The Nation Newspaper

Category: Saturday

  • Shettima’s dilemma: Loyalty, performance, and politics of 2027

    Shettima’s dilemma: Loyalty, performance, and politics of 2027

    Rumors in politics are often described as powerful, yet unreliable, tools, however in the Nigerian political landscape, behind every rumour there usually is an iota of truth in them and it is only a matter of time before such speculations begin to unravel.

    For Vice President Kashim Shettima, his future as Veep to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu seems to be hazy as the media has  been awash with the story that should Tinubu seek a second term in office as president, he may do so without Shettima being on the ballot.  This discourse has fueled unnecessary tension within the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and raises serious questions about political loyalty, moral responsibility, and strategic thinking in Nigerian politics.

    The speculation storm surrounding Shettima’s alleged replacement have gained significant traction across various political circles. According to some narratives,  some northern stakeholders have pressured President Tinubu to consider dropping the Vice President in favor of another northerner, with various names been bandied as potential replacements, these speculations reached a fever pitch when some northern youths and Islamic groups publicly called for Shettima’s replacement, arguing that the current Muslim-Muslim ticket needs recalibration for broader appeal. The pressure become so intense when at the NorthEast APC rally in Gombe, held sometime in June this year saw the zone endorsing President Tinubu’s second term agenda without mentioning the Vice, this omission of sorts gave fuel to the speculation that certain northern elements were eying Shettimma’s job and supporters of Shettimma like Godsday Orubebe would not take it, immediately reacting to the NorthEast’s Zonal Chairman’s and the recent past National Chairman, Abdulahi Ganduje speeches with reciprocable anger,  hurling insults and threats, whilst exchanging fisticuffs and further reprisals and threatening greater physical harm, prompting security officials to whisk both Salihu and Ganduje  from the venue.

    A dispassionate analysis of Vice President Shettima’s performance since assuming office in May 2023 reveals a man who has been nothing short of exemplary in his role. His track record speaks volumes about his dedication to both his office and his principal. From representing Nigeria at the 2025 World Economic Forum in Davos to delivering speeches at the United Nations General Assembly, Shettima has consistently demonstrated competence and loyalty.

    His background as a former banker, successful businessman, and two-term governor of Borno State provides him and the Tinubu administration with the requisite experience to handle the complexities of the vice presidency. During his tenure as governor from 2011 to 2019, he managed one of Nigeria’s most challenging states during the height of the Boko Haram insurgency, demonstrating remarkable resilience and administrative acumen. His subsequent service as a senator from 2019 to 2023 further solidified his understanding of Nigeria’s legislative processes and national politics.

    Since becoming Vice President, Shettima  has maintained a low profile while efficiently executing his duties, avoiding the controversies that have reportedly plagued one of his predecessors, Atiku Abubakar. He has been a team player, supporting presidential initiatives without creating unnecessary drama or seeking to overshadow his principal. This level of loyalty and competence should be valued, not discarded on the altar of political expediency.

    The suggestion that President Tinubu should drop Shettima represents a fundamental breach of political ethics and moral responsibility. Political partnerships, especially at the highest levels of government, are built on trust, mutual respect, and shared vision. When two individuals campaign together and win an election, they establish a bond that transcends mere political convenience.

    Shettima stood by Tinubu before the 2023 primaries during the primaries and in the course of the 2023 election campaign, when the Muslim-Muslim ticket faced intense criticism and opposition. He weathered the storm of religious and ethnic politics, defending the ticket and contributing to its eventual victory. Having benefited from Shettima’s loyalty and support during the campaign, it would be unconscionable for Tinubu to abandon him now simply because of political calculations for 2027.

    Moreover, the Vice President has not committed any offense that would justify his removal. He has not been involved in any scandal, has not undermined the administration, and has not shown any disloyalty to the President. Dropping him would send a dangerous signal to other political associates that loyalty means nothing in Nigerian politics, further eroding trust in political partnerships.

    The claim that Shettimma’s Borno was the only state nicked by the APC in 2023 and that for the APC to solidify itself for the 2027 polls ahead of whatever coalitions will coalesce at that time to challenge it, then the APC must pick a running mate from the NorthEast is indeed a wrong political arithmetic. First of all the zone prior to that election had four states as opposition states to APC’s two states of Borno and Yobe. Second, the zone had an Atiku Abubakar on the opposition ticket, to have expected Shettimma to carry the zone then is to have expected a miracle which doesn’t occur often in Nigerian politics.

    Today the APC has three states in the NorthEast and with the incumbency factor, the APC stands a chance of doing much better than it did in 2023, even with an Atiku Abubakar on any party’s ticket.

    From a purely strategic standpoint, replacing Shettima could severely damage President Tinubu’s chances of re-election in 2027. The move would likely be perceived as a betrayal by many northerners who supported the ticket in 2023, particularly those from the North-East region that Shettima represents. This could lead to a significant loss of support in a region that was crucial to the APC’s victory in the last election.

    Furthermore, such a decision would likely create internal divisions within the APC, as different factions would emerge to support various potential replacements. The ensuing power struggle could weaken the party’s unity and effectiveness, providing opportunities for opposition parties to exploit. The time and energy that would be spent on managing this internal crisis could be better utilized for governance and addressing the nation’s pressing challenges.

    The replacement move could also backfire in other regions of the country. Many Nigerians, regardless of their religious or ethnic affiliations, value consistency and loyalty in leadership. They might view the dropping of a performing Vice President as evidence of poor judgment and untrustworthiness on the part of the President, potentially affecting his support base beyond the North.

    Even the  argument that Shettima should be replaced with a northern Christian to balance the ticket is a dangerous descent into religious tokenism that reduces complex political decisions to simplistic religious calculations. This approach will only prove counterproductive in Nigerian politics, often creating more problems than it solves.

    One of the strongest arguments for retaining Shettima is the unity he brings to the northern region. As a respected political figure with deep roots in the North-East, his continued presence in the administration helps maintain the delicate balance of regional representation in the current government. His replacement could upset this balance and potentially alienate important stakeholders in the region.

    Additionally, Shettima’s retention would demonstrate that President Tinubu values continuity and stability over political maneuvering. This would be particularly important given the various challenges facing the country, including economic reforms, security issues, and infrastructure development. A stable leadership team is crucial for implementing long-term solutions to these challenges.

    The speculation about dropping Vice President Kashim Shettima represents a dangerous distraction from the serious business of governance. One also thinks that the president’s advisers should put an end to these rumors by getting President Tinubu to reaffirm his confidence in his Vice President making it clear that the 2027 ticket will remain unchanged.

    The focus should be on delivering good governance, addressing the nation’s challenges, and preparing for the 2027 elections as a united team. Political loyalty, when demonstrated as exemplarily as Shettima has done, should be rewarded, not punished. The President’s legacy will be better served by honoring his political partnerships and maintaining the stability that has characterized his administration thus far.

    As Nigeria continues its journey toward democratic maturity, the preservation of political loyalty and the rejection of religious tokenism will be crucial markers of progress. President Tinubu I am sure would always  demonstrate statesmanship by standing by his Vice President and focusing on the issues that truly matter to the Nigerian people.

  • FA Cup’s disturbing mistakes

    FA Cup’s disturbing mistakes

    I’m beginning to sound like a cracked Long Playing (LP) record each passing weekend. But, I won’t stop exposing the flaws in the industry’s development, especially the inept administrative structures surrounding the beautiful game in Nigeria. Our soccer administrators have continued to make the optics associated with the game ugly compared with how those who know their onions make the events around big matches a beauty to behold. In other climes, the country’s FA Cup final games are always a showpiece.  Those countries’ FA members know how to seize the chance.

    For such big games in Nigeria, our federation chieftains make them theatres of the absurd – laughable, raising doubts about their capacity to make events associated with the final game of the country’s oldest soccer competition one to cherish. Yet these federation chiefs are FIFA designated match commissioners and belong to several committees in FIFA, CAF, WAFU etc. It goes without saying that perhaps they sleep during such committees’ meetings, not to be able to replicate what they were part of at such levels of football organisation.

    Imagine watching victorious Kwara United of Ilorin’s players, coaches, officials and their friends mounting unguarded and rickety trailers, driving through the highway, not minding their safety?  They looked more like pushing the trailer than using it to celebrate, as the people weren’t with them to create the ambience which is always eye-catching when done in civilised climes. Obviously not with trailers but top carrier buses created for such a purpose.

    Add the trailer foolery in Ilorin to the ill-advised trip by Abakaliki FC of Ebonyi State officials who escaped a tragic accident due to a brake failure, then you will understand why the Federal Government should declare a state of emergency in sports going forward. Yet, most State Government Houses have brand new buses littering the hitherto empty places in the Governor’s office and house. Couldn’t the State government have directed the release of three of those buses to the team to travel to Lagos, like the heroes that they are? Guess what? Had Abakaliki FC won the Federations Cup, the governor would have at the spur of the moment ordered the chartering of a private jet or an aircraft to convey the contingent to the nearest airport to prepare for a lavish entrance ceremony. Yes, the contingent would have an extra day or living in big hotels in Lagos at the State government’s expense. Pray, who doesn’t know that failure is an orphan? We all love winners. Interesting times. I digress!

