailed corrupt politicians of the Second Republic for terms that amounted to life sentences. They publicly executed drug couriers and jailed foreign exchange speculators. They drafted draconian punitive laws against a media they perceived as veering beyond the bounds of liberty into licentiousness.

    Even before his emergence as military Head of State, Buhari ‘s patriotic commitment to Nigeria was indisputable. In his thrilling and authoritative book, ‘Soldiers of Fortune’, the lawyer, writer and historian reputed for his extensive knowledge of Nigerian military history, Max Siollun, wrote, “Buhari was in charge of troops sent to Nigeria’s north-eastern border region in 1983 to prevent infiltration by armed rebels from the neighbouring Republic of Chad. After his troops successfully cleared the rebels from the border area, the troops advanced several kilometres into Chadian territory. The political hierarchy ordered Buhari to withdraw his troops, but he refused, arguing that the Chadian rebels would return to the area as soon as his troops departed… Buhari was finally persuaded to withdraw after President Shagari enlisted Buhari ‘s superior officers, Lt-Generals Jalo and Wushishi, to order him to pull back.”

    As expected and as Max Siollun writes, the incident created a tense relationship between top members of the Shagari administration and Buhari and that “It also caused enough concern in the government for the Transport Minister, Umaru Dikko, to place Buhari under surveillance. Dikko also pressured the Chief of Army Staff, Lt-General Wushishi, to block Buhari ‘s posting to Lagos…The strong-willed Buhari complained to President Shagari that Dikko had asked his movement to be monitored. When Shagari raised the issue with Dikko, Dikko did not deny the accusation, but simply warned Shagari that Buhari could not be trusted and should be retired. Dikko had woken a sleeping tiger.”

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    Widely reviled by Nigerians, Umaru Dikko had a reputation for corruption, arrogance and contempt for suffering Nigerians. When asked on national television about the economic hardships being experienced by Nigerians under the Shagari administration, he responded by asking if any Nigerians had been seen eating from dust bins! The audacious attempt by the Buhari regime to abduct Dikko from Britain, where he had escaped to after the 1983 coup, an effort coordinated with the support of the dreaded Israeli intelligence outfit, Mossad, made global news at the time. Dikko had been successfully kidnapped outside his residence when he was taking a walk, anaesthetised into unconsciousness, bundled into a waiting van and driven away by Nigerian and Israeli security officers. He was later offloaded into a crate labelled “diplomatic baggage”, addressed to the Nigerian Ministry of External Affairs in Lagos and transported in a lorry to Stansted Airport, where a Nigeria Airways plane was waiting to depart for Lagos with its “diplomatic baggage” at 3 pm.

    Unfortunately, there had been a last-minute lapse in the operation and British security and immigration agents in and around the airport had been put on high alert. Attempts by the British authorities to inspect the diplomatic crate were vigorously protested by a Nigerian officer, Major Ahmed Jarfa Yesufu (rtd) and one Okon Edet, a member of the Nigerian High Commission in London. According to Max Siollun, “The vehement protests were dismissed and the police opened the crates with a crowbar. What they found inside was shocking. In the first crate was a bound and unconscious Dikko with his torso bare. Dikko ‘s captors had shoved an endotracheal tube into his throat to prevent him from choking on his own vomit when he was unconscious. His captors wanted him brought back to Nigeria alive. Besides him was Shapiro, brandishing syringes and a supply of additional anaesthetics to administer to Dikko if need be. Shapiro asked the customs officers, “Well, gentlemen, what do we do now?”

    Those were momentous episodes in Nigeria’s foreign policy at the time, resulting in a prolonged diplomatic face-off between Nigeria and Britain. Buhari’s transition from a feared military dictator to a democratically elected two-term President who governed with utmost respect for democratic ethos is unprecedented in Nigeria’s history. Obasanjo also governed as a two-term elected President after previously serving as a military Head of State who voluntarily handed over to a democratically elected President in 1979. But on his second coming as elected President, his attempt to secure a tenure extension for a third term in 2007 had to be thwarted by a concerted resistance of critical political stakeholders. Obasanjo sings his anti-corruption credentials from the rooftops and labels everybody else as corrupt. But the monstrous Hilltop mansion in Abeokuta and the expansive Obasanjo Presidential Library complex, as well as numerous multi-billion Naira private investments, give the lie to his rhetoric. Buhari has no such baggage.

    This column does not intend to join the debate on the achievements or otherwise of the  Buhari administration for his eight years as elected President.  His accomplishments are there for all to see, and his failings too, like any leader. One of these is that he was too trusting of some of his key aides who hid behind the cover of his unstinting integrity and credibility to amass humongous wealth without the slightest iota of compassion for the teeming talakawa that Buhari loved and who reciprocated his affection fervently. Yet, some of such unscrupulous persons see his consistently over 12 million votes over several electoral cycles as an asset they can inherit and trade with, even as the honest one leaves us in a blaze of glory. They should not underestimate the intelligence of Buhari’s masses.

