The Nation Newspaper

Category: Saturday

  • Towards a viable local government system (1)

    Towards a viable local government system (1)

    There is obviously a substantial consensus in public discourse that the country’s protracted crisis of underdevelopment since independence is partly a function of the inefficacy, ineffectiveness and scant functionality of the local government system. As the system of government closest to the people, local governments are best placed to mobilize citizens for accelerated participatory development but this potential lies stunted and unrealized. There is no way, for instance, that the immense but dormant energies of the rural populace can be channeled for transformational purposes without vigorous and visionary grassroots gaovernance. Critics of the extant local government system blame the situation on its non-adherence to what they perceive as the ideals of federalism as well as a stultifying uniformity which is a legacy of the country’s almost three decades of military dictatorship.

    One of the most prolific and insightful scholars of Nigeria’s local government structure and processes, the late Professor Alex Gboyega, vividly describes the system from what can be described as a purist federalist perspective. In his words, “For a federal system, Nigeria has a remarkably simple pattern and number of local governments. All of Nigeria’s Local Government Areas have a common structure of local government administration regardless of the level of socio-economic development, traditional political system and culture. The uniformity of local government structure in Nigeria contrasts sharply with the situation in other federal systems”. He notes that in the federal structure of the United States, there are over 83,000 units of local government comprising a multiplicity of counties, townships, municipalities, school districts and special districts. The fact that each state has a different constitution implies that local governments are constituted differently across states with a variety of authorities sharing powers of local governance within a given geographical jurisdiction.

    Similarly, in Canada there is no common municipal government system across the country while in Australia, each of the six states have distinctive and separate local government systems. But is there an ideal form of federalism which every state claiming that form of constitutional arrangement must necessarily adhere to? I don’t think so. The evolution and structure of local government in a given country will understandably reflect the historical administrative trajectory of such an entity and an embodiment of its traditional political and cultural experiences.

    For instance, Brazil is described as having one of the most decentralized federations in the world. According to an online resource, “Its federal system has three tiers of autonomous governing bodies – the central government (the Union), the state governments and the local governments (municipios)…Brazil’s 5,513 municipios are governed by elected mayors, vice mayors and local councils of from 9 to 21 representatives”. A country which fashions its federal system to suit its peculiar circumstances commits no sin in my view especially as in most cases, the form of federalism that prevails is less a function of conscious political engineering than it is of the unfolding flow of events some of which are unforeseen and beyond human control.

    In any case, even the territorial demarcation of authority between parties to a federal compact, the centre and the states, is never cast in stone. The weight of power and influence between the federating units is always shifting depending on the unfolding political, economic and historical circumstances. Thus, some scholars note, for instance, that following the great global depression of 1929, the balance of power in America shifted in favour of the federal government which enabled President Franklin Roosevelt to implement his ambitious New Deal programme through which the central government executed huge public works and infrastructure projects to combat the economic crisis between 1933 and 1938.

    In a similar vein, the unanticipated coronavirus pandemic which erupted in 2019 compelled the centre in many federal states not excluding the United States to come to the aid of largely helpless states. One of the central thrusts in Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s theory of federalism was that the centre must always be sufficiently provisioned to make it capable of rescuing component parts of the federation when the latter runs into stormy economic weather or in case of destructive, large scale natural disasters.

    It is true that the centralized and uniform nature of our local government system is largely a function of the hierarchical structure and unitary orientation of military rule during which the system took shape for a period of nearly three decades. But then, military rule is a fact of our political history which we cannot run away from or wish away from our experience. The fact that not insubstantial numbers of the populace came on the streets to herald the entry of the military onto the political stage at some point in our political evolution in the first and second republics suggests that the pre-military era was not exactly the Eldorado that many commentators seem to suggest today that it was.

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    Rather, the same massive corruption, rabid ethnic sectionalism, electoral malfeasance, separatist regional fissures and gross economic mismanagement that we complain about today and blame on the current constitution were the very same evils that resulted in the collapse of the first and second republics and raised false hopes among the populace as regards the developmental potentials of an emergent military messianism mentality within the latter institution.

    Yes, the bubble of the military as a redemptive political institution has been shattered not only in Nigeria but across Africa making the seeming fascination of some misguided youths with jackboot military dictatorship in some West African countries where the coup culture has reemerged is sad and unfortunate.

    The military has proven to be even more corrupt, venal, unpatriotic and incompetent than the civilian regimes they overthrow and the lesson we have learnt from history is that the cure for the inevitable ills of democracy is to stay the course of democracy as Nigeria has done for the last 25 years – not military rule. But the notion that there was a golden political era disrupted by the military, in the first and second republics, to which we must now seek to return must be vigorously contested and debunked. Contrary to the view canvassed sometimes by very accomplished Nigerians and even elder statesmen that a return to regionalism or the parliamentary system or some envisaged new magical constitution will provide the solutions to our political and socio-economic problems is illusory and naively romantic.