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    With most of our federation’s men serving in FIFA, one would have thought the basics to avert breach of protocol before, during and after matches would come to them as second nature. Not so here, with most of the breaches coming from them, especially during trophy and medals’ presentation ceremonies. The stage on Saturday had over 16 officials who had nothing to do with the presentation which over time should not be more than seven for effective control and to prevent overcrowding.

    Officials of Kwara United FC of Ilorin were decorated before players, such that one of the club’s bosses had the temerity to snatch the trophy from the team’s captain and head for the winners’ podium where the players were waiting to celebrate with their captain. Guess what, the club boss raised the trophy aloft as if he played the game. Not satisfied, he passed the trophy to another official, leaving players in awe as meddlesome interlopers stole their thunder. That was the height of the absurdities during the medals and trophy presentation ceremony.

    One is sure that regular readers of this column won’t be surprised to read that the four teams which partook in the FA Cup finals in Lagos for the men and women wore jerseys without their names at the back for easy identification, especially for the radio and television commentators. The story behind this flaw arose from the fact that the FA chieftains in their marketing drives produced the jerseys which the four teams wore. Indeed. It became absolutely impossible for any name exercise, since they were delivered to them at the stadium.

    Can this happen anywhere in Europe, Americas, Asia etc? Organisers kitting participating teams? Who does that? What happened to the teams’ shirt sponsors who kitted them up till the final game? It got so bad that the goalkeeper of the series for women couldn’t receive her laurel because she was poorly dressed. An official collected the prize, with the winner watching dumbfounded. Is anyone, therefore, surprised that our clubs go cap in hand for cash when existing sponsors can’t get value for their sponsorship on a day the world was glued to watching the final game of the country’s oldest soccer competition hitherto called the Challenge Cup. If one may ask our federation bigwigs, how much did each of the two winners get for their efforts? How much was realised as gate takings or did anyone throw the gates open to the fans for free?

    Shame on the NFF. The trophy presentation for the women’s version was done twice. Where on earth is that done? If the guest of honour came late, it should have been overlooked than what was done on Saturday. These two events ought to have been treated differently; meaning the two final games ought to have been on different dates, rather than this tardy arrangement under the guise of saving costs. You want to take a bet?

    What a country! One has been asking if the Super Eagles Head Coach Eric Chelle attended the nation’s oldest football competition; if for anything else, to spot new talents for the four national teams across genders. Of course if Chelle was at the stadium, he would have joined the motley crowd at the winners’ dias to distribute the medals to coaches, players and officials. So, where was Chelle? Certainly not monitoring our players, since the European leagues are on recess. So, why is he being paid so much money in hard currencies only for him not to witness the country’s oldest soccer competition? Nobody will query Chelle. After all, his absence saved some money which would have been spent on his return tickets, logistics, allowances, local flight tickets, hotel accommodation and feeding. Could it be that Chelle didn’t want to waste time watching players who aren’t in his World Cup plans? Maybe.

    The World Cup is neither executed through prayers nor is it a lottery centre where anyone can walk in to operate the gaming machines. No! It is a platform to showcase excellence built over time and not a stage to exhibit mediocrity as we have always done in the past.

    I have no relationship with the NFF which would have required my advice, especially if my help isn’t sought. In fact I’m not a busybody. The reason I talk or write about the beautiful game or talk about it is because it is the King of sports. I also earn a living talking and/or writing sports. You tell me.

  • Comic coalition of confusion (1)

    Comic coalition of confusion (1)

    It all started with the diminutive former governor of Kaduna State for eight years, Mallam Nasir ‘El Rufai, bitterly resigning his membership of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and joining the Social Democratic Party (SDP) amid a flurry of media interviews in which he stridently denounced the President Bola Tinubu administration, which he accused of being the most incompetent and corrupt in the country’s history and inflicting hardships on the Nigerian people through its economic reforms. Coming from a man who as Director- General of the Bureau of Public Enterprises (BPE) under the former President Olusegun Obasanjo administration was implicated in the corruption -ridden privatization of public enterprises at give away prices to political cronies and hangers on; as Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) exposed residents of Abuja to mindless hardship in the name of implementing the city’s master plan and as Kaduna State governor has been accused by the succeeding government of financial recklessness leading to the state’s huge debt burden, alleged misappropriation of funds and rampant human rights abuses, his accusations against the Tinubu administration were utterly laughable to large numbers of Nigerians.

    Many people were thus quick to conclude that El’Rufai’s real grouse against the administration was President Tinubu’s failure to appoint him into his Federal Executive Council (FEC) as he had promised due to unfavorable security reports during the screening of prospective Ministers. Although El’Rufai is now  quick to assert in his increasingly boring media interviews that he never sought to be a Minister under Tinubu, it is instructive that he put off his announced plans to pursue his PhD programme after his tenure as governor in the expectation that he would be offered an appointment. Urging disgruntled politicians within and outside the APC to join him in the SDP to pursue the project of unseating Tinubu and the APC from power at the centre in 2027, El’Rufai was disappointed that the response to his call was hugely underwhelming. Beyond this, in a Kaduna State where he sat astride the apex political authority for eight years, he left the APC like a solitary orphan as no notable member of the party followed in his footsteps.

    Even more dishearteningly for him, the founding leadership cadre of the SDP were clearly unenthusiastic about the prospects of their party being hijacked for the purpose of ganging up against Tinubu or anybody although they had also been critical of the APC government’s performance in office. Thus, El’Rufai found himself joining other aggrieved politicians like former Vice-president Atiku Abubakar, former two-term Rivers State governor and Minister of Transportation for eight years, Rotimi Amaechi, among others pursuing the efforts to register a new political party, the All Democratic Alliance (ADA) as the platform to actualize their obsession with unseating President Tinubu at the next election. Not being adept at the back-breaking hard work involved in the formation, nurturing and organization of a new political party, that effort floundered and this week, the group described by the APC as comprising Internally Displaced Politicians (IDPs), at last found a political party willing to be hijacked and thus landed in the African Democratic Congress (ADC) the leadership of which they promptly dislodged and took over.

    Those described as ‘political heavy weights’ by sections of the media that converged at the Yar’Adua Centre in Abuja to announce their membership of the ADC with funfare include Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, Mr Peter Obi of still indeterminate party identity, Nasir El’Rufai, hungry Mr Rotimi Amaechi, former Edo State governor and National Chairman of the APC, Chief Odigie Oyegun, former President of the Senate and a key actor in the annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential election won by the late Chief M.K. O Abiola, Mr David Mark, former Minister of Justice and Attorney General of the Federation in the Buhari administration, Alhaji Abubakar Malami, former governor of Sokoto State, Alhaji Aminu Tambuwal, former governor of Cross River State, Mr Liyel Imoke, former Minister of Sports, Mr Solomon Dalung, General Tunde Ogbeha (rtd), former National Chairman of the PDP, Mr Uche Secondus, former Minister of Sports and Youth Development, Mr Bolaji Abdullahi, Senator Dino Melaye and two-term governor of Osun State and Minister of the Interior also in the Buhari administration, Ogbeni Rauff Aregbesola. General David Mark became the Interim National Chairman of the emergent, still inchoate coalition, Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola its interim National Secretary and Bolaji Abdullahi its protem Publicity Secretary.

    The swan song of virtually all the speakers at the event was their determination to oust President Tinubu from power at the next polls in 2027, which is apparently the only issue on which they are united. But even then, the architects of what is difficult to differentiate from a hostile takeover of the ADC by the anti-Tinubu coalition do not appear to have undertaken a thorough due diligence of their new preferred party platform before their invasion and capture of the party. For, the presidential candidate of the ADC in the 2023 presidential election, Chief Dumebi kachukwu, and a number of the Party’s State Chairmen have condemned the arbitrary emergence of the new national helmsmen of the ADC without adherence to due process, which they describe as a violation of the party’s constitution. The Chairperson of the ADC in Plateau State, Mrs Hanatu Gagara, who supports the new coalition arrangement argued that the former Chairman who stepped down voluntarily for David Mark, Mr Ralph Nwosu, had been the sole financier of the ADC over the last two decades. But does that make the party his private property which he can handover to outsiders at will?

    Those who are opposed to the emergent coalition arrangement within the ADC contend that, according to the party’s constitution, a new member cannot contest for party positions except he has been a member for at least two years. They argue further that national party officers can only be elected at a duly convened national convention and that the former party national Chairman, who purportedly voluntarily handed over to Senator David Mark has since ceased to occupy the position since 2022 when his tenure expired. If the aggrieved members of the ADC decide to seek legal redress in court, the complicated and most likely protracted judicial process may have injurious consequences for the coalition right from inception.

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    Even if the feuding  ADC members eventually unite behind the new coalition arrangement, there are other possibly impeding factors which the aspiring coalition members must contend with and overcome. There is no doubt that Atiku is the main driving force behind the coalition as he seeks a new platform to actualize his ambition since it is obvious that the PDP are unlikely to concede their presidential ticket to him for a consecutive third election cycle. But Peter Obi and Rotimi Amaechi also clearly still harbour presidential ambitions as both men have reportedly expressed their desire to contest the 2027 elections promising that they would serve for one term only if elected. Such a pledge many see as the height of deception and reflection of desperation since an incumbent once elected can easily renege on any pledge to serve for one term This has been only too common a story in our political history and experience. The implication is that even if the coalition suceeds in holding together, the ADC will have very contentious presidential primaries ahead of it and the outcome may be as destructive and disruptive for the party as the 2023 presidential primaries was for the now gravely enfeebled PDP.