    Flashback to October 1, 1974. In his address to the nation, Nigeria’s military Head of State at the time, General Yakubu Gowon, told his stunned countrymen and women that his earlier pledge to return the country to democratic governance by 1976 was no longer feasible. Aba Saheed, pen name of Akogun Tola Adeniyi, fiery and unsparing columnist with the then trail-blazing Daily Times, responded with a pungent and incisive piece titled ‘Death, I salute you!’. He warned about the transience of human existence, the ubiquity of death and the ultimate vanity of power. Buhari needed no such admonitions. According to his media adviser, as President, Femi Adesina, towards the end of Buhari’s tenure, he asked the former President, “after here, what next?” And he responded, “I’m looking forward to leaving. And from there, I go to my grave at the appointed time”. No wonder he was so indifferent to the obsessive accumulation of wealth and the arrogant utilisation of power. May the honest one rest in deserved peace.

  • Trophy presentation

    Trophy presentation

    The Europeans, and indeed some others, know that soccer is a major source of entertainment. It creates anxiety, characterised by shocking results, especially with the final games, which leave watchers of the sport globally in awe. Indeed, bookmakers, punters, pundits, gamblers, and stakeholders in the industry, most times, lose their bets based on the form exhibited by the teams in games leading to the final.

    But football is a cruel game. It neither knows who inflated it nor gives preference to its owner in deciding its results. It is a game in which the hungrier side on match day wins. Such other permutations as ball possessions amount to rhetoric when the chips are down. Sincerely, it is one game whose outcome doesn’t entirely depend on the side with the largest percentage of ball possession winning. The iconic coach Jose Mourinho has taught the world that a pragmatic side, which does its tasks clinically by marking out dangerous players on the pitch, is more likely to win the game, provided the opposition’s manager doesn’t come with a counter-tactic to neutralise the more disciplined side based on tactics.

    Final games are most times a thriller of sorts, especially when the odds by bookmakers and lovers of the game, including armchair critics and analysts, are heavily against one of the finalists. The weaker sides, which lie low like Chelsea, prefer to do the talking on the pitch to underscore the unpredictability of the outcome of games.

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    I had my doubts over Paris Saint-Germain FC of France for Sunday because of the way they played against English Premier League sides, starting with the Round of 16 game against Liverpool. It was apparent that the Parisians couldn’t cope with the speed of the Reds, with each of them winning on away grounds until the penalty kicks which decided the tie. This writer must state here that over the two legs, PSG were the best team, but they were left bare by Liverpool’s spirited style of play, which any good team would exploit.

    One was, therefore, not surprised that Aston Villa dragged PSG to their knees. In fact, if Aston Villa players were experienced enough, they would have beaten PSG. One must add here that Villa’s manager shot himself on the foot when he substituted Marcus Rashford, who, until his substitution, troubled the Parisians.

    Arsenal’s European dream was ended by goals from Fabian Ruiz and Achraf Hakimi, who earned Paris Saint-Germain a 2-1 win on the night and set up a Champions League final against Inter Milan. Ousmane Dembele’s early strike gave Paris St-Germain victory at Emirates Stadium. Dembele stunned Arsenal when he swept home a low finish from Khvicha Kvaratskhelia’s delivery only four minutes into the semi-final first leg. PSG won both legs, but Arsenal was the better side on the balance of play on both nights, with the Gunners to date ruing the absence of a poaching striker in their team.

    Having seen the way PSG struggled against the English, I didn’t rule out Chelsea with their pragmatic style anchored on quick breaks on the counter-attack to surprise PSG. But I had a big doubt about Chelsea’s goalkeeper Sanchez. Yes, Sanchez proved me wrong in that final game with several acrobatic saves and strong and positive mental strength, when put under immense pressure from the Parisians, especially in the early part of the second half.

    Sanchez, for me, was the star player for Chelsea. He grew in confidence and stature as the competition progressed, culminating in keeping three clean sheets from the six matches Chelsea, losing only one game. No prize for guessing right that Sanchez was voted the best goalkeeper of the 2025 Club World Cup competition in the United States of America (USA).

  • Anambra 2025: Why Ukachukwu, Ekwunife could disrupt APGA’s hold on power

    Anambra 2025: Why Ukachukwu, Ekwunife could disrupt APGA’s hold on power

    As Anambrarians prepare for a season of electioneering there is every reason that the political landscape in Anambra State is set for a potentially seismic shift as Prince Nicholas Ukachukwu and Senator Uche Ekwunife throw the gauntlet at the ruling All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA)  deploying their combined political credentials, strategic positioning, and timing suggest they could mount the most credible challenge to APGA’s dominance in recent years.

    Senator Uche Ekwunife brings to this partnership a wealth of legislative experience that few politicians in Anambra can match. Having served in both the House of Representatives and the Senate, where she performed impeccably well and understands the intricacies of governance at the federal level and the experience gives her unique insight into how federal resources can be channeled to benefit the state – something that could prove crucial in an era where federal allocation and intervention programs are increasingly important for state development.

    Prince Nicholas Ukachukwu, on the other hand represents a threshold of new ideas with deep roots in Anambra’s grassroots . His background as a businessman provides him with a connect to the business community which is a very large constituency in the state. His business acumen offers a different perspective on economic development one that is welfarist in nature, similar to the policies of the likes of M.I Okpara.

