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Category: Saturday

2026: The Alpha, the Omega and Jagaban’s mandate!

“Two roads diverged in a yellow wood,

And sorry I could not travel both

And be one traveler, long I stood

And looked down one as far as I could

To where it bent in the undergrowth.”

We start with the well-known first stanza of Robert Frost’s iconic poem, ‘The Road Not Taken.’ With 2026 already upon us, Nigeria itself stands at a crossroads, contemplating which path it must take in transitioning into full nationhood and its accompanying national ethos.

Perhaps we should take the road we have avoided for the past six decades; if we do, it may finally yield the much-needed difference. The Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration, by strategic design, has chosen the path less trodden and largely ignored by past governments. Many of these reforms will be validated in the coming decades as truly game-changing.

The stabilization of the foreign exchange market, in particular, is a game-changer. It sends encouraging signals regarding the restoration of fiscal stability – the vital ingredient for attracting ‘patient’ capital as opposed to fly-by-night ‘hot money’ portfolio investments. This is a significant gain!

In addition, despite the expected resistance, the reforms spearheaded by Zacch Adelabu Adedeji in the tax sector are another example of a sensible government initiative to embark on a positive path. Leaving aside partisan politics, this is precisely what should be expected of a reformist administration.

In the motto of the elite British SAS, ‘Who Dares Wins.’ On several fronts, leaving the initial pains aside, the government has dared and is winning. However, the communication of these positive gains must be recalibrated to emphasize that the benefits are real and already yielding a trickle-down effect. The communications strategy must answer the fundamental question: ‘How has this benefited me and my family?’ The answer must be succinct and convincing to the man and woman in the ‘Korope’, the markets, and the farms across the various ecosystems and focus groups within the six geopolitical zones.

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In the pre-election year of 2026, this has become the decisive battleground. It is a pivotal crossroads because, as the Italian philosopher Antonio Gramsci observed, the true essence of politics lies in the ‘war of position’ – the strategic effort to shift the very terrain of public debate in favour of one’s own vision. In light of this, the government must harness every instrument of influence to secure this intellectual ground, following the blueprint of arguably the most astute political theorist since Niccolò Machiavelli.

Gramsci is famously associated with pioneering the concept of ‘Cultural Hegemony.’ This theory finds profound applicability in a nation so multi-ethnic and multicultural – a landscape defined by a myriad of languages, mores, and traditions, and situated at varying levels of development where no universal consensus on the definition of “progress” exists. The communications strategy must be anchored in these lived realities. If the government can master this alignment, it will, in my considered opinion, achieve a position of unassailable political and moral authority.

Across the board, Nigeria must slay its demons. We find ourselves returning yet again to the illuminating thought of Antonio Gramsci. Observing the chaos of Italy in his time, Gramsci noted: “The crisis lies in the inability to jettison a system of social and economic relationships which have clearly failed. For this reason, a new society cannot be born; in the interregnum, all manner of morbid symptoms unleash themselves – we are in the age of monsters.”

In plain terms, the historic burden on Tinubu is to be the iconoclast who finally crushes the spirits of insecurity, mass poverty, and institutional decay. These interwoven challenges have stood as a barricade, stalling Nigeria while peers like India, Brazil and Singapore took their giant strides. Tinubu must be more than a reformer; he must be the architect and the builder of a reinvigorated Nigeria.

To borrow from the wisdom of Frantz Fanon, every generation – and indeed every leader – has a historic mission that must either be fulfilled or betrayed. President Tinubu possesses the intellectual depth, the economic foresight, and the political grit to see this mission through. Putting it succinctly therefore, how his administration treads across the minefields of 2026 will ultimately decide whether his name is etched in the halls of greatness or lost to the footnotes of time.

These hurdles require more than raw power; they demand tactical mastery. In this arena, Tinubu stands on firm ground. The fractured opposition has yet to produce a rival capable of grasping such complexities, let alone one with the seasoned political instincts of the Jagaban of Borgu.

But beyond the cold logic of statecraft lies a deeper reality. As we welcome this new year, we turn to the Divine. Our Father and our God, hedge us about with Your protection and cover our nakedness. Strip away every garment of reproach, silence those who would devour our progress, and stand as our Champion while we still draw breath in the land of the living.

Heavenly Warrior, You are the Strong and the Mighty, You are the One who sees wars but does not flee from wars. You are the One who remained in the fire, unconsumed, because You are the Consuming Fire. Just as You stood in the path of Balaam, stand in the way of any counsel that would lead this nation towards ruin. Open our eyes to see the unseen dangers, and redirect our steps towards the path of peace and prosperity.

Lord, heal the ancient fractures that divide us and mend the seams of our national fabric where they have been frayed by distrust and hardship. Let us not be a people of separate paths, but one nation, bound by a purpose that transcends the temporary storms of the interregnum.

You who performed surgery in the Garden of Eden – removing a single bone to fashion a woman – You are still in the business of restoration! In Your mercy, bless our young shoulders with wisdom, cancel the invisible plots that seek to hollow out our achievements, and expose the whited sepulchers who attempt to crush our dignity. Where we are unable to receive, let Your authority prevail!

Jehovah El-Shaddai, who would have believed that Abram could become Abraham? Who would have believed that Sarai would be renamed Sarah? Or that Jacob would transform into Israel? If Naaman could believe and witness his own restoration, the Good Lord, turn the schemes of the destiny-perverters to naught and rescue us from the power of error.

This year, we take a stand against the long shadows cast by hypocrites, “notorious for their long prayers which they recite as a show.” Lord, let their hollow echoes die in the air. Let their ‘performance’ no longer block the path of our destiny or drown out the Spirit’s true voice. Bypass the theatre of the insincere; hear instead the raw, silent groans of the faithful. Tear down their religious masquerades, so the Mandate of Heaven can finally speak over this nation, clear and undisturbed.

El Olam, You are the Alpha and the Omega, the very Beginning and the absolute End! Condemn the accuser, trap them by their own words, and vindicate the just. In the New Year, deliver us as You delivered Jacob from Laban’s house, and grant us the speed to recover lost ground. O Stone of Israel, open every closed door, and let the conspirators against our national glory face the righteous judgment of God! And because You live, may we not be making noise while our mates are making points!

May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

January 3, 2026
Chelle needs match readers

Eric Chelle‘s tactics, game management, substitutions and match reading initiatives leave much to be desired, with due respect. He is usually bewildered once the games begin. At best, he stands on the sidelines, his lips moving and gesticulating with his hands, which translates to nothing in terms of how well or badly the teams play. One can’t see how his muttering translates to good displays. Rather, the players continue with their side passing game, leaving the fans yearning for goals.

The Super Eagles have played three Group C matches with nothing to cheer. Rather than fans sit back to eat their cherished meals and wash them down with their choice drinks, they sit back in astonishment watching a team leading in a game tottering while they pray for the referee’s final whistle. Super Eagles were too poor in the three games, considering their pedigree and the European clubs they play for.