    Those opposed to President Tinubu’s re-election for a second term strive to play on people’s emotions by blaming current inflationary spirals on the economic reforms of the administration without stating if there are viable alternatives to these reforms and clearly articulating what these may be. Furthermore, in their various media interviews, the leading lights of the coalition such as Atiku, Obi, El’Rufai and Amaechi assert that the administration has no achievements whatsoever to showcase in its two years in office so far. This is intellectually dishonest. While the gullible may be carried away by such emotional and irrational rhetoric, many discerning members of the electorate will also most certainly be put off by such reckless and fraudulent generalizations.

    In its 2025 Article IV Mission with Nigeria released on July 2, the Executive Board of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) concluded that “The Nigerian authorities have implemented major reforms over the last two years which have improved macroeconomic stability and enhanced resilience. The authorities have removed costly fuel subsidies, stopped monetary financing of the fiscal deficit and improved the functioning of the foreign exchange market. Investor confidence has strengthened, helping Nigeria successfully tap the Euro bond market and leading to a resumption of portfolio inflows… Growth accelerated to 3.4 percent in 2024, driven mainly by increased hydrocarbon output and vibrant services sector. Real GDP is expected to expand by 3.4 percent in 2025, supported by the new domestic refinery, higher oil production and robust services. Against a complex and uncertain external environment, medium-term growth is projected to hover around three and a half percent supported by domestic reform gains”.

    Of course, the IMF acknowledged subsisting challenges and recommended greater efforts to bridge current infrastructure gaps, boost agricultural productivity to address poverty and food insecurity, tackle red tape, boost electricity supply as well as enhance health and education spending. But this is a far cry from claiming falsely that the administration has not achieved anything in two years just for reasons of partisan animosity. In any case, leading members of the emergent coalition have been in critical public offices at the federal and sub-national levels for considerable periods since 1999. They are no less culpable for the grave economic crisis caused by elite corruption, incompetence and lack of vision that the Tinubu administration is trying to tackle. Is there any evidence in their political trajectory that they will offer Nigerians better governance than the Tinubu administration? The answer is clearly in the negative.

  • The balkanisation of PDP

    The balkanisation of PDP

    The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is distressed. Twenty-seven years after it was founded by eminent political leaders from the six geo-political zones, the party has cracked into two irredeemable parts. From all indications, each part is on its way to the Golgotha, despite the pretences and wall-patching.

    There are obvious reasons for this.

    The main opposition party was broken by long-standing chieftains who failed to unite the platform and offer effective leadership at critical times.

    There is a dichotomy. The position of younger elements, now in the majority and holding the levers of power at the sub-regional levels, does not align with the older generation in what has become a dysfunctional family.

    The younger generation is trying to defend the vision of the core founding fathers, particularly the values of equity, fairness, and justice, through zoning or rotation of the six topmost offices: president, vice president, Senate President, Speaker of House of Representatives, Secretary to the Government of the Federation,  and National Party Chairman.

    The younger members also insisted that it is better to go into a coalition as a party instead of killing the party or weakening it before moving to another party, thereby obliterating the legacy of the founding fathers.

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    But the elders, flaunting their gerontocratic credentials as former men of power and symbols of old glory, ironically opted for a partisan behaviour that negated these hitherto shared principles. In 2023, they resolved to promote the culture of exclusion, marginalisation, alienation, personalisation, and monopolisation of privileges. Since that electioneering, the party has not remained the same.

    Many chieftains have bidden farewell to the party that gave them fame and embraced a platform on the fringe to pursue the narrow interest of a veteran presidential contender who may likely retrace his steps to the PDP he had repudiated, if he loses the poll, as he did in the past.

    The mainstream PDP is still being led by Acting National Chairman, Ambassador Umar Damagum, who now seems to have a less headache to contend with, although no serious leader would be comfortable with the decimation of his platform. His major challenge now is how to contain those trying to shove Senator Samuel Anyanwu aside as the party’s National Secretary.

    The second PDP comprises aggrieved elders, led by Atiku Abubakar, who invaded the African Democratic Congress (ADC) during the week, acquired its liabilities, and inherited its crisis. The Atiku club’s only aspiration is to install the former vice president as president. There may be no room for other aspirants, except those interested in governorship and legislative positions.

    It is merely a camp within the mainstream body seeking an imaginary political refuge outside its natural habitat. It is not a coalition in the real sense because all the people it has attracted, except Chief Rauf Aregbesola, have the PDP blood flowing in their veins.

    If the All Progressive Congress (APC) is their target for liquidation, then, the strategy has taken off on the wrong foot. The ‘PDP-ADC’ should have remained in the mainstream PDP, which, if fortified, could offer a position of strength as a time-tested and resilient brand.

    The implosion means that the two factions – PDP and PDP-ADC – would be at war in 2027 instead of combining their arsenal to tackle the APC. As the two PDP factions battle for power ahead of the 2027 general election, there may be no reservoir of energy to frontally tackle the ruling party when the real combat begins.

    The turn of events is unfortunate for the once-acclaimed largest party in Nigeria. Two days before the exit of the Atiku camp to the ADC, it appeared that respite was coming the way of the troubled platform. The PDP managed to avert a looming danger. It surprisingly refrained from behaving like a rattled dog destined to get lost in the forest after failing to listen to the hunter’s whistle.

    That was on Monday when the party elder, Commodore Bode George, described the PDP as an immovable Iroko tree whose strength lies in its resilience and capacity for survival.

     But a day later, the gains of the wise decision taken by the stakeholders were lost. Atiku presided over a coalition meeting in Abuja attended by members of his camp, including Gen. David Mark, Senator Aminu Tambuwal, who was described by the sacked national chairman, Senator Iyorchia Ayu, as the hero of the 2022 presidential convention; Gabriel Suswam, Donald Duke, Liyel Imoke, and Uche Secondus. In their communique, they proposed the break-up of PDP and welcomed the coalition with open hands.

    The PDP’s saving grace on Monday was the umpire, which rendered the unsolicited patriotic service as the constitutional monitor of political parties and their activities. Peeping into 2027, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) saw a danger looming for the main opposition party when it sidelined the statutory guidelines for the issuance of notices for critical party meetings, particularly the National Executive Committee (NEC) and the National Convention.

    In utter ignorance, Damagum unilaterally sent out the notice of the NEC meeting, thereby violating the rules and processes. That was after the PDP governors had, in their wildest imagination, sent Anyanwu packing as the party’s National Secretary and decreed that his deputy, Setonji Koshoedo, should take over in an acting capacity.

    Only the Atiku camp has defected to ADC. This seems to have resolved some intra-party disputes. Therefore, the mainstream camp should mend the fence within, close ranks, and reconcile on agreeable terms.

    There are four tendencies in the decimated PDP struggling for the soul of the party on equal terms.

    The first is the Damagum/Wike group. It consists of a section of the National Working Committee (NWC) and the G-5, with the exception of Oyo State Governor Seyi Makinde. They are insisting that Anyanwu should not be disturbed. Also, they are holding on to the court judgment which supports the acting chairmanship of Damagum till December.

    A big problem is how the party would handle Wike, the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister, who has vowed to support the second term bid of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, despite being the undisputed leader of Rivers PDP. He was a great asset to the PDP who galvanised the platform until after the problematic 2022 presidential primary, when reality dawned on him that some forces were bent on circumventing the zoning principle.

    The second group is the PDP Governors’ Forum, which is bent on getting Anyanwu, an ally of Wike, out of the way. It is a proxy war against Wike, who has been up in arms against the governors.

    The third appears to be a one-man band. Although he chairs the Governors’ Forum, Senator Bala Mohammed, governor of Bauchi State, is believed to be nursing a presidential ambition. The aspiration is at variance with the popular feeling in the PDP about presidential zoning.

    The view, particularly among members of the party in the three geo-political zones in the South, is that the ticket should be zoned to them.

    The fourth is the Southeast Caucus, which is battling with the acrimony at home. The agitation for the removal of Anyanwu by the regional caucus and replacement with Sunday Udeh-Okoye is supported by Enugu State Governor Peter Mbah, who had re-echoed the threat by the Southeast Caucus to review its relationship with the leadership of the party.

    The onus is on the Peace Committee, headed by former Senate President Bukola Saraki, to approach the challenge of reconciliation with more seriousness. Speed is required for him to accomplish his task because delay may be dangerous.

    It appears that Saraki has an understanding of the conflicts tearing the party apart. He managed to resolve the Anambra governorship nomination logjam by appealing to Anyanwu, who had been sent packing from the national secretariat to sign the form of the PDP candidate.

    Already, the vulnerability of the PDP is obvious. It has lost two governors – Sheriff Oborevwori of Delta State and Umo Eno of Akwa Ibom – to the APC. Federal legislators from the party have also defected to the ruling party.

    As the party prepares for the National Executive Committee (NEC) and National Convention meetings, it should resolve to put its house in order. The PDP leaders should know that their sphere of influence has shrunk. The votes in its strongholds would have to be shared between the old PDP and the new one masquerading as ADC.

    But it can continue to strategise, do introspection, embrace the reality and plan to bounce back.

  • Anambra 2025: Is Willie Obiano still relevant in Anambra politics?