    Both leaders bring significant credentials to the table. Senator Ekwunife’s legislative background and Prince Ukachukwu’s entrepreneurial experience provide them with practical knowledge of what it takes to create jobs and drive economic growth. In a state where unemployment and underemployment remain significant challenges, their combined business networks could attract investment and create opportunities that government alone cannot provide.

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    Together, they present a balanced ticket that combines experience with innovation, tradition with modernity.

    One of the most compelling aspects of this political partnership is how it transcends traditional party boundaries. If these two leaders can successfully unite different political factions and parties behind a common vision, they would create a formidable coalition that APGA would find difficult to counter. This kind of broad-based alliance has historically proven effective in Nigerian politics, where personal relationships and cross-party cooperation often matter more than strict party loyalty.

    The ability to bring together diverse political interests suggests strong negotiation skills and political maturity – qualities that voters often look for in leaders who promise to unite rather than divide. This contrasts sharply with the sometimes insular nature of single-party governance that has characterized APGA’s rule.

    Their understanding of both local and national economic dynamics positions them well to develop policies that can compete with APGA’s dismal record.

    In contrast, despite  APGA’s newfound desire for a relationship with federal authorities, the state’s ability to maximize federal benefits has been below par. A leadership team with proven federal connections could unlock resources and opportunities that have been difficult to access under the current arrangement.

    After years in power, APGA faces the natural challenges that come with incumbency. Voter fatigue, accumulated grievances, and the desire for change are common factors that opposition candidates can exploit. The state’s exploitative nature where traders and petty businesses have been repeatedly taxed to stupor and where operatives of the state such as his anti touting squad aka Ndi Aka Odo( People with pestles) have become beasts bearing brutality to the common folk, harassing and extorting hapless innocent citizens.

    Governor Soludo seems to have lost his footing as governor, his projects since inception seem to be more cosmetic than development driven. For example, the funds used for the completion of the Government House Anambra now renamed “Light House” would have been enough to gift Anambra 3 power plants, can we imagine the possibilities of a power plant per senatorial district? Can we imagine the solution to our power conundrum and the leapfrogging of our society from a commercial to an industrial giant, competing with states like Lagos and Rivers, positioning Anambra to becoming perhaps the first 20 economies in Africa?

    So when the state government begins to celebrate such and other sugar candy land like projects like Anambra Solution Fun City in a state like Anambra in which a 30 percent of its youth population are unemployed and another 30 percent are underemployed, one wonders if this was the same man the state voted for In the 2021 elections.

    Even its narrative on security following the emergence of its security outfit, Udo Ga Achi appears shaky as the state has continued to be at the receiving end of criminals with the government looking more helpless whilst prominent citizens have reportedly abandoned the state whilst the ordinary citizen has resorted to self sustaining techniques to protect themselves and their loved ones.

     The candidature of Prince Ukachukwu and Senator Ekwunife are well-positioned to present themselves as agents of renewal who will address the shortcomings of the current administration while building on its limited successes.

    Their combined profile allows them to appeal to different segments of the electorate – from business communities seeking economic reform to traditional constituencies looking for respected leadership, and from federal stakeholders wanting better integration to local communities seeking more responsive governance.

    The success of this partnership will largely depend on their ability to build a unified campaign organization and maintain cohesion among their diverse supporters. If they can successfully merge their respective political structures and create an efficient campaign machine, they would pose a serious organizational challenge to APGA’s established political network.

    Their combined resources, experience, and networks provide the foundation for such organization, but the execution will be crucial. The ability to coordinate effectively across different constituencies and maintain message discipline will determine whether their potential translates into electoral success.

    Prince Nicholas Ukachukwu and Senator Uche Ekwunife represent more than just another opposition challenge to APGA. Their political antecedents and appeal to the grassroots as well as other constituencies both formal and informal creates a unique political proposition that addresses many of the perceived weaknesses in the current system.

    While APGA retains the advantages of incumbency and established governance structures, this partnership presents the kind of comprehensive alternative that could genuinely disrupt the political status quo. Their success will depend on their ability to maintain unity, execute effective campaigns, and convince voters that change is both necessary and achievable.

    The political dynamics they bring to the table suggest that APGA will need to significantly up its game to maintain its hold on power. Whether this translates into electoral victory remains to be seen, but their candidature certainly represents the most formidable challenge APGA has faced in recent political cycles.

  • Aregbesola of ADC

    Aregbesola of ADC

    In the realm of politics and socialisation, former Internal Affairs Minister Chief Rauf Adesoji Adesoji Aregbesola exudes some peculiar idiosyncrasies. From the outset of his political journey, he maintained his course on the progressive lane.

    He was a jolly good fellow among this class of politicians who are mostly entrenched in the Southwest. It was this political class that held sway until the PDP era of locusts held the region by the jugular in the early days of this dispensation. Aregbesola never mingled with them. His eight years of governorship in Osun State came after a legal battle against the PDP forces.