Super Eagles were awake for only 30 minutes of each of the six halves played against Tanzania, Tunisia and can you beat it, a ten-man Uganda that had her first choice goalkeeper sent off. Instead of tearing the Ugandans apart with goals and scintillating ball artistry, our players stood hands akimbo when a ten-man Ugandan side opened up our defence with one pass from the midfield which left Uzoho stranded as he rushed out to remedy a situation in vain.

Put simply, the Eagles lacked the stamina to last for 45 minutes of each of the six halves they have played. The big boys in the team failed to track back to do some defensive work each time the team lost possession of the ball. The big boys chose to trek back to avoid being caught offside than be actively involved in the transition play, having regained ball possession from our opponents.

Chelle’s Eagles have the penchant for conceding late goals in matches. It didn’t start today. Nigeria was lucky with the 2-1 victory over Tanzania. The Tanzanians were a better team tactically. I wasn’t surprised the Tunisians and Ugandans couldn’t neat them. Tanzania’s Argentine coach comes highly recommended when next Nigeria is scouting for a good coach.

Tanzania’s gutsy 1-1 draw with Tunisia saw the Taifa Stars reach the knockout stage for the first time in their history. They will play host nation Morocco in the Round of 16.

Chelle’s game management from the bench is awful. It is either he doesn’t have a renowned match reader or he has one whose views he doesn’t take seriously. Otherwise, how do you explain how a team with a three-goal lead suddenly becoming clueless, leading to them conceding two goals against Tunisia (3-2) and a goal against Uganda (3-1) in the last two Group C’s matches?

Having watched the three group matches, one cannot but commend Chelle over the composition of the 28-man squad. This list threw a string of forgotten young boys who had done well for the country at the age grade cadre. Of particular mention is Onyedika who had been exceptional for his European club at the UEFA Champions League scoring goals with aplomb. He only enacted this goal-scoring prowess as a midfielder playing for Nigeria against Uganda. Onyedika should walk into any Nigerian side at the ongoing AFCON matches, except Chelle wants to fail. Goals win matches and Onyedika represents the league of goal-scoring midfielders, which is what any coach needs to untie highly defensive teams as we have seen in Morocco.

The Eagles are conceding goals because the opposition capitalises on the sloppiness our upfront players exhibit when tracking back to regain ball possession. Indeed, these attacking forays come through the Eagles’ right back position manned by Samuel Osayi. No fault of his since he joins the Eagles’ attack whenever he gets the ball. Ordinarily, the right player should come back to mark when they are defending in the same way that Osayi does when we surges forward in search of goals. This is where the Eagles are missing Ola Aina, whose strength and resilience on and off the ball covers up for this flaw on our right back position.

Chelle should roll up his sleeves and dig deep into his tactics bag to produce good results with the Eagles because he would be facing the winner of the Round of 16 game between DR Congo (do you remember them) and Algeria.

But Nigeria must beat Mozambique next Monday in an epic clash that would decide how far the Eagles would progress, especially as South Africa, Cameroon and Morocco would produce the eventual semi-final opponents for Nigeria. Mighty challenge, if you ask me. But it is surmountable with right tactics and quest to excel on the players’ part.

Of their five previous confrontations, Nigeria have been victorious on four occasions against Mozambique, including their only AFCON encounter way back in Lubango, Angola in January 2010, in which the Eagles ran away with a 3-0 win. Nigeria won a friendly match in Maputo in August 1999 by the odd goal and won another one in Portugal in October 2023 by 3-2, while 2010 FIFA World Cup qualifying matches ended 0-0 in Maputo and 1-0 in Abuja, with Obinna Nsofor scoring five minutes into added time to keep alive Nigeria’s World Cup hopes.

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Monday’s confrontation inside the Complexe Sportif de Fès is expected to be explosive, as the young Mambas have demonstrated capacity to stand toe-to-toe with the big teams and pull something out of the inferno whenever they need to. The 35,000-capacity Complexe Sportif de Fès, which has been home to three-time African champions Nigeria in their entire Group C campaign, will be the venue for the encounter that will commence at 8pm on Monday.

Nigeria will take on Mozambique national football team on Monday in Fez, while DR Congo face Algeria national football team on Tuesday in Rabat. Victories for both sides would set up a quarter-final showdown in Marrakech on January 10. The fixture would echo their tense encounter last November in Rabat during the final CAF playoff for the World Cup. That clash ended 1–1 after extra time, forcing a penalty shootout in which DR Congo triumphed.

However, it is remarkable to note here that the NSC chieftains have learned lessons from past experiences with the Super Eagles by paying their entitlements promptly, leaving the players and coaches to deliver the trophy to Nigeria at dusk on January 18 in Morocco. The coach got $20,000 for each of the three matches won. This presupposes that the players each pocketed $10,000 for each of the three games won against Tanzania, Tunisia and Uganda. Equally commendable is the swiftness in nipping in the bud another players’ show of shame by accepting to double what they offered the players initially.

Now we know who to blame if things go awry in Morocco, God forbid. The players and indeed the coaches owe Nigerians a trophy, having broken their hearts with their shambolic outings during the matches of the 2026 World Cup qualifiers. The time to change the unholy narrative of our football at the senior level is now by winning the 2025 AFCON diadem. This is not forgetting that Nigeria finished as runners-up in the last edition held in Ivory Coast. Good luck Super Eagles. Up Nigeria.

January 3, 2026
For BKO, another diadem of excellence

For millions of viewers of Television Continental (TVC), what is immediately striking about the medium’s undoubtedly pre-eminent professional, Babajide Kolade Otitoju, popularly known as ‘BKO’, is his unparalleled capacity for hard work. He regularly and constantly produces and airs qualitative documentaries on developmental strides and challenges across the diverse states of Nigeria.

Not content with academic, ‘armchair’ analyses of contemporary issues and events, BKO routinely leaves the comfort of the studio to track actual reality on the ground for the benefit of viewers. The lead anchor of TVC’s flagship programme, ‘Journalists’ Hangout’, BKO’s grasp of issues, scrupulous adherence to facts, forthright explication of issues, bold and unpretentious articulation of his convictions, fair analysis of news, decent use of language as well as uncompromising commitment to the public good have attracted large numbers of admirers to both the journalist and the medium.

An expert who has won awards on security reporting, BKO has severally staked his life by going to the front lines of the insurgency in such states as Borno, Niger, Zamfara, Katsina, Kaduna, among others, to report on the ongoing war against terror. His fluency in Hausa and intimate knowledge of the territory and culture of the North, where he was born in Zaria, have greatly aided the depth, credibility and authenticity of his war reports.

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He is as adept in discussing all facets of music or sports as he is in interrogating serious political or security issues.