    As I noted earlier, there is no challenge which we confront today, no evil among both the political elites and the masses which hobbles our polity today, that were not in abundant manifestation in the pre-1966 era. Let us take the issue of the local government system which is our focus today as an example. Is it that we had genuinely democratic, effective, efficient and incorruptible local government systems in the first republic which the military now dismantled and bastardized when they seized the reins of political power. That is untrue.

    In the piece by Professor Alex Gboyega that I quoted earlier, the political scientist reviewed in detail the undoubtedly impressive local government reforms undertaken in the Eastern, Western and Northern regions in the early to late 1950s. These reforms were undertaken with widespread local consultations that involved grassroots stakeholders and sought, as much as possible, to reflect the divergent traditional administrative cultures and histories of the respective communities. The structure of the local councils were not uniform across the country but reflected the divergent peculiarities of the cultural components of each region. Unlike the experience under military rule, the local government reforms of the first republic were not imposed from the top by a supervening dictatorial authority. But that was only half of the story.

    How did the reforms actually work out in practice in terms of day to day local government administration in the regions? As Gboyega aptly and tersely put it, “Unfortunately, exigences of intense political party competition and the desire of the ruling parties to cling to power at all costs ensured that the essence of these reforms was not realized”. Illustrating with the example of the Western Region, the professor wrote “In the Western Region, where party competition was most keen because of the split in the Action Group’s leadership after 1962, local government councils became highly prized allies and instruments for coercing political support. With their police and customary courts, local government councils controlled by the region’s ruling political party were used to harass and intimidate political opponents. Those that were not so controlled were dissolved and the councilors replaced by management committees appointed by the regional government. Nor was the situation much better elsewhere. In the Northern Region too, the native authorities were the main instruments through which the Regional Government compelled voters to toe its line”.

    Among the measures taken by the military at the time to address abuses of the local government powers in the first republic was the abrogation of the power of the councils to control and run their own police forces. In a similar vein, they were stripped of their powers to maintain local prisons while the alkali and customary courts previously under their control was brought under the purview of the state judicial system under the control of the Chief Judge of the State. And the management committees appointed by the politicians that had replaced elected local councils were replaced by the military with the appointment of senior civil servants as sole administrators of the local government councils.

    The measures taken by the military rulers to address the abuses in the system unfortunately but perhaps inevitably resulted in the inexorable centralization of the country’s federal system even though Gboyega admits that these measures “appeared appropriate at the time”. Indeed, painting a picture of the extent of the pervasive abuse of the local government system in that dispensation, Professor Gboyega observes that “However, so bad was the image of these management committees and so extreme was the emotional revulsion they provoked that the Governor of the Western Region, Lt Colonel Adekunle Fajuyi stated emphatically “if anyone thinks there will be local councils again, that person is living in a fool’s paradise”. Let us thus be careful about romanticizing the local government system of the past as some kind of paradise lost which we should strive to retrieve.

    Is there anything which inherently incapacitates the local councils as they currently exist from being effective developmental agents if the requisite constitutional provisions that set them up and under which they are run are scrupulously adhered to? I don’t think so. The Constitution requires that the councils must be run by democratically elected officials. This implies that the elections through which they are constituted are free, fair, credible and reflect the will of the people. The extant laws also provide for the mechanism for funding this tier of government so that it can discharge its constitutionally stipulated responsibilities to the people.

    If the current case at the Supreme Court in which the President Bola Tinubu administration is seeking that state governments adhere to their constitutional responsibilities with regard to the establishment, administration and funding of local governments succeeds in freeing the councils from current encumbrances, they will most certainly begin to make the requisite developmental impact. But then, there is certainly much more that needs to be done beyond this for the emergence of a viable local government system. 

  • Thank you Finidi, but…

    Thank you Finidi, but…

    Finidi George was a great player in his playing days. He was a delight to watch. He was a very intelligent player and played for the team not for himself. He was very humble and an interviewer’s delight when answering questions. I will score Finidi eight out of ten points. Finidi was the quintessential gentleman both on and off the pitch. However, it hurts badly that his coaching Curriculum Vitae (CV) as Super Eagles Head Coach won’t surpass or match what he achieved as a fantastic player for all the clubs he played for and Nigeria.

    Finidi exposed his underbelly when he revealed that he didn’t believe in any formation and would rather play the mass attack and mass defence style. This system underlined the era he played the game. One was rudely shocked by Finidi’s position on tactics to adopt during matches, knowing that he played for some of the best European clubs, including winning the UEFA Champions League with Ajax Amsterdam FC in the Netherlands.