    Wherever Aregbesola went with his progressive family, he lit up the occasion. He is well grounded in the Yoruba style of entertainment: his smile, songs, dance, and choreography spurred the crowd to cheery moments.

    But things have changed for him. Politics has redirected his steps to align with anti-progressives. 

    Now, he appears to be the odd man out in the entire coalition melodrama, gimmick, and miscalculation that now pale into a fictitious crowning of an otherwise illustrious political career.

    Aregbesola’s involvement in the gang-up against his leader, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, is confounding and worrisome. Perhaps, it is also the greatest challenge confronting the former governor and, until three years ago, the undisputed alter ego of the Asiwaju of Lagos.

    For 25 years, Aregbesola was more or less the deputy leader of the Asiwaju political family. Since his days as Works and Infrastructure Commissioner in Lagos State under former Governor Tinubu, he was the opening and exit door to Bourdillon, the ‘seat’ of power and centre of influence. He was perceived as a trusted and dependable ally in times of peace and war. The leader was said to have reposed so much trust in him as a favourite associate that he once said that even if Areagbesola carried a cutlass and gun into his bedroom, he would believe that Rauf held them to protect him against his enemies and not to harm him.

    The bond was so thick that the leader often personally took delight in reserving meals for Aregbesola on his dining table, with an instruction that it should not be touched by anybody else, however important the other person might be.

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    After seven years as a member of the Lagos State Executive Council, Aregbesola relocated to Osun State for a rescue mission, like Dr. Kayode Fayemi of Ekiti State. The initiative came from Asiwaju, who wanted to liberate the Southwest from the jaws of conservative marauders on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), which recently split into the party’s mainstream of Damagum/Wike/Saraki/Makinde/Bala Mohammed and African Democratic Congress (ADC) of Atiku/Mark/Ikimi.

    At the height of his glorious reign in Osogbo, the state capital, Aregbesola, fondly called Oranmiyan or Symbol, declared during his ‘Aregbe Till Day Break Programme’ that he was as large in Osun as in Lagos. It was an understatement. As the moving spirit of the Mandate Group, the caucus that gave the Justice Forum sleepless nights, his advice was hardly set aside by his former boss. Countless men and women have been assisted to become commissioners, advisers, lawmakers, aides, civil servants, ruling party officers, and contractors through his recommendations. A very charismatic personality, he was a skilled negotiator endowed with persuasive talents.

    As governor, he was a powerful organiser, mobiliser, and planner. He is a shrewd politician who learnt at the feet of a strategist. Although there were criticisms against certain policies and programmes of his administration, he did his best. His government was better than that of Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola, his predecessor who surrendered the stolen mandate in court after protracted litigations.

    The strange thing now is that Aregbesola has been drafted to take up the title of interim secretary in the estranged PDP, which masquerades as ADC. It may be a moment of emotional wrenching for him and followers who now find themselves attempting to pull down the APC, on which they previously rode to political relevance. It would be a sad day in the Southwest when Aregbesola embarks on the tour of the six states to de-market his great leader.

    The inability of political leaders to resolve their conflicts is the bane of the Yoruba nation. The Awo/SLA, Ajasin/Omoboriowo, Ige/Afolabi, and Ajasin/Olateru-Olagbegi rifts defied solutions. They went to their graves with animosities. Up to now, a section of Afenifere, the pan-Yoruba socio-political group, led by the late Acting Leader Ayo Adebanjo, is still waging war on President Tinubu. The crisis resolution mechanism is always weak in the region’s progressive camp.

    The crippled relationship between Aregbesola and his leader was surprising to the late Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi, who wanted to mediate, shortly before he passed on.

    Since the infamous speech at Ilesa, the gulf had widened between Aregbesola and his progressive allies. Observers believe that the Osun chapter of the party took adverse measures, including suspension and expulsion, which Aregbesola’s supporters used as an excuse to deepen the polarisation. But, according to the chapter, obvious anti-party activities cannot be condoned.

    Either in APC or ADC, Aregbesola is in the eye of the storm. A dark cloud or temporary setback in a long journey can tax the adaptive resources of an individual to the brim. But it is not the end of life. The transient vicissitudes can be handled with care based on experience. It is always the province of the wise to exercise caution in the face of threats to ambitions and relevance. Since conflicts may later yield to compromise and tactical settlement, reaction to a problem, either self-imposed or externally inflicted, should be moderated because it is always more weighty than the action that provoked it.

    Amid conflicts, some little chances should be left open for amity, if some thoughts could be spared for tomorrow. Words are fragile. Like the egg, they cannot be recouped once dropped. They are documented in the hearts of friends and foes and the social media. That is why the Yoruba often caution their kith and kin to imbibe the traditional ethics of moderation in times of annoyance.

    Memory is powerful, and the manifestation of the mental faculty includes recall. Intelligent people always bear these in mind. Intelligence is not limited to the acquisition of knowledge and skills; it encompasses the entire gamut of reasoning, comprehension or understanding and judgment. The expected outcome is problem-solving.

    So also is the role of perception in politics. The way an important actor is regarded, understood, or interpreted is subject to his political behaviour, particularly any choice made in the constantly slippery field. What is treasured most in the life of an uncompromising adherent is continuity, consistency, and loyalty, which could be tested by occasional or transient hardship.