Watching his exploits on television, it is difficult to believe that BKO made a transition from the print media, where he served as trail-blazing Editor of PM News and later The News magazine, in a career that spanned over three decades. It is a testimony to his professional versatility and intellectual dexterity. When he was recently elevated to the position of Director of News of TVC, there was jubilation across the various departments of the organisation and widespread acknowledgement in the industry that it is indeed an eminently deserved recognition.

ILLUMINATIONS wishes this indigene of Ekirin Adde in Ijumu LGA of Kogi State, as well as an outstanding alumnus of the ‘best by far’ University of Ilorin, success in his new assignment and greater distinctions ahead.

January 3, 2026
Professor Bolaji Akinyemi and Trump’s wake-up call

Whatever may be President Donald Trump‘s motives for his strongly expressed desire to intervene militarily in Nigeria’s protracted insecurity conundrum or his distorted reading of the pattern and character of insurgent bloodshed in the country, the United States’ precision drone strikes against terrorist bases in Sokoto, Northwest Nigeria, on Christmas Eve, cannot be described as unjustified.

The insurgency has become an existential threat to the Nigerian state. It has grown ever increasingly more protracted over nearly two decades, with the glaring incapacitation of the Nigerian state to effectively check the menace. Unacceptably large numbers of citizens across ethno-regional, religious, gender and age categories have continued to be murdered on an industrial scale, even though allegations of targeted killing campaigns to eliminate Christians because of their faith are entirely misbegotten.

Emboldened by the obvious fragility and inefficacy of state response to their treasonous challenge since 2009, the terrorist groups have continued to mushroom as the criminal non-state actors gnaw at the sinews of Nigeria’s sovereignty with blood-curdling relish. To invoke sovereign pride in rejecting external military aid to curb terrorism running rampant would be to court national suicide. Nigeria, analysts point out, has in the past offered military assistance to sovereignty-challenged polities within and beyond Africa, and there is no shame in accepting such support in our own hour of vulnerability.

The problem has been the gung-ho, paternalistic and starkly contemptuous terms in which President Trump has framed his country’s interventionist intent, not to talk of its divisive religious characterisation of the crisis, which has considerable potential to complicate and worsen an already parlous situation. Trump’s initial response was to threaten that his military would intervene ‘guns blazing’ in a ‘now disgraced country’ in defence of ‘our cherished Christians’.

Luckily, the American leader’s dramatics was aimed at his domestic evangelical base. In reality, America’s Christmas Eve military strike in Sokoto was undertaken in coordination with the Nigerian military and with the cooperation and support of the Nigerian State. However, Trump did not indicate this collaboration in his social media post on the strike, leaving it to his Secretary of Defence, Pete Hesgeth and the US Africa Command to inform the world that the strike was coordinated with Nigeria.

It is exactly the undisguised disdain, contempt and disgust exhibited by Trump and some other far right ideologues across the West towards Africa; an attitude partly rooted in unabashed racism, that raises troubling questions about the safety and security of vulnerable countries like Nigeria or South Africa, both atrociously and unfairly traduced by Trump, in a world that, more than ever before, approximates a feral jungle.

Right before our eyes, underdog Ukraine is about to lose prime territory and resources to a rampantly aggressive Russia, even though the West, in my view, shares responsibility for provoking Putin’s military adventurism in what he arguably considers his country’s ‘sphere of influence’. With her profusion of raw materials, natural resources and rare earth minerals endowment, how safe or secure will Nigeria be in a world in which might is increasingly equivalent to right and hideous predators are free to feast on the meek sheep and lambs even as the rest of the world mind their business unconcerned?

Concerns like this make even more relevant eminent political scientist and statesman, Professor Bolaji Akinyemi’s impassioned advocacy for the acquisition of nuclear capability as an unavoidable policy imperative for Nigeria in his 2016 Convocation Lecture at the University of Ibadan. Let me repeat here a quote from that lecture, which I cited last week: “As shown in table 14 (The World Factbook), as of 2015, the GDP per capita of Nigeria was $6,100.00, India was $6,200.00, and Pakistan was $5,000.00. The three countries were within the same range. Yet, Pakistan and India are nuclear powers with an incredible underbelly of poverty…

“Nigeria will not secure respect from the world, the kind of respect extended to Pakistan or India or even North Korea, which has a per capita income of only $1,800 but has a nuclear programme. At the moment, no country will speak to India or Pakistan or even North Korea the way Nigeria is spoken to or spoken about.” This is surely not a question of misguided patriotism or nationalism on the part of Professor Akinyemi. Those who perceive the proposition as another exhibition of the ‘leisure of the theory class’ (apologies to Billy Dudley), will refer to the level of corruption, poor governance records or high poverty rates as obstacles to any credible nuclear aspiration by Nigeria.

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But those countries which possess nuclear capability today did not wait to overcome the eternal challenges of corruption, good governance deficits or poverty and inequality before acquiring what amounts to military insurance to minimise external threats to their sovereign integrity. Even the most advanced among them still grapple with problems of considerable corruption in their private and public sectors; institutional autonomy and governance quality in the US in recent times, for instance, has hardly risen above third-world standards, and the level of poverty remains indefensible relative to the capacity of their productive forces to generate a volume of wealth unprecedented in human history.

In any case, a country must first of all continue to exist as a viable entity before it can meaningfully fight corruption, alleviate poverty or improve its quality of governance. This column had described Trump’s contemptuous attitude toward Nigeria as a wake-up call on the political class across party lines to remove the sources of the country’s weakness and impotence in the global community. These include internal partisan fractiousness often actuated by gross material acquisition rather than ennobling philosophical differences; endemic corruption; wasteful and unethical governance across partisan lines, and mass discontent arising from embedded poverty and inequality.

Apart from utilising the opportunities of the democratic space to address these challenges within the context of competitive party politics, Professor Akinyemi also stresses the imperative of pursuing nuclear capability at least as a medium- to- long term strategic objective. In his words, “Nuclear weapons create an aura of their own which no wealth can create. I was a student of international relations in the United States in the 1960s when China was spoken of with such contempt and derision. The day China performed its nuclear test, the tone changed overnight to one of awe and respect and yet China, at that time, had a per capita income of only $103.00.”

•Concluded

January 3, 2026
Much ado about a bombing

The recent military strikes carried out by the United States against Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) terrorists in Tangaza, Sokoto State have generated considerable debate, with some quarters viewing the intervention through a distorted lens of suspicion rather than recognizing it for what it truly represents: a significant victory in Nigeria’s ongoing battle against terrorism. The operation, which decimated multiple terrorist camps, should be celebrated as a landmark moment in international cooperation against violent extremism that has plagued Nigeria for far too long.

For years, ISWAP and its affiliated terrorist groups including bandits have unleashed unprecedented sorrow, tears, and blood upon innocent Nigerians. Communities across the Northeast and Northwest have been terrorized by these merchants of death who have shown no mercy to their victims—whether Christian or Muslim. They have burned villages, kidnapped people , even schoolchildren, displaced millions, and created a humanitarian crisis of staggering proportions.