    Anambra 2025: Is Willie Obiano still relevant in Anambra politics?

    The political landscape of Anambra State has witnessed significant turbulence since Charles Soludo assumed the governorship on March 17, 2022 and is presently seeking a  second term.At the center of this storm lies a critical question: Is former Governor Willie Obiano, who served the state from 2014 to 2022, still a relevant force in Anambra politics? The answer to this question requires a deep examination of the complex relationship between Obiano and his chosen successor, a relationship that has evolved from political partnership to what many observers now describe as bitter estrangement from which the opposition now seeks to capitalise on, whilst Soludo’s fixers are running helter skelter seeking to salvage.

    Willie Obiano’s decision to back Charles Soludo for the governorship was not a casual political calculation. Against considerable pressure from various quarters within the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) and beyond, Obiano stood firmly behind Soludo’s candidacy, not once did he flinch in his resolve to make the former CBN governor his successor. Obiano didn’t merely endorse Soludo; he staked his entire political capital on the economics professor’s success, against the odds and veiled threats, Obiano headed Soludo’s campaign council and deployed both financial resources and political machinery to secure victory for his chosen successor.

    This commitment came at considerable personal and political cost. Other aspirants within APGA had their own claims to the ticket, and Obiano’s insistence on Soludo created rifts within the party structure. Yet, the former governor remained resolute, believing that Soludo’s technocratic credentials and international exposure would translate into transformational governance for Anambra State. It was a gamble that appeared to pay off when Soludo emerged victorious in the November 2021 gubernatorial election.

    However, the post-election relationship between the two men has been anything but smooth. What should have been a seamless transition between political allies quickly deteriorated into a relationship characterized by mutual suspicion and public disagreements. The seeds of discord were planted almost immediately after Soludo’s inauguration, when the new governor began a systematic critique of his predecessor’s administration at every given opportunity.

    Perhaps the most damaging blow to the Obiano-Soludo relationship came barely a week after the inauguration. In a television interview with a Nigerian TV station, Soludo painted a grim picture of Anambra’s finances, claiming he inherited a debt burden of approximately N109 billion with only between N300 million and N400 million in cash reserves. This public revelation was seen by Obiano’s supporters as an unnecessary attack on the former governor’s legacy, particularly given that Soludo had previously praised the Obiano administration as one that was “not broken and thus needed no fixing.”

    The irony was not lost on political observers. During his campaign, Soludo had been effusive in his praise for Obiano’s achievements, positioning himself as a continuity candidate who would build upon existing foundations. The sudden shift in narrative after assuming office left many questioning the sincerity of his earlier pronouncements and created the impression that Soludo was attempting to distance himself from his benefactor’s record and denigrate such.

    READ ALSO: My biggest challenges in office, by Dapo Abiodun

    Obiano’s treatment at the hands of his successor stands in stark contrast to established patterns of political relationships in Nigerian politics. When one examines comparable situations across the country, the Anambra case appears particularly harsh. The relationship between former Rivers State Governor Nyesom Wike and his successor Siminalayi Fubara, despite its recent tensions, began with mutual respect and acknowledgment. Similarly, even in cases where political relationships soured, such as between Adams Oshiomhole Godwin Obaseki in Edo State, or the complex dynamics between the Uba brothers and Chris Ngige in Anambra’s own history, there was typically an initial period of cooperation and mutual recognition.

    In the American political system, which Nigeria often seeks to emulate, former presidents and governors maintain significant influence and are regularly consulted by their successors. The institutional memory and experience of former executives are considered valuable assets rather than liabilities to be discarded. Former presidents like Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama continue to play meaningful roles in American political discourse, regardless of party affiliations.

    Obiano’s supporters argue that as a former governor he deserves similar consideration. Having successfully governed Anambra for eight years and having been instrumental in Soludo’s emergence, it is believed that the former governor had expected to maintain some level of input in the administration’s direction. This expectation seems reasonable when viewed against global best practices and the recognition that governance is often a collaborative effort that benefits from institutional memory and continuity.

    One cannot discuss Obiano’s relevance without acknowledging the complex nature of his own governance style. In time past, I had often criticized him for his style of governance which I termed an “Igbo version of Owambe style of governance” – a reference to the lavish ceremonies and high-profile events that characterized his tenure. However, even his critics acknowledge that beyond the pomp and pageantry, Obiano built and nurtured relationships across the political spectrum. He was widely described as magnanimous in his dealings, a quality that extended to both allies and opponents.

    This magnanimity translated into tangible political capital. During his tenure, Obiano managed to maintain relative stability within APGA despite the party’s inherent contradictions and competing interests. He successfully navigated the complex web of Anambra politics, delivering on key infrastructure projects while maintaining peace with various stakeholders. His signature projects, including major road constructions, the Anambra International Airport, Awka Tounship Stadium and the International Convention Centre as well as various urban renewal initiatives, represented significant investments in the state’s future.

    However, Soludo’s administration has been accused of claiming ownership of projects that were initiated and largely financed during the Obiano era. This practice of rebranding his predecessor’s projects with cosmetic improvements and repainting has become a source of significant irritation for the former governor and his supporters. The failure to acknowledge Obiano’s contributions in a number of these ongoing projects has been interpreted as a deliberate attempt to erase his legacy from the state’s development narrative.

    As Soludo positions himself for a second term, the estrangement with Obiano poses significant political risks. The former governor’s political network, built over decades of relationship-building, remains largely intact. His appointees, many of whom feel abandoned by the current administration, represent a potentially formidable opposition force. The recent plea by Obiano’s former aides for unpaid severance packages highlights the depth of dissatisfaction within this constituency.

    Reports suggest that several of Obiano’s allies are actively working against Soludo’s second-term ambitions. This opposition is not merely driven by personal grievances but reflects a broader sense of betrayal within the political class.

    The recent report of Obiano’s kinsmen accusing Soludo of betrayal and preparing to support the APC candidature of  Prince Nicholas Ukachukwu and Senator Uche Ekwunife as a viable alternative demonstrates the extent to which the political rupture has spread beyond personal disagreements to affect broader ethnic and community loyalties. In Anambra’s complex political matrix, such community-level opposition can significantly impact electoral outcomes and it doesnt reside at such levels alone.

    So, is Willie Obiano still relevant in Anambra politics? The evidence suggests that despite being out of office for over three years, the former governor retains considerable political influence. His relevance derives from several factors that extend beyond his formal position.

    First, Obiano’s extensive network of relationships remains largely intact. During his eight years in office, he cultivated alliances across party lines, built relationships with traditional rulers, and maintained connections with various interest groups.

    Second, his role in Soludo’s emergence creates a moral and political debt that many observers believe remains unpaid. The former governor’s supporters argue that his contributions to the current administration deserve recognition and respect. The failure to acknowledge this debt has created a narrative of ingratitude that resonates with many in the political class who understand the importance of loyalty and reciprocity in Nigerian politics.

    Third, Obiano’s legacy projects continue to define Anambra’s development trajectory. Regardless of current ownership claims, the major infrastructure developments initiated during his tenure remain visible testaments to his administrative capacity. These projects serve as constant reminders of his contributions to the state’s progress and help maintain his relevance in public discourse.

    The Obiano-Soludo rift reflects broader challenges in Nigerian democratic practice. The tendency of successive administrations to completely disavow their predecessors’ contributions undermines continuity in governance and development. It also discourages the kind of elder statesman role that former executives could play in providing guidance and institutional memory.

    The answer may ultimately determine not just Obiano’s political future, but also the trajectory of Anambra politics and the prospects for Soludo’s second-term ambitions. In politics, as in life, how one treats their benefactors often determines how others perceive their character and trustworthiness. For Soludo, either by reconciling, managing or making further attempts to undermine the Obiano relationship may prove as crucial to his political survival as any policy initiative or development project.

  • Adebayo: A soldier of democracy bows out

    Adebayo: A soldier of democracy bows out

    He was a man of many parts in a historic journey of over eight decades – a good teacher, an astute administrator, a progressive politician, a principled pro-democracy activist, a trustworthy community leader, and an elder statesman.

    Cornelius Olatunji Adebayo, former governor of Kwara State on the platform of the defunct Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) and chieftain of National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) has bowed out after illness. He was 84.

    The consensus about him is that he was a gentleman and a refined politician who could not levy partisan war; he was a man of honour and integrity.

    Adebayo died a fulfilled man, having made his mark in teaching, his chosen profession, and politics, his vocation. He was a teacher at the University of Ife, now Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU), before he returned to the Northwestern State to serve as Information Commissioner. In 1983, he was kicked out of the Kwara State House by the coup plotters, barely three months after succeeding Alhaji Adamu Attah of the defunct National Party of Nigeria (NPN).

    The deceased left behind a country that is just trying to find its feet again under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, his compatriot during the anti-military rule campaign. He bade farewell to a divided pan-Yoruba socio-political group, Afenifere, where a deputy leader pronounced himself as leader when the leader, Pa Rueben Fasoranti, is still alive. He left behind an oppressed and marginalised Kogi West Senatorial District, which, in the absence of zoning, can only aspire to produce the governor in vain.

    Although he claimed non-membership of any political party, which many of his admirers doubted, he was a distinguished chieftain of Afenifere, which joined other forces to float the severely bastardised, abused, rattled, and weakened platform, the Alliance for Democracy (AD).