    Glowing tributes are paid to them when they endure and survive the adversity of politics. In the minds of people and books of history, they are celebrated for courage, resilience, and faithfulness.

    The indomitable Awo admonished his followers to always elevate the interest of the party over the personal agenda. He believed that if personal interest is jettisoned, accommodation could be found for the individual within the larger, collective interest of the group.

    But steps could be retraced after severe deviation from a known path. In doing this, ego is not bruised; it is only suppressed for reason to triumph. It is not cowardice but the conscious amendment of political life on a moral lane. Although it is often said that politics and morality exist in an antithetical relationship, the Yoruba cultural ethos advocates a set of guiding principles and values that shape the behavior and worldview of the Oduduwa children, and central to this ethos is the concept of Ọmọlúwàbí, which embodies virtues, including integrity, respect, and excellence.

    The uncritical fraternity with strange bedfellows, even in the opinion of apolitical fans of the Ijesa ideologue, is a mockery of a certain identity and antecedent, which made him popular as a political actor and elicited respect from the residual class of radical elements.

    Although it is often said that core principles could be sacrificed on the altar of political interest, it may not be the absolute reality in all situations. A difference could be made by men of fidelity who value honour and integrity, the rare virtues that also predispose them to be calm, patient, reticent, and avoid embarrassing mistakes when a political career momentarily runs into turbulence.

    There may be justification for embracing this path of resistance to internal pressure and external influence. But it takes a lot of soul-searching and painstaking self-assessment.

    What matters is not the beginning but the end of things, and indeed, the judgment of history.

    While the freedom of association is fully guaranteed in the 1999 Constitution, Yoruba elders, long before the constitution came into existence, had always warned their children to maintain moderation and avoid bad company.

    Even the Ifa oracle alludes to the careful choice of human relationships as a guide against negative influences. It highlights the concept of “eewo” (taboos), which are prohibited actions that could be detrimental, including associating with people or environments that lead to negative outcomes.

    This lends credence to the Yoruba adage: “Aguntan to ba’ja rin a je’gbe.” (The sheep that associates with the dog would eat faeces). It is an admonition for the wary to “shine their eyes” about whose company they keep: “Show me your friends and I will show you your character.”

    Also, in a Hadith, the Holy Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) said: “A person is on the religion of his close friend. So, let each of you look at who you befriend.” It is a warning that bad company could corrupt good morals.

    In the Bible, it is stated: “Do not be misled; bad company corrupts good character.”

    Aregbesola’s natural habitat is the progressive camp where Tinubu is the leader. He may not understand the grammar of politics spoken by his emergency friends in PDP-ADC. It is not a bad idea to halt the sudden fraternity and return home. He is, for now, mingling with strangers in a dark alley.

    Reconciliation with his progressive family is not late.

  • 2027 and the damaging sense entitlement

    2027 and the damaging sense entitlement

    The 2027 elections in Nigeria promises to be very exciting. As always, the political activities are gaining momentum. Permutations are almost on steroids and the people are having a blast discussing the possible outcomes. The ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) is seemingly the beautiful bride as some members of other political parties like the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and Labour Party (LP) and some other parties keep defecting to the APC. There are defections from the APC but into the APC seems more in comparative terms.

    On the other hand, the PDP and LP, two of the most vibrant opposition parties seem to have some internal party issues that have in some ways coloured the type of opposition they have provided in the last two years. Even though the APC as a political party has its own internal issues too, the power of incumbency is a strong force in Nigerian politics. The new party of the said political coalition,  African  Democratic Congress (ADC) is just trying to organize what the politicians call the ‘coalition’ to unseat the APC at the center.

    Whether the word, ‘coalition’ as implied by the ADC meets the political semantic value or not, fingers are crossed to see the outcome of the political journey of those involved. The Roundtable Conversation is watching events closely and the conversations would continue.  Given the history and nature of politics in Nigeria, it would be interesting to see how this coalition works. Already, many Nigerians believe that the coalition is a collection of strange bedfellows who might not have enough political muscle and patriotism to push out the APC from power both at the federal and state levels.

    As the politicking hots up, many Nigerians seem to be complaining about the fact that the Nigerian political parties are made up of the same old politicians who have been in the business since 1999 that civilian  democracy returned to the country. What this means is that the same politicians who have stirred the ship of governance for more than a quarter of a century are still the ones in all the parties in Nigeria. The country has had some achievements in the period but the poverty index seems to be higher incrementally. For Nigeria to have more than 133million people in multi-dimensional poverty presently says a lot.

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    However, majority of those complaining about the roles older people are paying in politics are from the younger generation who feel excluded alongside women. They complain of marginalization but the fact is that as President Tinubu is often quoted as saying, “power is not served a la carte”.  You have to fight for power. No one gives you power just because you desire it. How proactive have the Nigerian young people being in politics? Have they really stood up to be counted?  What of the Nigerian women? Why is it that despite the fact that women constitute more than 50% of active voters, they are always largely insignificant on the electoral maps?