The unrestrained and unprovoked violence has disrupted agriculture, education, and commerce, leaving entire regions in perpetual fear. Against this backdrop of sustained brutality, the US airstrikes represent not an infringement on Nigerian sovereignty but rather a much-needed reinforcement in a battle that demands every available resource and capability.

President Donald Trump and the United States deserve commendation for such decisive action and, perhaps more importantly, for the manner in which this operation was conducted.

Rather than acting unilaterally—which would have been problematic—the Trump administration demonstrated respect for Nigerian sovereignty by fully coordinating with Nigerian authorities at the highest levels. Foreign Minister Yusuf Tuggar’s account of the coordination process reveals a textbook example of how such operations should be conducted: Nigerian intelligence formed the foundation of the strike, consultations occurred between the foreign ministers of both nations, and President Bola Tinubu personally authorized Nigerian participation before the operation proceeded.

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This is not colonialism or imperialism, as some critics would have us believe. This is a partnership. This is the international community exercising its responsibility to protect populations from mass atrocities while simultaneously respecting the sovereignty of nations. Nigeria maintained full agency throughout the process—providing intelligence, granting permission, and participating actively in an operation on its own soil. The terrorists were eliminated, no innocent lives were reported lost, and Nigeria’s territorial integrity remained intact. This is precisely what win-win cooperation looks like in the 21st century.

The United States, in carrying out this operation, fulfilled its obligations under the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine—a principle that recognizes that sovereignty is not a license for governments to abandon their populations to mass atrocities, nor is it a barrier to the international community assisting when such threats emerge. Nigeria, for its part, demonstrated the maturity and pragmatism of a nation that recognizes its own limitations and is willing to accept assistance from capable partners. There is no shame in this; there is only wisdom.

Moving forward, this operation should serve as a template for expanded cooperation between Nigeria and the United States. The fight against ISWAP, Boko Haram, and affiliated terrorist networks is far from over. These groups remain entrenched in multiple states, and their capacity for violence remains substantial. Nigeria needs more than occasional airstrikes—it needs sustained intelligence sharing, advanced surveillance equipment, tactical training, and yes, arms and ammunition that can match the firepower that these terrorists somehow continue to acquire.

The United States should be urged to deepen its commitment to Nigeria’s security. Intelligence sharing should become routine rather than episodic. Nigerian security forces need access to advanced technology—drones, night-vision equipment, armored vehicles, and precision weaponry—that can tilt the balance decisively against the terrorists. The Nigerian military has shown courage and dedication, but courage alone cannot compensate for technological and logistical deficits. America has these resources, and providing them to a strategic partner in Africa’s most populous nation serves American interests as much as Nigerian ones.

Yet, predictably, there are those who have chosen to criticize rather than celebrate this development. Among the most prominent of critics is the voluble purveyor of nonsense, Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, whose posturing about American “unclean hands” makes one genuinely wonder whether the Islamic cleric is becoming senile or simply willfully blind to reality. Gumi’s suggestion that only nations with “clean hands” should conduct such operations is not only impractical but reveals a staggering ignorance of history that one would not expect from someone of his supposed learning.

The sheikh’s implication that certain nations possess moral purity that qualifies them to combat terrorism while others do not is laughable when subjected to even cursory historical scrutiny. He mentions China, Turkey, and other nations as somehow preferable alternatives, apparently oblivious to their own extensive records of violence and oppression. China’s brutal occupation of Tibet, its intervention in Korea, and its ongoing persecution of Uighur Muslims are well-documented. Turkey, as the Ottoman Empire, perpetrated the Armenian genocide—one of the twentieth century’s most horrific mass atrocities—and its military operations in Cyprus resulted in substantial civilian casualties and displacement. Every major power has blood on its hands somewhere in history. Now, this is not to excuse American foreign policy mistakes nor misdeeds, but rather to point out that Gumi’s standard—if applied consistently—would disqualify literally every nation on earth from conducting counterterrorism operations. It is a standard designed not for practical application but for rhetorical grandstanding. One must ask: does Sheikh Gumi prefer that ISWAP terrorists continue their reign of terror unimpeded? Does he believe Nigeria should refuse all international assistance until it finds a nation that has never committed any historical wrong? Such a position is not principled; it is absurd.

Equally risible is the African Democratic Congress (ADC) and its attempt to politicize this security intervention. The ADC should know that not everything is about partisan advantage. Not every development should be viewed through the narrow lens of domestic political competition. Nigeria and Nigerians—regardless of party affiliation, ethnic identity, or religious background—benefit when terrorists are eliminated. The question should not be whether the ruling party gets credit, but whether Nigerian lives are saved and national security is enhanced. The answer to that question is unambiguously yes.

The ADC would do well to remember that terrorism recognizes no party lines. ISWAP nor bandits do not request party affiliation or voter registration cards before attacking communities. When terrorists are destroyed, all Nigerians are safer—whether they support APC, PDP, ADC, or Chop and Quench Party. To oppose effective counterterrorism operations because they might reflect well on the current administration is to place political calculation above national interest, and it is a position that deserves nothing but contempt.

The US airstrikes in Sokoto State represent a significant achievement in Nigeria’s fight against terrorism. They demonstrate that international cooperation, when conducted with mutual respect and proper coordination, can deliver results that serve both partners’ interests. Rather than engaging in misplaced criticism or cynical politicization, Nigerians should recognize this operation for what it is: a down payment on the security and stability that our nation desperately needs. The path forward is clear—deeper cooperation, enhanced intelligence sharing, and sustained commitment to eliminating the terrorist threat. Much has been made of this bombing, but the real story is simple: terrorists were destroyed, Nigerian sovereignty was respected, and both nations are safer for it. That is worth celebrating, not criticizing.

Happy New Year my dear readers, we go again in 2026, in our prime desire for a better, prosperous and progressive Nigeria.

December 28, 2025
Fubara of APC

In politics, there is a thin line between affection and aversion. Anything can happen within minutes. Politicians are adept players in the game of possibilities, optimism, and hope on their slippery field. They are unpredictable.

There is no permanent friend or foe; the motivation is the interest – personal or collective – which can change suddenly or with time.

Nothing is strange since the end justifies the means. Ideology is a fading factor, a relic, and a compass long discarded. It is within the libertarian bounds of human rights that politicians in this clime do change political parties as they change their dresses.

Survival is key, even at the expense of morality, which fundamentally exists in a clear-cut antithetical relationship with politics.

Defection could be based on persuasion, conviction, compulsion and even pretence, whereby the move is not backed by visceral commitment but by hypocritical compliance.

Analysts are still dissecting the confusion that the political Babel in Rivers State has thrust on the polity to determine where Governor Siminalayi Fubara stands in the unfolding shift in political calculus.