    READ ALSO: The Tinubu administration and its malcontents (2)

    One significant pain of the heart for Adebayo was his apt description as a Yoruba northerner. He was neither an ethnic chauvinist nor a religious bigot. But the eminent politician never forgave the colonial masters for the improper grouping of tribes into divergent provinces without considering historical and cultural factors. The consequence is the identity crisis, which the affected Igbomina, Ebolo, Kaba, and Ijumu and a section of Lokoja people are still battling to resolve in Kwara and Kogi states.

    Unlike the Aro of Mopa, Chief Sunday Awoniyi, who adjusted to the geographical accident of diverse tribal lumping, C. O. Adebayo, like ‘Mallam’ Bello Ijumu and Chief Sunday Olawoyin of Offa, complained bitterly. Indeed, Olawoyin sustained the fight for the regrouping of the Yoruba in that axis with the Southwest. So far, it has been a lost battle.

    At a lecture in Lagos, Adebayo lamented the consequences. When the Southwest was growing and the Yoruba were savouring free education and other people-friendly policies and programmes of the then Premier Obafemi Awolowo, the opportunity eluded his people. But Awo managed to give some scholarships later to Yagba and Kabba youths later. Adebayo also lamented the disparity in the development pace and the obvious marginalisation of his kith and kin who found themselves in the northern region.

    But he won other personal and political battles.

     Adebayo became a commissioner by merit under the military rule. Since he had built a reputation as a university teacher, the military governor had a reservoir of respect for him. In the two ministries of Information and Economic Development, and  Education, he added value to the administration.

    He was part of the Ibadan/Ife group of intellectuals who were influenced by the Awoist credo. Other members were Bola Ige, Wumi Akingbonmire, Itsey Sagay, Samuel Aluko, David Oke, Banji Akintoye, Akin Omoboriowo, and Bode Olowoporoku. Some of them who later took active part in the Second Republic politics became members of the Committee of Friends, which metamorphosed into the UPN, led by Awolowo.

    Adebayo’s election into the Senate underscored his popularity among his people. In the Senate, he was not a bench warmer. But the UPN Caucus, led by Senator Jonathan Odebiyi, could only bark from the opposition; it did not have the fangs to bite hard. The quality of legislative opposition was superb. But Nigeria would have benefited immensely if Awolowo were president. He was the best President the country never had.

    However, the UPN itself came under stress as from 1982 when some chapters were torn apart by nomination politics. Deputy Governor Sunday Afolabi, Michael Omisade and Busari Adelakun challenged Governor Ige to a duel in Oyo State. In Bendel, Demas Akpore never saw eye to eye with Governor Ambrose Ali. In Ogun, Soji Odunjo started fighting Bisi Onabanjo. In Ondo, Akin Omoboriowo pulled out his supporters to fire salvos at Adekunle Ajasin. The party was in turmoil.

    In Kwara, Adebayo challenged Olawoyin, and the party, right from the Ikenne home of Awolowo, was polarised. Understandably, the party leader threw his weight behind his old ally who suffered a lot of bruises for the Action Group (AG) in the repressive hands of the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC). Governor Lateef Jakande of Lagos, whose grandfather hailed from Omu-Aran, and Onabanjo backed Olawoyin for governor.

    However, Ige, who had been involved in a similar battle with Archdeacon Emmanuel Alayande in 1979, donated his experience to Adebayo.

    Twice were the shadow polls conducted by Adebodun Adewumi, a lawyer, and twice did Adebayo floor the old Action Grouper. At the third exercise, Awolowo painfully upheld the results, with a passionate appeal to Olawoyin to see it as democracy in action.

    A post-primary crisis was unleashed on the Kwara chapter. Reconciliation became an uphill task. All the party elders supported Olawoyin. The delegates, and majority of them were the youth who were not fascinated by stories about Olawoyin’s heroic past – tilted the pendulum of victory for Adebayo. The matriarch, Mrs. Hannah Awolowo, and her friend, Alhaja Abibatu Mogaji, had to travel to Ilorin to pacify the supporters of Olawoyin.

    When the UPN campaign train rolled into Kwara, Olawoyin’s supporters protested. Later, they deferred to Awo’s moral authority.

    Adebayo knew the coast was clear for him to win. Already, there was also a storm gathering in Kwara NPN, the structure of the highly influential Senate Leader Olusola Saraki, who had sworn to abort the second term bid of the Ebira prince, Adamu Attah. The Wazirin Ilorin sealed a deal with Adebayo. NPN’s top-notchers, including the minister, Akanbi Oniyangi, warned that should NPN lose Kwara, Saraki would lose his honour. The kingpin ignored them and rallied his supporters to deliver Adebayo.

    But three months later, the curtains were drawn on the young administration. UPN and NPN were ideologically different. Nobody could actually predict how Governor Adebayo would have successfully managed his benefactor in four years. In fact, he was denied the opportunity to prove his mettle as governor by the military. After the December 1983 coup, soldiers started harassing the political class in a bid to cow them into submission. The majority of them were banned from politics to give the new breed a wider space.

    But Adebayo resurfaced on the scene in the botched Third Republic, particularly during the June 12 crisis. Having been a victim of military high-handedness before, he joined forces with pro-democracy agitators to demand the de-annulment of the historic poll won by Moshood Abiola of the banned Social Democratic Party (SDP).

    It was his undoing. He was targeted for liquidation by General Sani Abacha’s men. He had to hurriedly leave Nigeria to evade arrest and possible assassination. His next point of call, unlike other compatriots who had extensive foreign contacts, was Ivory Coast, where he suffered until a visa was secured for him to travel to Canada. Adebayo never wavered in spirit as a NADECO chieftain.

    But it was a lost battle. The annulment was not reversed. The symbol, Abiola, died mysteriously in detention. In 1999 when civil rule was restored, the majority of those who supported the annulment and the interim contraption headed by Ernest Shonekan found themselves in power.

    Adebayo enlisted in the post-1999 battle for true federalism. When Afenifere was engulfed in a protracted crisis, he stood on the side of reconciliation and peace. He never wanted to act as a divisive and destabilising factor. In fact, Adebayo was being projected for future leadership within the ethnic mouthpiece. Up to now, Afenifere remains divided.

    Due to his composure and peaceful disposition, no Afenifere member raised an eyebrow when he joined the Obasanjo government as Minister of Communications. He had insisted that he was not an AD chieftain. It contrasted sharply with the reaction of the group when Ige was made the Attorney-General and Minister of Justice. At the ministry, he presided over the privatisation of NITEL. Although the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC) invited Adebayo for questioning on the Siemens bribe scandal, there was no subsequent report indicating that he was incriminated.

    As Adebayo, the gentleman politician, goes home, his memories as a progressive will linger for a long time, especially among those of his generation and those who came after them.

  • Coalitions, mergers and defections: It’s all politics

    Coalitions, mergers and defections: It’s all politics

    The next Nigerian general election is less than two years away. Barring any shifts or cancellations, Nigerians are expected to go to the polls by February 2027 to elect a president, governors in majority of the states (post-election litigations had altered some state governors’ elections to off-season) and state and federal legislators. The political environment is hitting up giving vent to the cliché saying that, “politicians always  think of the next elections”.

    The Nigerian democracy is fashioned after the American model (but I dare say to the extent that the politicians in Nigeria find very expedient). The Nigerian political party system allows for dozens of political parties. The American political party system is clearly a two party system even if there are the less popular smaller parties that have not made great inroads electorally.

    The two popular parties, the Republican and Democratic parties are deeply ideologically based. Despite their marked differences, they often agree on some national policies when it is in the interest of the American people. Even though policy routes might differ sometimes, they often hold dear American national interests especially in global politics. The Republican and Democratic parties are run under strict constitutional guidelines. Party leaderships are  not based of financial capacity and their roles are often purely administrative.

    The Nigerian political system is such that the structure seems so flawed that it would appear there are neither strict adherence to both party and the national constitutions nor a strong adherence to laws. This seems to be the core reason for the level of indiscipline often displayed by some influential members of most political parties at ward, state and national levels. There is clearly no strict ideological identities of political parties in Nigeria. This is reason why politicians easily oscillate (often euphemistically referred to as defections) from one political party to the other. In fact, the late former Senate President, Chuba Okadigbo, a renowned political scientist had once referred to the Nigerian so called political parties as mere gatherings of people.

    READ ALSO: The Tinubu administration and its malcontents (2)

    The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) had to deregister some political parties because some of them did not meet the electoral benchmarks to continue in the process. Recently too, it does appear that more than a hundred political parties are seeking registration with INEC. This fact says a lot about Nigerian political party system. Between the  mere gathering of people who are often strange bedfellows politically and socially and functionality of the democratic system in Nigeria is often some blurred lines.

    One fairly good outcome of the former military ruler, Ibrahim Babangida’s lengthy transition period was obviously his insistence on just two political parties, the National Republican Convention (NRC) and the Social Democratic Party (SDP). That system seemingly brought a bit of order and cohesion within the political party structure. It helped the Nigerian political system as it helped in uniting the country politically. That system produced what is now celebrated as the best, freest and fairest election in Nigeria’s history. It blurred the tribal, ethnic and religious lines often drawn by politicians for their personal expediencies.