    The Roundtable Conversation had a chat with multiple award winning matriarch in the Nigerian arts and entertainment industry, veteran actor, journalist and cosmetologist, the irrepressible Taiwo Ajai-Lycett. We wanted to find out her views about the brand of politics in Nigeria where some intellectuals of both genders, women, the Gen-Zs and millennials often feel excluded from politics even when they are often the most impacted by bad leadership at all levels.

    She feels that the younger generation must deliberately try to convert their internet and social media activism to functional radical political value with better critical thinking. Granted that times have changed, the younger generation must realize that their lives and future are at stake. Without serious and consistent engagement with the older politicians on the field, nothing will change.  Lamentations neither influences nor makes policies. Only deep and persistent engagement in the political field can alter the situations for the better. Mere social media analysis and trolling older politicians cannot change the narrative.

    Ajai-Lycett believes that now more than in the past, education and exposure have impacted young people globally and it is then left for the youths to valuably utilize their education and modern innovations. Those the young people berate as old and uneducated have persevered in the political field and the prize is their occupation of the political field and power influence. The young people seem to be more interested in mundane things like fashion, easy fame, personality worship and how to be rich without investing time and hard work.  She believes that the young people often focus only on discussing personalities than issues that would impact their lives. Whether we like it or not, politicians decide what happens to everyone especially in democracies so the young people must not look in through the window, they must be at the table participating.

    When it comes to the issue about gender equity in politics, she believes that it is a global problem but it appears that women in other climes struggle more to overcome the misogynistic attitude by throwing their towels into the ring. She gave examples of a Kemi Badenock, a Nigerian-British who has risen to become the leader of the Conservative Party in the United Kingdom. She didn’t get there by being ‘a Woman Leader’ in the Tory party. She has paid her dues and might just be on her way to becoming the next British Prime minister following in the footsteps of late Margaret Thatcher, Theresa May and Liz Truss.

    While there are socio-religious issues affecting women’s political participation globally, women in Nigerian politics have for long accepted to be treated as second class citizens by the male political class. She insists that the position of ‘Women Leader’ by Nigerian political parties and the acceptance of same by the women is not only an insulting tokenism but an acceptance by the women that they are mere appendages. Why don’t the men have ‘Men Leader’ positions? It is because they believe that women must be considered incapable of leading.

    Fallacious as that thinking is, the women have not seen anything wrong in that. They have not seen the devaluation embedded in having the position of ‘women leader’ which on a good day is just a subtle relegation of the leadership qualities of women to fellow women. The women further enable the insult by organizing other women to vote for men no matter how incompetent they are.  The moment women in politics realize that they have to own their value as competent, thoughtful, compassionate and multi-tasking humans as opposed to men, things would begin to change. They will then stop feeling triumphant when some tokenism is thrown at them.

    She believes that the older women in politics must educate and mentor younger women so that they would be confident enough and use their intelligence to work for themselves.  Beyond this, they must not be mere, ‘city women’ who just go home during elections. The grassroots mobilization can be very rewarding. Being intellectually savvy does not win elections, mobilization at the grassroots level must be done by serious women including those in the corporate and business world who have what it takes to lead.

     Many women tend to isolate not just themselves but even their children from integrating at the community levels. Men seem to be more grounded and use this effectively during the elections. Women must engage more and desist from being errand ladies recruiting fellow women to vote for men by helping the men give out tokens before elections.  Women must galvanize and re-orientate women and the young ones because it is in the nature of women to nurture and educate. This is very valuable in politics. Politics is about numbers. If the women can expediently use their numbers, Nigerian politics would change for the better.

    In all, the matriarch believes Nigerian politics would change with more people willing to make sacrifices for the people now and in the future. Presently there is over reliance on Europe and America and some in the Asian blocs. Today, the global political dynamics is changing and it is  a wakeup call for Africans, nay, Nigerians to put their best foot forward. Women and the young people must work their way up the political ladder. They must learn to network like the men.  It is funny that even women often look down on each other based on the wrong-headed narrative from socio-religious  societal grooming about leadership. The world knows better now that critical thinking, a profound pillar for leadership is not an exclusive of any gender or age. Networking is a very vital rule for political success so both women and the young people. Power is never willingly yielded so every demographic must fight to clench power for the good of the country.

    Women and the young people must dismantle the narrative of genderizing power or ruling by age. Why do we have words like, female member or a youth representative? These are semantic manipulations that seek to keep the status quo, an ill-wind that blows no one any good. Men seem to have successfully made politics and leadership very hierarchical. This makes it appear like patriotism is measurable in gender terms. No one can measure patriotism based on unbalanced opportunities.

    Ajai-Lycett believes that to make progress, we must as citizens treat the causes of our socio-economic problems rather than the effects, a system that has always failed to work for deevelopment. The variables must shift. Women and young people ought to not just read the memo but memorize and act accordingly. 2027 election is less than two years away but in politics, 24 hours is a long time. Like the saying goes, politics is too serious to be left in the hands of politicians. Women and the young people must move from passive participation to getting truly involved and re-strategizing for better functional results for development. Inclusion is not out of entitlement mentality, its done through grit and hard work.