Until last month, the governor was a card-carrying chieftain of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). But barely two weeks as a chieftain of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), he is becoming a vociferous Tinubu-for-second-term campaigner, a disposition that aptly aligns with the wish of his predecessor and former benefactor, Nyesom Wike, the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).

It was not a solo defection. Key PDP chieftains who belong to his camp and serving federal legislators also defected with him.

Since his return to office after the emergency rule imposed by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the governor, it appears, did a thorough soul-searching and critical self-assessment. He saw lightning, which generated panic. The governor drew an instant lesson, which made him dodge a likely thunder, which would have been more terrifying and devastating. Now, he says he has come in peace.

The end of the emergency rule has not put an end to his elongated nightmare. His defection trailed the movement of 17 House of Assembly members, led by Speaker Martins Amaewhule, to the APC. It is noteworthy that 10 lawmakers chose to stay back in the PDP for reasons that are not yet clear to bystanders.

To observers, the souls of the lawmakers had left the PDP a long time ago. They had attempted to defect during their mock exercise on the floor of the House of Assembly, which, nevertheless, paled into illegality. They only hid under the larger crisis in the PDP as an excuse to justify their latest action.

Defending the defection, Amaewhule said: “The reason for leaving the PDP is because of the clear division in the party today. The whole world is aware that, as of today, even the national headquarters of the PDP is not functioning as a result of this division.

“There are two factions in the PDP and the constitution is clear that when there is division in any political party, when the party is divided, members, including Assembly members who no longer have hope, can leave the party without dire consequences.

“The foundation of this defection lies in the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria that allows members to leave the party that elected them. It becomes clear that there is a division in the PDP, and that is the reason for our joining the APC.”

Fubara has regained his seat, but there he is still battling with the crisis of influence. Up to now, there is no certainty of amity between him and ‘Wicked Wike,’ who commands the loyalty of the legislature.

It does not appear that the governor has also developed the confidence to forward the names of his commissioner-nominees to the aggrieved lawmakers, who may still be angling for a pound of flesh. So far, he presides over a state executive council that is “at half”.

The dramatic and strategic defection, notwithstanding, the gulf between the Executive and the Legislature is still deep. Amaewhule has alleged that Fubara has consistently refused to cooperate with the House of Assembly and that the governor filed court cases aimed at preventing the lawmakers from defecting to the APC.

What is indisputable is that the governor has transitioned from the previous precarious situation to a cozy relief as the state’s party leader, member of the Progressives Governors’ Forum, APC National Caucus, and ally of the President, kept under watch in the Southsouth.

Apart from his craving for survival, Fubara has a justification for bidding the PDP farewell. The governor said he left as a mark of appreciation to the President, who saved his career by declaring an emergency rule that averted an impending impeachment move.

The lesson of the six-month suspension is not lost on him. Fubara knew that repeating the error of the past could be costly.

“I don’t want to make any mistakes this time around. I also wish not to step on any landmine that anyone is laying for us. So, I was with Mr. President to brief him on the situation of things in our state, which I believe he has taken note of and is going to act swiftly on it,” he said.

The governor explained that he also considered the interest of Rivers State, which lost its peace during the Fubara/Wike rift, before taking the action.

Also, in rationalising his decision, which irked the fast depleting PDP Governors’ Club, chaired by Bauchi State Governor Bala Mohammed, he explained that he jumped ship to avert future uncertainties and likely doom. He alleged that his former party failed him, despite the move by its governors to challenge his suspension from office.

It was easy for observers to point out that, so far, in his public speeches during and after the defection and the collection of APC membership card, Fubara never mentioned the name of Wike, who still has direct influence on the lawmakers, the local government chairmen and key stalwarts of the PDP and APC in Rivers.

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The question is: what next after Fubara’s defection? The defection, it would appear, is an element of the peace process, but total reconciliation is an unfinished business in the Southsouth state.

The horror of the past haunts the major players. The split in the Wike camp was least expected. Gladiators from the divided house started beating the drum of war after Fubara and Wike parted ways. The governor complained about highhandedness, warning his predecessor to stop unnecessary meddlesomeness. A very combative Wike fired back, saying that Fubara had neglected the agreed path and started leaning on foes who worked against him during the governorship poll.

The state became divided as Rivers’ elders took sides in the divisive issue. As the governor and lawmakers flexed muscles, the House of Assembly was in flames; 27 members became persona non grata and only an illegal and illegitimate three-member Assembly was recognised by the governor.

President Tinubu saw danger looming and moved decisively to avert chaos by proposing a peace pact. The Rivers warriors returned home to dump the terms.

Tension engulfed the state as Fubara and Wike exchanged tantrums in the media. The governor warned that the jungle was about to mature. From his base in Abuja, Wike dared his camp to foment trouble. Rallies and counter-rallies by fanatical supporters on both sides generated more anxiety. Then, there were fears that oil installations might be attacked. The President moved swiftly to restore order and avoid statewide pandemonium. The casualties of the emergency order were the Executive and the Legislature. But the people heave a sigh of relief.

It does not speak well of Rivers State that produced Melford Okilo, Ada George, Peter Odili, Rotimi Amaechi, Wike and Fubara that 26 years after the restoration of civil rule in Nigeria, its politicians could not resolve sundry differences and a minor crisis that escalated and warranted the suspension of democratic institutions for half a year.

The lot to fill the void and clear the mess fell on Administrator Ibot-Ekwe Ibas, who was only answerable to the federal authorities. Like the speed of lightning, the six months were over.

Then, Rivers resumed its unfinished conflict, which underscores the inability or refusal of leaders of the rival camps to forgive and forget.

The Rivers crisis is now the headache of the APC, whose leaders are expected to broker a truce between the governor and the minister, who is a PDP chieftain, a minister and loyalist of the President. On Asiwaju’s mandate do both of them now stand. Instructively, Wike still controls the PDP and APC structures in Rivers.

The onus is also on the ruling party to reconcile Fubara and the lawmakers, led by Speaker Amaewhule, so that he can peacefully forward his list of commissioner-nominees for screening without hindrance. After the necessary amity, the governor is entitled to earn their loyalty and support as the titular, imagined or real state party leader.

The third layer of peace building is the settlement of the rift or friction between the three members of the Assembly loyal to Fubara and their 27 colleagues to prevent the resumption of hostilities.

Then, the elders of Rivers, traditional rulers and leaders of thought who took sides and inadvertently fuelled the hullabaloo, should sheathe their swords and embrace peace as partners in progress.

Fubara has an ambition for a second term. He has come under the presidential shadow, as it were. Will he get the party’s ticket to run in 2027?

The answer lies in the womb of time. But it depends largely on the path the gladiators tread in the months ahead. Embracing peace will light up the state for accelerated development. But renewing the rancour will attract a cloud on the state and start a deluge of uncertainties.