    So as the 2027 general election draws near, the Roundtable Conversation is calmly observing the usual macabre dance in the Nigerian political field. There have been a continual defection of politicians mainly from the seemingly opposition Peoples democratic Party (PDP) and the 2023 revitalized Labour Party (LP) aand other inconsequential political parties to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). Despite the Supreme Court’s verdict about the consequences of defections from one party to the other after winning elections, Nigerian politicians through their actions sometimes say in very loud terms, “the Supreme Court can give verdicts but we can do what we like”.

    Even though this disobedience of the Supreme Court ruling happens most of the time with no consequences, it is a loud verdict on the discipline of the Nigerian political class. It stands as a bold example of why Nigerian democracy seems to appear very unweanable and  earns the delusional tag of ‘a nascent democracy’.  No nation that has chosen democracy as a system of government can continue to toy with wobbly political culture and make progress.

    A close scrutiny of the average politician’s attitude in politics shows a lot of hypocrisy. The lack of ideological leaning and the indiscipline of oscillating from one political party to the other is often euphemistically explained as a power granted by the constitution for freedom of choice, free speech and gathering. The kind of cherry-picking that doesn’t apply when they refuse to be held accountable, when they disobey  their own party and national constitutions and the Supreme Court of the land.

    While analysis go on and on about formation of new political parties, defections to or from the ruling APC, PDP, Labour or SDP, one thing remains clear, there is an ominous sign to Nigeria’s democracy. Professional politician as they exist in Nigeria is not good for democracy. It is sad that most politicians in Nigeria describe themselves as ‘professional politicians’. On the face of it, it sounds comical but with a deeper look, it portends grave danger for development. There seems to be a preponderance of individuals whose only means of livelihood comes from the ‘spoils’ of office and politicking.

    The late Ojukwu once defined most politicians as individuals with no second addresses. By this he meant those who introduce themselves as ‘professional politicians’. They often lack the discipline of occupational achievers. They eran their every dime and influence from playing politics and in most cases, they are in it not to improve the welfare of the people but for what they can get election after election. There is hardly any developmental initiative, vision for the future of the country or worries about the state of the ordinary people who are the main reason for governance in the first place.

    Nigerian elite has a role to play in redirecting the course of our democracy. It is not enough to sit back and sneer at the things happening in our political space. The essence of education, knowledge and exposure is the value it brings to the lives of others. Iconic individuals and legends in the world earned their legendry accolades for their civil and political activism that impacted others beyond thei generations. Late Nnamdi Azikiwe, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, Mandela, Ghandi, Martin Luther King, Patrice Mulumba, Queen Amina, Moremi, Queen Idia and countless others earned their immortality through acts that edify humanity.

    As we watch the drama in the political field, the scramble for registrations and the harvest of inter party defections at a time most politicians ought to be held accountable is as tragic as it as laughable. In the 26 years return to democracy, there are more people in the poverty bracket that even India with its more than a billion population has left Nigeria in the poverty bracket. There are more than 133million people living in multidimensional poverty, Nigeria has more out of school children than some five countries’ population, there are more chronically malnourished kids than some country’s entire population.

    Nigeria might be raising a generation of mentally and physically retarded children whose future miht be altered by their developmental deficiencies which ultimately impacts productivity. Do our politicians take stock at all? Do they care for the future? Do they care for legacies beyond bank balance and property and notoriety? It is a sad commentary that most politicians only see themselves in the mirror of life. Nothing matters except their advantageous political positioning.

    Beyond the political party intrigues, who cares about the structure of these political parties as enduring legacies that can enhance the Nigerian democracy for the children yet unborn. The irony and hypocrisy of politicians at campaign podiums is that the same puerile rhetoric keeps being regurgitated with no serious thought about walking the talk post elections. Why do most state governors hide under the federal government instead of taking their constitutional roles beyond white elephant projects  that often have no direct impact on the people? The basic needs of food, shelter and health have not really been prioritized. Political expedient but low impact projects are often over celebrated and not very impactful.

    As one watches the political activities unfold across the country, there is a tendency to be despondent. This is reason the best brains in the country are being lured to other countries through the now socially coined word, ‘jakpa’. It is a euphemism for the lure that emigration from the country offers. Globally, immigration is not a crime as humans have been moving from creation for different reasons. However, the modern trend is a fall out of socio-economic conditions forced on the people by bad practice of winner takes all democracy.

    The constant political lexicon, ‘mergers and coalitions’ seem to only be for the positioning of the political actors most of who have played politics all their lives with little or no legacies of good service delivery. As the 2027 political season hots up, we are forced to ask the political actors, what new song shall the people sing? Are we just going to see, ‘my sin is smaller than yours’ kind of self-aggrandizement that has kept our political parties looking like tree brances to the monkey – a mere means of getting to either the next fruit or running from a predatory animal?

    As we watch the public race to grab the headlines and with it power, we watch keenly to see the stars that would shine on their merit like a Zik of Africa with his patriotism, an Awolowo with his free education legacy, an Aminu Kano with his pro-talakawa popularity and effective leadership, a Lateef Jakande with his investment in public housing and education. Each day, we watch and record…

    • The dialogue continues…

  • The Tinubu administration and its malcontents (2)

    The Tinubu administration and its malcontents (2)

    It is difficult to credibly dispute the assertion that hardly any politician in post-colonial Nigeria has faced as much opposition, hostility and undisguised hatred against the realization of his political ambitions as President Bola Tinubu. Both as governor of Lagos State from 1999 to 2007 and now the occupant of Nigeria’s apex position of power since May, 2023, Tinubu continually confronted and overcame persistent efforts to distract him and ensure his failure to achieve set political goals. His unanticipated triumph in the 2023 presidential elections despite vehement and bitter attempts to prevent his emergence as the candidate of his party, the All Progressives Congress, (APC), the concerted and surreptitious subversion of his candidacy by a powerful and influential cabal in the immediate past President Muhammadu Buhari administration and the unprecedentedly vicious campaign of calumny he faced particularly from the opposition Peoples Democratic Party, (PDP)

    and Labour Party, (LP), fueled the unabating antagonism against his administration right from its inception by malcontents both within the ruling party and in the opposition.

    Thus, although his administration has just passed the two- year mark in its first term in office, aggrieved political elements who are aggravated at their perceived marginalization within the APC as well as implacable adversaries in the perennially crisis-ridden major opposition parties are openly talking and planning towards the formation of a coalition to dislodge the President and his party from power in 2027. During his visit to Benue State in response to large scale killings in parts of the state by marauding gunmen, Tinubu acknowledged that his opponents hate him “like hell” though he remains their President. And in Nasarawa State where he went to commission some legacy projects of the Engineer Abdullahi Sule administration, the President taunted those plotting the coalition to unseat him in 2027 describing them as internally displaced politicians.

    Yet, the security agencies curiously appear to suspect no linkage between the bitterness of many of those who have drawn a battle-line against the President and the persistence of unrelenting bloodletting in parts of the country which appear to be deliberately instigated to lend credence to unceasing efforts to discredit and delegitimize the administration. Surely the security agencies should send an unmistakable signal to those malcontents who have been making incendiary and reckless pronouncements against the President and his administration and who are alleged to have a track record of having sponsored violent subversions of the Nigerian State in the past, including publicly threatening foreign elections observers that they would leave the country in body bags, that it is closely watching them. The inexplicable lethargy of security agents when some aggrieved political groups and individuals have openly called for military intervention to overthrow this democratic dispensation has undoubtedly emboldened such elements to persist in their strenuous efforts to destabilize the polity.

    The strategy of the malcontents is obviously to portray the hardships attendant on the administration’s reforms such as removal of the fuel subsidy and merger of the parallel foreign exchange markets leading to the devaluation of the Naira as a deliberate decision to inflict pain on the people as if the reforms were avoidable. But the economy, which as the eminent economist, former governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, (CBN), and now Anambra State governor, Professor Chukwuma Soludo, has noted was practically comatose at the inception of the Tinubu administration, needed urgent corrective surgery, which Tinubu and his economic team promptly administered. It was a situation akin to the dentist in Woke Soyinka’s novel, ‘Season of Anomy’ who had to inflict the discomfort of tooth extraction on his patient to save the latter in the long run from excruciating tooth decay and pain.

    But a large number of the ever increasingly sophisticated Nigerian electorate are not unaware that all the major presidential candidates in the 2023 general elections had promised to implement far reaching and long overdue economic reforms such as removal of the fuel subsidy. During the campaigns, the voluble LP candidate, Mr Peter Obi, had said severally on national television that he would remove the subsidy,  which he described as an elaborate scam, “on day one” but now insists that had he been elected President, he would have done so gradually after putting in place measures to alleviate the pain without elaborating on how he would do this. In their plan to predicate their campaign against Tinubu and the APC in 2027 on the hardships associated with the reforms, the desperate opposition politicians angling for an electorally viable coalition appear to discount the fact that the APC had won off-season elections in Ondo, Imo, Kogi and Edo States even after the reforms of the Tinubu administration had set in.

    Even as they continue to seek the actualization of their coalition plans, it is obvious that the anti- Tinubu malcontents will be relentless in their demonization and concerted efforts to demystify and delegitimize the incumbent APC administration by vehemently denying and denouncing even its most glaring accomplishments. As the ongoing reforms continue to show signs of bearing fruit and achieving set objectives with downward trend in inflationary spirals, systematically increasing productivity, growing employment and prosperity, the more strident will be the efforts to vilify and portray the administration as non-performing in the hope that assertions repeated often enough, possibly with the aid of Peter Obi-type of manufactured statistical mumbo jumbo, will be readily believed by a gullible public despite the reality. And they will be enthusiastically sided by a section of the media still hurting at Tinubu’s emergence as President despite their no-holds-barred exertions to ensure his defeat.