    •The dialogue continues…

  • Template for Nigeria sports

    Template for Nigeria sports

    Sports is business for those who know the inner workings of the evolving industry. Sports is the biggest Public Relations (PR) tool used by those who know its dynamics to change the perception of people towards their trades. Sports has interestingly left the realm of recreation to wealth creation – certainly not for jokers to comprehend.

    Little wonder the curriculum vitae of those who run sports in other climes speaks what they churn to give sports the fillip of growth anchored on solid marketing plans to generate revenue to run the industry without depending wholly on government for cash to oil their works. These civilised countries have, by the master-plans, ensured that government’s input on sports is purely around the provision of good facilities, grounds and a healthy environment for sporting activities.

    Sports belongs to the youth, making it only proper that its growth is situated in the neighbourhood with the provision of facilities with one objective in mind – catch the talents when they’re truly young. Indeed, this neighbourhood arrangement ensures that there are data bases to capture their details, such that the very talented ones are groomed, exposed to bigger competitions and the trajectory of their growth monitored from being rookies to professionals in their respective sporting endeavours.

    These civilised sporting nations don’t just throw their talents and/or discoveries recklessly into the fray. They get them coaches, games masters and mistresses to train on the rudiments of the games and how to compete favourably in international sporting activities such the Olympic Games, the Commonwealth Games, the World Cups etc, having secured sponsors to bankroll their sporting activities from cradle to greatness or should I say stardom.

    They also encourage athletes who want to pursue their education alongside playing their different sports. This is not forgetting the insurance policies available to them to always give their best when fighting for honours in big tournaments. These countries don’t just use and dump their athletes; they have structures which handle different aspects of the games at old age. These oldies later serve as role models for the younger generation who eventually replace them. These are time-tested deliberate policies which ensure growth and development of the sporting industry.

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    With these layouts for growth and development in civilised polities, it is easy for the private sector to key into the programmes of their choice to fund them as part of their CRS contributions to the society. In fact, sports isn’t run by guesswork in other climes, but through a sports calendar, which makes it easier for the deep pockets and blue-chip companies to align their goods and services to the country’s sports ecosystem. They do so, knowing that these sporting bodies are scandal free, just as they also ought to be accountable.

    The government should ensure that the accounts of receiving federations are audited and those found to have light fingers made to face the wrath of the law – including serving jail terms to serve as deterrent to others. It is quite shameful for Nigeria’s sports authorities to be locked in near-fistic cuffs with the government over funds for sports which are always scheduled for four years, two years, or one year at the least by international sporting associations.

    The countries that excel in sporting events have systems that guarantee enough funds for the sportsmen and sportswomen to compete with the best, such as tax rebates on sport-friendly firms, lotteries, and businesses owned by wealthy nationals who know what is in such a sponsorship that benefits them by the sitting government. Such financial taxes are spelled out to companies and wealthy citizens after agreements have been reached. These cast-in-stone policies are binding to all the parties to such an extent that breaches are adequately addressed to allow either of the parties to seek redress in court.

  • Comic coalition of confusion (2)

    Comic coalition of confusion (2)

    Addressing supporters who had come to receive him at the Murtala Muhammed Airport in Lagos on his return from Abuja where he had ‘triumphantly’ emerged Interim National Secretary of the successfully hijacked African Democratic Congress (ADC) Airlines, (Sorry, political party), Ogbeni Rauff Aregbesola admonished party members not to engage in exchange of insults with the ruling in All Progressives Congress (APC) or any other party. Rather, the former two-term governor of Osun State and Minister of Interior advised his audience that “When they abuse you or call you names, don’t retaliate. Ask them to tell you if the lives of Nigerians are better for it now than before. Ask questions based on food inflation, the economy, rising cost of living and poverty, among others. Let your debates be issues-based.” Eminently commendable advice from Ogbeni to his party members, but for the fact that there are several viral videos, featuring the sonorous singer and enthusiastic dancer, the Oranmiyan himself, personally leading excited supporters in rendering satiric, abusive and provocative lyrics against his former friends turned adversaries.

    Of course, the politically wily Ogbeni calculates that if attention is focused on the economic hardships his coalition partners accuse the Tinubu administration of causing by its reform policies, large numbers of people will subordinate rational clarity for blurry emotionalism and enthusiastically sway to their anti-Tinubu partisan rhythms. But he forgets that there are also many APC leaders well acquainted with the issues and with the capacity to ask their supporters to ask pertinent questions and further interrogate Aregbesola ‘s interrogators. For instance, did Nigeria’s deep-seated economic crisis start just two years ago with the assumption of office of President Bola Tinubu? Were Nigerians living in paradisiacal El Dorado in the preceding administrations of both the PDP and APC? Despite the fact that the price of crude oil rose to as much as $100 per barrel for a good part of the PDP’s 16 years in power, for instance, till about mid-2024 when it fell drastically, why was it that it was President Muhammadu Buhari administration with considerably reduced revenues that commenced serious work on infrastructure modernization and expansion; an effort now intensified on an unprecedented scale by the present administration?