December 27, 2025
Zacch, no more climbing sycamore trees!

It is unfortunate – though pleasant surprises can occasionally ‘crop up’ – that Zacch Adelabu Adedeji is unlikely to be among the recipients of the ubiquitous ‘Man of the Year’ awards. These accolades, jocularly referred to by the mischievous as being showered like confetti at a wedding, are often a poor reflection of true impact. That Adedeji – a modern reincarnation of the Biblical Zacchaeus – might be overlooked speaks volumes about the judgment and hidden motives propelling many of these awards.

A vantage strategist and fiscal architect, the Executive Chairman of the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) should be a leading contender for any seriously considered award. The way things are shaping up, he is carving his way into the history books in a manner that, in our view, will be overwhelmingly positive. His work has decisively altered the territory of public discourse – and the very way we define society.

As his Biblical forerunner illustrated, taxation has always been at the heart of human evolution – from hunter-gatherer roots to the urbanization that birthed structured governance and state authority. Indeed, it confirms that old adage often met with applause from American audiences: the only certainties in life are death and taxes.

Taxation is, or certainly should be, a fundamental part of the social contract. It should be predicated on the understanding that contributions will be recognized and, in turn, rewarded with tangible benefits. This is the only sustainable way to develop a modern democracy. The alternative is the crude enforcement of the state through brutality. By shifting the territory of this debate, Adedeji has secured a legacy that will be viewed favourably by economic historians in the decades ahead.

In this age, when our politics is intense and good governance is a major factor, the Iwo-Ate, Oyo State-born technocrat remains a vital bridge between ancient wisdom and modern global discourse. He is essentially reinventing a more edifying past. As a matter of fact, President Bola Tinubu should be commended for placing tax reform on the front burner and demonstrating a positive alternative to the disappointments of past decades.

History, after all, should be both our guide and our guard. I have argued elsewhere that, in the 1950s, the Action Group (AG) government in Western Nigeria continuously suffered electoral losses because of what the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) opposition tagged its ‘high taxation’ regime. This is, of course, what any opposition is expected to do! Nevertheless, the government stayed the course, albeit at a negative electoral cost. Vindication arrived in 1961 when a succeeding government attempted to cut taxes to improve its electoral prospects. To the government’s surprise, the response to these tax cuts was widespread civil disobedience, particularly in the Ijebu and Ekiti provinces.

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According to reports in the Daily Times at the time, dozens of people were arrested and arraigned before magistrates. What the incidents of that year proved was that, contrary to the alternative reality often painted, Nigerians are not averse to the payment of taxes. Common sense dictates that the judicious and transparent use of collected revenue benefits the overwhelming majority and their families. The crux of the matter is transparency and judicious application.

The military, in an attempt to gain cheap popularity and acceptance, simply relegated taxation to the back-burner. This is hardly surprising, since authoritarian rule is at total variance with any genuine conception of a social contract. The new tax reforms spearheaded by the progressives are an attempt to build an enduring democracy based on the acceptance of the social contract as well as the concept of shared prosperity.

Of course, there will be opposition to reforms and change from the beneficiaries of the old order. Indeed, it would be astonishing if it were not so! It is to be expected that virulent personal attacks will be mounted against anyone associated with the effort to dismantle a way of life that has benefitted only a few at the expense of the majority. This has always been the case in Nigeria’s long march of history.

Imagine Zacchaeus in the Bible, squeezing through a crowd to see Jesus – just like how we struggle every day, jumping through studs just to get things done in Nigeria. For years, the ‘sycamore tree’ has represented the exhausting and often desperate effort Nigerians put in to traverse the difficult terrain of systemic bottlenecks. When messy bureaucracy blocks the way, people are compelled to ‘climb’- resorting to complex workarounds and middlemen just to fulfill basic duties. This struggle was once a necessary survival tactic in an environment where government services felt completely out of reach.

But here’s the twist: our own Zacch is tearing down those hurdles. Thanks to the 2025 Tax Reform Acts, the FIRS becomes the Nigeria Revenue Service (NRS) in January 2026. This transition brings one tidy rulebook instead of a jungle of papers, alongside a Tax Ombudsman to fight for us if things go sideways. It’s like saying: “We tax growth, not struggle.”

The Act is a total game-changer. It offers immediate relief for individuals: those earning N800,000 or less are now exempt from income tax, while essentials like food, school fees, and hospital bills can breathe easy – no VAT on them. The poorest among us won’t pay a kobo. To lower housing and transition costs, it introduces a 20% rent deduction (capped at N500,000) and makes job-loss compensation tax-free up to N50 million.

Small businesses also see the “heavy hand of the state” lifted. Companies with turnovers under N100 million and assets below N250 million are now exempt from Company Income Tax (CIT) and Capital Gains Tax (CGT). By eliminating multiple taxation and simplifying compliance, the reform allows entrepreneurs to focus on growth over paperwork.

Ultimately, the impact is twofold. According to fiscal analysts, the Act will bolster government revenue through a broader tax base while simultaneously incentivizing investment and job creation. It is a strategic move to foster a more inclusive and expansive economy.

By focusing on “taxing the fruit rather than the seed”, Adedeji is clearing away the bureaucratic ‘crowd’ that encouraged the climb in the first place. Through simple digital tools and new protections, the government is finally coming down from its ivory tower to meet people where they are. This changes the entire relationship between the state and the people. It signals that in a modern Nigeria, progress should be visible from the ground, without anyone needing to be a ‘hero’ just to be seen.

Tax reforms are the most realistic way in a democracy to dismantle Nigeria’s debilitating rentier state. For this country to make progress, we must move away from parasitic relationships towards a system based on production – one that leads to higher revenue which can be equitably shared. Unfortunately for reformers like Adedeji, the rentier state has created a host of parasites; and as every student knows at JAMB-level Biology, the parasite, as it feeds on the host, often begins to assume its very features.

The parasites in Nigeria have long been feeding fat on the host of a rentier state, and both must be dismantled. Those attacking Adedeji’s valiant efforts are the primary beneficiaries of this old order. They must be stopped in their tracks through vigorous and sustained public enlightenment. Such enlightenment can never be a one-off effort in the face of a determined, self-preserving opposition. It must be continuous – a marathon, not a sprint.

To that end, Happy New Year in advance to Dr. Zacch Adelabu Adedeji and all those of a progressive bent, both at home and abroad!

May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

December 27, 2025
Professor Bolaji Akinyemi and Trump’s wake-up call

His ideological orientation, philosophical disposition, temperamental short fuse, intrinsic racial arrogance, and instinctual transactional style of political engagement may prove disruptive and destabilising to America’s internal class and power relations, as well as the international political, military, and economic order.