    In the past week, for instance, former Vice President Abubakar Atiku has tried to resuscitate public discourse around the stale issue of President Tinubu’s academic records despite the futility of his litigation of the matter both in the United States and at the highest judicial level in Nigeria in the last election. He even tried to taint the President as associating with an allegedly corrupt Belarus businessman without any evidential basis for the allegation. Atiku probably thinks that most Nigerians had forgotten that it is on record that a Congressional investigation in the US indicted him for allegedly criminally transferring over $40 million into various accounts of his fourth wife, Jennifer Douglas, in the US during his tenure as Vice President.  Similarly, the former governor of Kaduna State, Nasir El’Rufai, has continued his round of television talk shows this time claiming that members of the coalition had commissioned an opinion poll which showed that Tinubu could in no way win the 2027 election. He is probably unaware that what he needs more urgently is an opinion poll that indicates with acceptable accuracy and credibility his current standing in Kaduna State which he governed with unprecedented arrogance and impunity between 2015 and 2023.

    The former governor of Jigawa State, Alhaji Sule Lamido, was also on television trying to rewrite history by distorting Tinubu’s well documented and applauded role in the struggle against the annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential election won by Chief M.K.O Abiola and claiming that the President supported a military atrocity that he actually expended humongous resources and risked his life to fight against. Luckily, Lamido has been unable to respond to the exposure by Dr Dele Alake and Mr Bayo Onanuga on how, as National Secretary of the defunct Social Democratic Party (SDP), he worked in concert with the National Chairman, Chief Tony Anenih,  to trade away Abiola ‘s mandate. But President Tinubu and his party should expect these outright falsehoods and historical distortions to continue especially as it becomes increasingly difficult to credibly fault the administration on the basis of incompetence or non-performance.

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    Initially, the APC gave the impression that its main strategy in response to the ceaseless, often baseless, onslaughts against the Tinubu administration was to utilize its power of incumbency at the centre and the control of the advantage of patronage to lure key opposition figures to defect from their parties and join its ranks. The party had scored a major victory in this regard with the defections of the incumbent governors of Delta and Akwa Ibom States with the entire government machinery and PDP party structures in their states into the ruling party. At the same time, significant numbers of National Assembly members from the PDP and the LP have continued to stream into the APC almost on a weekly basis. This has prompted allegations from some opposition politicians of attempts by the APC to turn Nigeria into a one-party state based on the unproven supposition that it is the ruling party instigating the crises that have continuously plagued and immobilized the major opposition parties in the aftermath of the 2023 elections.

    Of course, as President Tinubu stated in his maiden State of the Nation  address to the National Assembly on June 12, he does not desire a one-party state for the country but cannot be expected to assist the opposition parties in resolving their intra-party crises and running well organized, efficient and harmonious party entities. However, in my view, the APC, by beginning to more effectively showcase the achievements of the governments elected on its platform at the federal and sub-national levels is laying a better and more convincing foundation for its campaign towards the 2027 elections than merely attracting opposition politicians to join its ranks. This is because the phenomenon of political vagrancy, which has been a common feature of Nigerian politics right from the First Republic, smacks of opportunism and a deficiency of principles on the part of political actors. There is really no way to ascertain that a defecting politician from one party to another is not  doing so for self -serving reasons rather than the new platform offering a better opportunity for public service.

    However, in the last few days, President Tinubu has been in Nasarawa and Kaduna States to commission well publicized legacy projects in diverse sectors including education, healthcare, agriculture and road infrastructure. For the past one week, the Borno State government has been advertising over 1,339 projects implemented across diverse sectors by the administration of Professor Babagana Zulum in the print and electronic media. In the last ten days or more, the Federal Capital Territory, (FCT), Minister, Barrister Nyesom Wike, has been inaugurating a plethora of projects including ultra modern roads, water projects, a modern bus terminal, interchange bridges and the radically modernized President Bola Tinubu International Conference Centre, with the President personally launching most of these facilities. True, Wike is of the PDP but the credit for the ongoing transformation of the FCT goes to the APC administration in which he is serving.

    Before now, President Tinubu was in Lagos to launch the first 30 km of the ongoing path-breaking Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway as well as the new access road to the Lekki Deep Sea Port. Among the major highways on which work is going on across the country under the superintendence of the Minister of Works, Engineer David Umahi, are the Bodo-Bonny Road, Second Niger Bridge Access Road, Enugu-Port Harcourt Expressway, Benin-Asaba Super Highway, Abuja-Lokoja- Benin Road, Enugu-Onitsha Expressway, 9th Mile-Oturkpo-Makurdi-Road and Abuja-Kaduna-Zaria-Kano dual Carriage Way. This week, the President launched the distribution of 2,000 advanced tractors and thousands of farming implements including 50 industrial-grade land preparation booths, 12 fully equipped mobile workshops, and over 8,000 specialized farming implements under the Renewed Hope Agricultural Mechanization Programme, designed to boost food security and national prosperity.

    Even when the President has been in states controlled by opposition parties such as his being invited to commission projects delivered by Professor Soludo of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) in Anambra State earlier in the year, the governors have openly declared that the federal government’s economic reform policies under Tinubu had made substantially more resources available to the sub-national governments thus enabling them to meet recurrent expenditure obligations without jeopardizing the implementation of critical capital projects. The most critical advantage of the APC’s incumbency at the centre is not the power to attract opposition politicians into its ranks but that of conceptualizing and actualizing key projects to build the country’s economic capacity and generate prosperity in such a way that the most inveterate malcontents will be unable to impugn the administration’s efficacy, efficiency and effectiveness with any degree of credibility or integrity. It would be unwise for the APC to allow its governments at the centre and in the states to be distracted from productive governance with a premature preoccupation with the 2027 polls at this time.

  • Siasia, Mikel enough

    Siasia, Mikel enough

    When the country’s Olympic Games Football  Dream Team coach, Samson Siasia, was accused of leading the squad members on a trip not approved by those who ought to have planned the squad’s trajectory to the Olympics’ soccer event, one knew that the tales of the unexpected would haunt us in the years ahead of us. A proper investigation of the accusations ought to have been carried out in 2016, with one objective – fish out those who were complicit in the show of shame as it was when it happened in the United States of America in 2016.

    The shameful conduct was swept under the carpet because the team won Nigeria’s only medal – a bronze medal, making the Dream Team to earn the honour of winning all three medals in the event. Gold in Atlanta 1996, silver in Beijing 2008 and bronze in 2016.

    The sports minister at that time visited the team in Atlanta where he was reported to have frowned at the coach, Samson Siasia’s resort to the media to complain about the difficulties the team was facing.

    According to Vanguard’s report: ”Apart from warning that Siasia’s action would be looked into and appropriate sanctions meted out to him if necessary”, the minister was said to have not only instructed the team’s captain, John Mikel Obi to take control of the team but equally asked him to restore sanity to the team, which he alleged was plagued with indiscipline.”

    The battle line between Mikel and Siasia had tacitly been drawn.  Wahala no dey finish for Nigeria. What a country.

    Was it right for the minister to have chastised the coach by belittling him, especially as Siasia is one of the icons of the game here having played for the country’s teams? Did Siasia tell a lie that the team was cash strapped? No. Who should Siasia have complained to if not pressmen who saw the players’ and coaches’ poor living conditions in America, in spite of the fact that they were our sports ambassadors to the 2016 Olympic Games? What a pity.

    This isn’t the first time Mikel would drop what now looks like falsehood on this matter. In fact, the then sports minister, Solomon Dalung, in the aftermath of the Rio 2016 Olympic Games said: “To the best of my knowledge as the Minister at the time, no player — Mikel Obi or otherwise, was authorised to arrange transport for Team Nigeria to Rio,”  in an interview with AIT.

    The operative words from Dalung are, ”neither Mikel nor anyone else was authorised to arrange transport for Team Nigeria to Rio”. The imminent question to ask Dalung was, who was authorised to arrange transport for the team? Again why didn’t the person do it? Or was it that the trip to America was unauthorised, dear Dalung?

    “I used my own money to help fund the Nigerian Super Eagles’ trip to the 2016 Rio Olympics, and till this day, the federation has not given me anything back,” Mikel recently said. “Honestly, I regret doing that.”

    But Dalung, who oversaw Nigeria’s sports ministry during the Games, dismissed the claim, stating emphatically that no player, including Mikel Obi, paid for any flight.

    “I want to apologise for all the circumstances that led to your late arrival here. I apologise because I am the head and as such I must take responsibility for anything that happens under my watch,” Dalung said after they beat Sweden, with a game to spare to qualify for the quarter-finals.

    One would have thought that the contending issues in the team would have been settled, especially with the celebrations in the camp and the minister’s apology.

    The pertinent question to ask is if Mikel is using this allegation to get traction to his podcast or stating the truth of the matter. I shudder to use Siasia’s statement suggesting that perhaps, things are rough for the former Chelsea star defensive midfielder. Not possible, my dear coach.