    Aregbesola’s questioners would further be asked if the country’s current severe electricity supply challenges would not have been more than two-thirds solved to the economy’s immense benefit had the $16 billion purportedly invested in the sector during the PDP’s 16 years in power not gone down the drain with not the slightest dent on the problem? Was the Tinubu administration responsible for the fraudulent privatisation of the assets of the defunct Power Holding Company of Nigeria (PHCN), gifting the country Generation and Distribution companies that so obviously have neither the finance nor the expertise to discharge the responsibilities for which they procured the companies?

    If preceding administrations since 1999  had taken decisive steps to restructure and decentralize the country’s overcentralized security architecture, would the Tinubu administration have inherited the kind of hydra-headed security imbroglio it confronts today? In any case, what creative strategies did Aregbesola himself come up with to improve internal security in Nigeria during his tenure as Minister of Interior? Can he tell us how many jail breaks occurred in several correctional centres across the country under his watch while he wrung his hands in pathetic helplessness? Not only was there a huge backlog of hundreds of uncollected passports, which he inherited as Minister of Interior and which he was unable to find a solution to, but it continued to take interminable periods for citizens to collect their passports under his watch.

    Instructively, it took his successor, the current Minister of Interior, Mr Bolaji Ojo, less than two months to come up with a surgical solution, clear the backlog of accumulated passports and institute a system that enables Nigerians to collect and process their passports today within a two-week time frame. Pray, exactly what bragging rights does the otherwise likeable Ogbeni genuinely have? Why has it taken the Tinubu administration to audaciously commence work on such monumental infrastructure projects as the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway or the Badagry-Sokoto Expressway, among several others, although they had reportedly been on the drawing board for almost 40 years? Had such expansive road facilities spreading across several kilometers been emplaced years before now, at a time when it would have been much cheaper to actualize, would the economy not have been elevated to a pedestal for much higher productivity, capacity for employment generation as well as prosperity?

    Of course, infinite examples can be given of how successive governments, and key members of the emergent  anti-Tinubu coalition have been part of one government or the other at the centre or in the States since 1999, cannot be excused from complicity in the bog of inexcusable underdevelopment in which the country is trapped today. Since as interim National Secretary of the ADC, Ogbeni Aregbesola is understandably emerging as the coalition’s Arrowhead, the spotlight will naturally, most of the time be on him. Thus, his trajectory as a public administrator shows that he performed superlatively as Commissioner of Works and Infrastructure in Lagos State between 1999 and 2007 under a governor as team captain, Asiwaju Tinubu, whose competence and capacity he has waxed lyrical about severally in the public space and which are indelibly on record. Also contributory to his success in Lagos, was a strong finance team, particularly the Commissioner for Finance, Mr Wale Edun  and the Commissioner for Budget and Economic Planning, Mr Olayemi Cardoso, who ensured strong financial and budgetary discipline in the Cabinet.

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    When he emerged as governor and team captain in Osun, however, the story became a different kettle of fish altogether for Ogbeni.  His admirers tout him as the most ideologically -driven politician of this generation and this may well be so. This writer is himself strongly inclined towards ideology and cannot but be supportive of a leader with emphatic ideological proclivities. But in an emergent post-ideological world with increasing tendency towards technocratic and professional meritocracy, ideology is simply not enough and this was all too evident in Aregbesola’s Osun. Thus, he introduced several laudable and well-meaning welfare programmes such as the school feeding initiative and token cash transfers to the aged. However, his administration in Osun lacked the financial discipline and managerial expertise to run these expansive welfare programmes sustainably while at the same time being able to meet its other governmental obligations to the citizenry.

    It is public knowledge that before long, the relationship between Ogbeni ‘s administration and the state’s public sector workers had soured. Industrial relations was in crisis as the government could barely meet its wage obligations. A large cross-section of the workers were placed on half-salary for the duration of his tenure while the state’s debt burden escalated. While the government built impressive primary and secondary school structures, it seemed that these were not planned with meticulous attention to the school population size or the requisite sustainable maintenance costs of the schools. The truth of the matter is that none of the leading lights in the emergent coalition – Atiku Abubakar, Peter Obi, Rotimi Amaechi, Nasir El ‘Rufai – can boast a better track record of performance in the various public offices in which they have served than President Tinubu no matter how much they vilify him mostly out of dislike or outright hatred.

    In a widely circulated online post, another Nigerian stated that he was only waiting for the campaigns to start in order to ask members of the anti-Tinubu coalition which of his policies they would discard should they succeed in dislodging him from power as they have continuously boasted. For instance, would they reintroduce the fuel subsidy? Would they scrap the National Students Loan Fund? Would they abolish the National Credit Corporation to provide affordable credit to lower to middle level citizens? Would they halt work on the Lagos – Calabar Highway or the Sokoto-Badagry Expressway? Would they re-introduce multiple foreign exchange markets so that citizens with connections at the Central Bank could continue to reap humongous profit through the exploitation of arbitrage? Would they backtrack on financial autonomy for local government Councils? Would they reintroduce reckless printing of currency by the apex bank to fund federal government spending through ways and means?