However, it is not unlikely that by the time he is done with his country and the world, the contemporary international political order will be bifurcated into the “before” and “after” Donald Trump eras. The 45th and 47th President of the world’s sole, if steadily but imperceptibly declining global superpower, Donald J. Trump, is unabashedly refashioning American politics and global international relations in his own image. Unfortunately, it is not a particularly predictable, rational, coherent or readily explicable image.

But at least the Islamic terrorists and bandits, allegedly dispatched to hell’s gate after America’s Christmas day’s drone strikes in the Northwest of Nigeria, specifically Sokoto, know that Trump wants them nowhere near this terrestrial sphere of existence. The drone strikes were undertaken in pursuit of Trump’s purported agenda of saving Nigeria’s Christians from the genocidal attacks of ‘Islamic terrorists’. Ironically, though, American expertise, technology and intelligence enthusiastically aided Netanyahu’s Israel in the genocidal extirpation of Palestinians, including thousands of Christians, in Gaza.

Neither does it seem to matter that the admittedly inexcusable terroristic killings in the North of Nigeria, particularly, hardly discriminated between Christian or Muslim, woman or man, child or adult. Long before sending an investigative team of US legislators to Nigeria to ascertain the truth or otherwise of allegations of Christian genocide in the country, President Trump had declared Nigeria guilty and pronounced her, with solemn finality, ‘a now disgraced country’ to the eternal delight of the Peter Obis of this world.

Of course, America, in Trump-speak, has regained respect and reverence across the world. Ignore the daily killings of scores of innocent citizens, including school children, in insane gun killings across America’s urban and rural communities. Discount the ceaseless assaults on America’s most cherished institutions and traditions of respect for human rights and liberties ever since the ‘Make America Great Again (MAGA)’ mantra has gained ascendancy.

Close your eyes to the daily intimidation of judicial officers and consequent ever- increasing expansion of executive powers to the detriment of democracy and the rule of law in ‘America, their America’. Erase from memory the disgracefully (?) unforgettable spectacle of a murderous, instigated mob invading and desecrating The Capitol, inner sanctum of American democracy, in a bid to pull down the levers of civil governance in protest against patently false claims of rigged elections in 2020. But Nigeria is now a disgraced country. But St America’s vestments of innocence and chastity remain unstained.

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But then, does the Nigerian State have any excuse for the persistence and ever-steadily worsening of an Islamic insurgency whose seeds were sown in the extra-judicial murder of the founder of Boko Haram, Mohammed Yusuf, in police custody in 2009? Why the tardiness of the Nigerian governance elite across successive administrations in surgically addressing the structural impediments to the effective protection of lives and property in a sprawling, ethnic-regional, cultural and religious social mosaic like ours?

Now, Trump has spoken ‘guns a-blazing’. You may question his motives. You may interrogate his sincerity. You may mock the affected ‘Christianity’ of perhaps the most irreligious occupant of the White House in recent times. But Trump is not to blame. Neither are the gods. The fault lies fairly and squarely with our ruling class. And here lies the grave danger. Trump does not hide his racism. In his first term, he described African countries as ‘shithole’. He dismisses Nigeria as ‘now disgraced’ based on allegations of baseless Christian genocide that he accepts before ordering an investigation!!

Trump contemptuously accuses South Africa of genocide against whites without a shred of credible evidence, refused to attend the last G20 meeting in that country and has barred her from attending the next meeting of the group in the US!!! In Venezuela, he is conducting air strikes against vessels allegedly conveying drugs without providing any evidence or adherence to due process, leading to the extra-judicial murder of nearly 100 persons.

One thing is clear. In the emergent post-Trump world order, weakness is a crime. Might is right. Ukraine’s Zelenskyy is learning the hard way. There is a new spring in Vladimir Putin’s step. Continued weakness is not an option for Nigeria. But the eminent political scientist, former Minister of Foreign Affairs, former Director-General of the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA) and active member of the pro-democracy group, NADECO, Professor Bolaji Akinyemi, foresaw this long ago. His 2016 Convocation Lecture delivered at the University of Ibadan was titled ‘Nigerian Exceptionalism: Nigerian Quest for World Leadership’ – an admirable venture in intellectual audacity if you ask me.

In concluding the first part of this piece, I will quote Professor Akinyemi at some length. In his words, “In 1987, as the Minister of External Affairs, I called for Nigeria to develop a nuclear weapon, infelicitously called the Black Bomb. I believe I was right then, and I believe I am still right. In 1987, when I made the call, the only high-ranking public official who called to say he agreed with me was General Abacha, not known for making calls. The media, the intellectuals and practically everyone thought I was mad…When General Abacha became Head of State in 1993, he raised the issue of the feasibility of such a programme with me, but I said the United States would not permit it. I remember his reply: “I don’t intend to get along with the United States. Maybe I should have taken him for his word.”

Professor Akinyemi continued, “…as of 2015, the GDP per capita of Nigeria was $6,100.00, India was $6,200.00, and Pakistan was $5,000.00. The three countries were within the same range. Yet, Pakistan and India are nuclear powers with an incredible underbelly of poverty. Of course, Pakistan and India did not spend N7.2 billion importing toothpicks or N62.8 billion importing French fries.

“Let me be as categorical as I can be. Even if all roads in Nigeria were to be paved with gold, and every Nigerian were to own a Rolls-Royce in his or her garage, Nigeria would not secure respect from the world, the kind of respect extended to Pakistan or India or even North Korea, which has a per capita income of only $1,800.00 but has a nuclear programme. At the moment, no country will speak to India or Pakistan or even North Korea the way Nigeria is spoken to or spoken about.”

• To be concluded

December 27, 2025
James Faleke’s unflagging flame of service

To have been at the forefront of progressive politics in a dynamic, diverse, cosmopolitan and sophisticated constituency like Ikeja, the capital of Nigeria’s commercial, financial and industrial nerve-centre, and with unbroken electoral success for over two decades since 2004, Honourable James Abiodun Faleke, is no doubt made of no mean stuff.

On Christmas Day, Honourable Faleke clocked 66 eventful years this side of eternity. Ikeja Federal Constituency and far beyond were agog. What can be described as the constituent elements of Faleke’s political philosophy and praxis? First, is an uncompromising commitment to the communal good.

The efficiency, diligent organisation, methodical exactitude and consistent regularity with which he organises his constituency outreach poverty alleviation programmes for maximum impact reflect his educational training in logistics planning, procurement processes and business management.

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A second element of his politics is ideological fidelity and loyalty to leadership and party ethos. He is one of the enduring and unflinching pillars of support, ever constant as the northern star in President Bola Tinubu’s political firmament. The third essential feature of his politics is a humble disposition, a close affinity with the grassroots and personal accessibility to both the high and the low.

He was the first Executive Secretary of the Ojodu Local Council Development Authority (LCDA) and was elected as substantive Chairman of the Council in 2004. Apart from his indelible achievements in infrastructure provision and social service delivery, it is noteworthy that he was the Chairman of Conference 57, the association of Local Government Chairmen in Lagos State, during his tenure.