    It was Siasia’s call to explain what transpired since he was the coach of the team, which he did. But Siasia ought to have avoided the petty talk of poverty, since it was out of place in the discussion. Siasia exhibited grave immaturity. How, the so called players union ought to call both men to sheath their swords for the good of the game. This idea of washing our dirty linens in public is unnecessary, since those who should have dealt with matter in 2016 failed to do so. Now that events have overtaken the incidents, the wise thing that Mikel can do is thrash out the issue with the new Nigeria Sports Commission (NSC) boss, if indeed Mikel’s claims have been substantiated with documents from the Delta Airline’s management on request.

    Otherwise, it won’t cost the NSC anything to do a letter to Delta Airlines seeking to know what transpired, if there are doubts by all those in the past who debunked Mikel’s statement, including a former sports minister. Can all of them be lying and Mikel speaking the truth? Yes, we need to know which of the two parties to believe.

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    Whilst the matter is being investigated discreetly, it is important to remind Siasia and Mikel that as icons of the game in Nigeria and all over the world, they need know that the image and integrity of the country shouldn’t be tarnished on the altar of seeking a refund of $250,000 or otherwise? If Mikel feels he is speaking the truth, he can head for the EFCC or ICPC to do their jobs on the matter and keep quiet until the truth is told by the courts.

    However, one only hopes that the two bodies responsible for preparing the country’s contingents to the Olympic Games are noting this disturbing noise from our soccer icons, which rests squarely on a failure of leadership at the NSC and the Nigeria Olympic Committee (NOC), I dare say.

    There must be a workable synergy between the NSC and the NOC going forward to avert these kinds of show of shame among our contingents to international sporting competitions such as the Olympic Games, the Commonwealth Games, the World Cup, Africa Cup of Nations, Africa Games, WAFU etc. Perhaps, this is the time to find out the details of the arrangement which dragged our sports ambassadors on a clueless trip to America?

    The NSC and indeed the NOC should ensure that all preparatory trips for our sportsmen and women outside the country for future competitions must be interrogated such that the ones which aren’t discerning should be dropped immediately. Of course, nobody is talking about the NFF’s involvement in the trip to America. Yet, it is the federation’s prerogative to provide answers to questions arising from the Mikel cum Siasia imbroglio. The team’s bronze medal celebrations ensured that the matter was swept under the carpet with everyone describing it as a ”golden” bronze. Indeed.

    Please Siasia and Mikel, you are sports treasures who should be celebrated always. We have heard enough of this mess. Case closed!

  • July 29, 1966 and Gen. Gowon’s convenient amnesia

    July 29, 1966 and Gen. Gowon’s convenient amnesia

    As a student of history, the recent attempts by General Yakubu Gowon to revise history and distance himself from a number of hideous  events including the overthrow and assassination of his boss and the Supreme Commander, General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi in July 1966 much represents a troubling attempt to rewrite one of Nigeria’s most traumatic and tragic historical moments. His new found claims of innocence in the coup that brought him to power are not merely misleading—they are demonstrably false and constitute a profound disservice to historical truth, an attempt to insult the intelligence of the average Nigerian and pour scorn on the memory of the fallen officers.

    If General Gowon truly had no involvement in the July 29, 1966 coup, as he now claims, then the most pressing question remains unanswered: Why did he assume the position of Head of State ahead of a Brigadier Babafemi Ogundipe, who was unquestionably the most senior military officer at the time? This fundamental breach of military hierarchy and protocol cannot be explained away by convenient amnesia or claims of reluctant leadership.

    The military chain of command is sacrosanct, and any deviation from it requires extraordinary circumstances or deliberate manipulation. Brigadier Ogundipe’s seniority was well-established, and his assumption of leadership would have been the natural and legitimate course of action following Ironsi’s death. That Gowon leapfrogged over him suggests not passive acceptance of circumstances, but active participation in the conspiracy that brought about the change in leadership.

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    The ruse that Northern soldiers refused to take orders from a senior officer who was not of Northern origin remains laughable and even if it is true that they did, were Northern officers the only persons in the army, truth remains that Gowon was an active participant in that coup and he got his reward from the bullet ridden bodies of Ironsi, Fajuyi and his comrades in arms.

    While General Ironsi was being brutally tortured and murdered in Ibadan—beaten “like a common criminal” as contemporaneous accounts describe—where was Lieutenant Colonel Gowon? He was in Lagos, ostensibly going about his duties while his Supreme Commander was being subjected to the most degrading treatment imaginable. This geographical separation cannot absolve him of complicity; rather, it suggests a carefully orchestrated plan where different actors played their assigned roles.

    What concrete steps did Gowon take to prevent the coup? He claimed in that interview that he tried to warn Ironsi! Where are his alibis if he did so? How do we correlate this story with Alex Madiebo’s version in which he, Madiebo reported the coup plot, ably led by Gowon to Ironsi, who in turn out of naivety called in Gowon and asked that Madiebo repeat his allegation which Gowon denied. Again, when it became clear that mutinous officers were moving against the government? What efforts did he make to rally loyal troops to defend the constitutional order? In the first coup of January 15, 1966, Gowon rallied troops to rescue the likes of Remi Fani Kayode, but in that of July 29th 1966, the same Gowon sat astride like some lame duck while his supreme commander and brother officers were killed.

    The July 1966 coup was not merely a military putsch—it was part of a broader campaign of ethnic violence that saw the systematic massacre of Igbo and other Eastern Region civilians across Northern Nigeria. Gowon’s claims of non-involvement ring particularly hollow when considered against his inaction during these pogroms. As a senior military officer with significant influence, his failure to use his position to protect innocent civilians represents either gross dereliction of duty or tacit approval of the violence.

    The interconnected nature of the coup and the pogroms cannot be divorced from each other. They were part of a coordinated effort to allegedly take revenge for a coup a majority of Igbo and other Eastern Region officers and civilians knew nothing about following the January 1966 coup. Gowon’s emergence as the beneficiary of this violence cannot be explained as mere coincidence.

    Perhaps most damning is the documented interaction between Gowon and a minister regarding whether the remnants of the Balewa Cabinet had indeed handed over power to Ironsi. In that exchange, Gowon had probed the minister  on whether the rump of parliament had peacefully handed over power to Ironsi, such inquiry reveals a man intimately concerned with the legitimacy and legal foundations of the government he was about to overthrow. By establishing that Ironsi had forced the rump to hand over power to him, not because he Ironsi was amongst the plotters but owing to the fact that he could not guarantee civilian control over the mutinous soldiers, particularly when an Nzeogwu was lurking in the North and thinking of marching down south to finish off what Ifeajuna and co had bungled. Why would someone uninvolved in a coup be making such specific inquiries about constitutional succession? This question exposes the premeditation behind Gowon’s eventual assumption of power.

    The most revealing aspect of this entire episode is the documented plan for Northern secession from Nigeria, which would have preceded Gowon’s assumption of power. His infamous statement that “there was no basis for Nigeria’s unity” was not made in a vacuum—it was part of a calculated strategy to justify the North’s withdrawal from the federation.

    Only when it became clear that secession would not serve Northern interests as effectively as controlling the entire federation did the strategy change. Gowon’s rapid transformation from an advocate of disunity to a champion of “One Nigeria” reveals the opportunistic nature of his political calculations. The correlation between the planned secession and his eventual emergence as Head of State is too strong to be coincidental.

    Gowon’s current denials fit a disturbing pattern of Nigerian political leaders who refuse to take responsibility for their roles in the country’s tragic history. By claiming innocence in events that brought him to power, he insults the intelligence of Nigerians and dishonors the memory of those who died during that dark period.

    The fact that Major Murtala Muhammed was the operational leader of the coup does not absolve Gowon of responsibility. Military coups, particularly successful ones, require coordination at multiple levels and the complicity of key figures who may not be directly involved in the operational aspects but whose support or acquiescence is essential for success.

    What makes Gowon’s denials particularly troubling is their timing and context. Rather than using his advanced age and the passage of time to reflect honestly on past mistakes and seek reconciliation, he has chosen to perpetuate falsehoods that prevent  future Nigerians from achieving the closure necessary for true national healing.

    History will judge whether Gowon was a reluctant leader thrust into circumstances beyond his control or a calculating participant in a conspiracy that fundamentally altered Nigeria’s trajectory. The evidence strongly suggests the latter, and his current attempts to sanitize his role only compound the original offense.

    General Gowon’s recent statements represent more than historical revisionism—they constitute a dance on the graves of Ironsi, Fajuyi, a number of brother officers and the countless civilians who died during the pogroms of 1966. Perhaps he is indeed haunted by the blood that was shed to bring him to power, but rather than confronting these ghosts with honesty and seeking forgiveness, he has chosen the path of denial and deflection.

    The Nigerian people deserve better from their former leaders. They deserve truth, accountability, and the kind of honest reflection that might finally allow the country to heal from the wounds of 1966. Instead, they are presented with convenient amnesia and protestations of innocence that insult both their intelligence and the memory of the dead.

    If General Gowon truly wishes to contribute to Nigeria’s healing, he should abandon these false or convenient amnesia narratives and engage in the difficult but necessary work of honest historical reflection. Only then can Nigeria begin to move beyond the tragic legacy of 1966 and build the united, peaceful nation that Ironsi, Fajuyi, and countless others died believing was possible.