In 2011, he was elected to represent the Ikeja Federal Constituency in the Federal House of Representatives and has brought his characteristic commitment and seriousness to the enormous responsibility of law-making and pursuing the interests of his constituency.

Faleke was elected to Nigeria’s Federal House of Representatives in 2011, to represent the Ikeja Federal constituency of Lagos State. He is currently the Chairman of the House Committee on Finance.

An indigene of Ekirin-Adde in Ijummu Local Government Area of Kogi State, Faleke’s teeming supporters in the state are awaiting his next political move, especially given his continued close links with the formidable structure of the late political colossus, former governor Abubakar Audu, in the state.

December 27, 2025
Happy in our misery

Soccer in Nigeria is ugly. Indeed, the game is dead here if one recalls that not a single home-based player was considered good enough to either sit on the bench or taken to th 2025 Africa Cup of Nations holding in Morocco as a mascot. Yes, mascots are those budding young talents taken to major competitions for exposure. Indeed, Gernot Rohr literarily took Victor Osimhen to the Nations Cup ahead of Kelechi Iheanacho. Look at what Osimhen has become, dear reader?

One only hopes we are sincere in our deliberate efforts to reinvent the Super Eagles with truly younger boys not age mates of some of the retirees. One must commend William Troost Ekong for quitting the international scene with Nigeria when the ovation was at the highest. Being voted the best player at the last edition of AFCON held in Cote d’ Ivoire is massive for a defender. It won’t be out of place to write here that Ahem Musa may have taken a cue from Ekong’s decision to also bow out of the Super Eagles. Musa deserves all the applauses that he has received, particularly his decision to decision to return to the domestic league to play for his Nigerian club, Kano Pillars FC. We need many of our retired players to play for the local clubs to give the domestic league the fillip of growth since the NFF are satisfied with having 28 players representing Nigeria at the ongoing AFCON in Morocco without a single home-based player as mascot.

It is unfortunate that we haven’t cultivated the culture of sending forth our elite players from the Super Eagles. The send forth organised for Austin Okocha in the past inside the Warri Township Stadium was laughable as players had to lift the ball a bit to kick it. The refurbished playing turf ended up being waterlogged the as channels constructed for the water to pass through to designated outlets were blocked. It still hurts that Okocha’s greatest moments in the game are recordings from the international media.

I’m happy that Alex Iwobi proved his mettle in last week Tuesday victory over Tanzania which was scrappy. The manager may have found his rightful position as Iwobi’s passes were accurate, especially the one that resulted in Nigeria’s first goal. One is still scratching his head to find out the reason Chelle substituted Chukwueze. Nigeria’s biggest problem would rely how well Chelle reads the matches and the quality of substitutions he makes from the benh in the course of the game.

In the game against Tanzania, Chelle’s changes did little to improve the team’s performance because the Tanzanians trouble our defenders with their swift counter attacking style of play. Back home here, most Nigerians watched the closing stages of Tuesday’s game with bated breath. The Tunisians are better players and could hurts us badly if we fail to track back to mark them a soon as we lose possession of the ball.

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I ask Chelle again here what informed his decision to substitute Victor Osimhen in the last ten minutes with Onuachu? This isn’t to say that Onuachu isn’t good enough for the role. My grouse rests with the fact that Osimhen’s exit from games always changes the rhythm of our matches with attacking foray melting away like ice cream placed underneath the scorching sun. No African side would see Osimhen upfront on the field and discount him.

One had thought Osimhen had a knock and wanted to leave the game in order not to aggravate he injury. My thought was wrong going by Osimhen’s countenance as he walked off the pitch. Dear Chelle, there shouldn’t be any margin for tactical error in tonight’s game against the Carthage Eagles of Tunisia. Nigeria should aim to top Group C by beating the Tunisians. It is the only option for the Eagles going by our low goals aggregate of one compared to the Tunisians plus three goals with no goals against.

Against the Tanzanians, two o our goals were ruled out as offside offences largely because Osimhen and Adams Akor didn’t time their runs perfectly like the Tanzanians did with theirs. Chelle’s instructions to the boys to play the ball from behind is good our players must show sufficient hunger for goals by opening up chances towards the flanks since our strikers are fast runners. Those needless passes backwards not kills the attacking forays but exposes our players as inefficient dribblers of the ball.

Nigeria shouldn’t lose tonight to the Tunisians. We need to be happy in our World Cup misery with any form of victory than a defeat which would translate to a double jeopardy. Even if our football is the ICU, we restore hope of a sustainable revival by beating the Tunisians. That way the last game be a befitting ceremonial game for Chelle to tested other players ahead of the much difficult fixtures beginning with the Round of 16 games next week. Good luck Nigeria.

However, we cannot allow foreign coaches through our administrators who recruit them to kill our joy with the chain of bad results recently. Let it be known to Chelle that his contract won’t be renewed if Nigeria fails to lift the winners’ trophy at the 2025 AFCON currently holding in Morocco. No half measures anymore.

In Europe, the game of soccer is beautiful to watch. You can spend hours watching games live at home or at Stadia. You can equally be excited watching recaps of major matches at home or any gadget you choose to watch the matches, yet you will derive the same excitement as if you are watching a live game.

For the soccer game, the end of the season throws up certain puzzles surrounding who the best players, coaches, etc are with different parameters used in picking different winners. Such subtitles as the best striker, best defender, best goalkeeper whose prize would be a golden glove, best midfielder, best winger, highest goal scorer (men and women), young player of the year, you name them. But it is the best footballer of the year male and female that attracts the fans’ applause and attention the following season.

If we must achieve excellence and meet the objective requirement for the rapid development of our sports industry, then we must broaden the finance base of the industry and create the right conditions for private sector funding and investment in sports.

We must accept that there is the need for us to have the political will to make sports a big business, which inevitably will create the platforms to unemployment. We need to cultivate business concerns to embrace sports, but with a caveat -transparency and accountability.

There was the need to create enabling environment for business concerns to key into sports patronage, first to change the way it is run in Nigeria and then to get Nigerians to know that sports help increase the country’s G.D.P as seen in other climes.

Grassroots development can be actualised through the hosting of international and continental sporting events. Most countries use these big competitions to woo the blue-chip industries to identify with sports. Besides, these competitions open up the hinterland with the facilities constructed creating jobs in the locality. The facilities would attract the villagers to learn the games and, inadvertently, improves their health.

Big sports competitions generate revenue, create jobs, improve financial bases and provide the best opportunity for foreigners to have first hand interaction with Nigerians. Such competitions improve tourism, a sure money spinner. Need I state the benefit that business concerns will gain from the volume of foreign exchange during such competitions?

Merry Christmas and a prosperous New Year, dear reader.

December 27, 2025