    Indeed, Finidi was such a technical player that one would have thought he would have built his team’s style of play on the Ajax format, especially as the Eagles distinguished itself under Dutch coaches such as Clemens Westerhoff and Johannes Bonfrere. What was Finidi going to sell to the players? Salesmanship, having played the game at the top level, including scoring goals at the country’s debut appearance at the FIFA World Cup in 1994 in the United States (U.S.A). Rather, what we heard were tales of the unexpected from the benched players in the two international friendly games he handled as an interim coach against Ghana and Mali.

    We were told of how some big boys refused to shake hands with him after the friendly games for daring to bench them. Finidi ought to have rubbed minds with the big boys telling them about his objectives with the two matches. They would have understood and given him their maximum support. Of course, how do these boys explain to their mates and coaches in Europe that they were invited for their national team’s assignments only as unused substitutes? This is part of the problems with the local coaches learning how to massage the big boys’ egos.

    Many would argue that Finidi ought to have declined the offer to become Super Eagles Head Coach since it was already looking like a poisoned chalice, given the fact that Nigeria had drawn her first two games against Lesotho and Zimbabwe. The odds were against Nigeria considering NFF’s delay in naming a replacement for Jose Peseiro. Perhaps, if Finidi had one or two friendly games, he would have had a better understanding of his players who were mostly foreign-based stars who were locked in dicey European club fixtures which further burdened them.

    It is difficult to write off Finidi looking at his experience as an international player. But when he discusses the game, he leaves his audience dumbfounded.  For instance, how could Finidi have said he didn’t believe in team formation which is the key good coaches such as Pep Guardiola, Carlos Ancelotti, Jose Mourinho Alex Ferguson, Arsene Wenger, et al use to dislodge their opponents during matches?

    It is also difficult to say that Finidi isn’t well-schooled not to know how to handle media men who set out to annoy coaches at press conferences. It smacked as an act of arrogance on Finidi to have said that nobody could tell him when to make his substitutions.

     Finidi ought to have known that as a public servant which is what the Super Eagles job represents, he is answerable to everyone seeking answers to posers which trouble their minds. He is a gentleman and should remain so with his utterances.

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    What I expect Finidi to do henceforth is to get the tapes of the four games he had handled,  see what he did rightly or wrongly, and make amends immediately. I had thought that Finidi would have apologised to Nigerians over the loss. He could have pleaded to be given time to recover from the defeat at the press conference, not to embark on the tardy option of blaming everyone else but himself who picked the players for the matches. Some of the statements he has been credited with shouldn’t come from someone who played the game at the highest level. Which coach doesn’t lose matches? You tell me, Finidi?

    NFF should retain Finidi on the saddle. He should be given a boss who would be ready to work with him to avoid friction. Our target now should be to win the next Africa Cup of Nations. If it turns out that our new plans get the team back to its groove, we can then plot how to cease the momentum, from the results the Group C World Cup qualifiers throw up at every stage. NFF should resist the temptation of employing those journeymen European coaches who have traversed the African continent. We need young coaches hungry for glory to tactically rebuild the Eagles using every game to put their imprint on how the team plays. NFF shouldn’t make the mistake of recruiting any European Coach who didn’t qualify his team for the final game of the last Africa Cup of Nations as our next Eagles Technical Adviser. We are tired of Tokunbo coaches. You don’t engage a car in reverse gear and expect it to move forward.

    If you ask me, a few players in the Super Eagles need testimonial matches for their past contributions. These players can’t be motivated anymore to give their best, given their ages.  If the Eagles must reach the Golan height which we envisage, then at least seven of them shouldn’t be part of the team going forward. If we don’t stop inviting them, it would be difficult to effectively replace them with younger players who are Nigerians.

    I was excited to read NFF’s communiqué from their June 12 board meeting which it was stated that: ”4) Notwithstanding the challenges that attended the team’s preparations for the Day 3 and Day 4 games of the FIFA World Cup qualifying matches, owing to a 38-hour nationwide industrial action, the Board expressed displeasure with the poor attitude of some of the players to the National Assignment, and unanimously decided in favour of a more robust scouting programme of outstanding Nigeria-eligible players from across the four corners of the universe, who can add tremendous value to the nation’s flagship team.”

    So, the board members could openly accept the absence of quality players within the country’s soccer circle to comb the universe for Nigerian-born kids. Isn’t this the reason for the lukewarm attitude in the team? What a pity! How does it sound now that the board members who refused to employ a foreign coach in the first instance, are now turning full circle to recant?  What a shame!

    One thing our administrators know how to do best is to make proclamations at the spur of the moment hinged on nothing. They are experts in thinking after they have spoken. Whenever the country’s soccer teams win trophies, a deluge of promises and pronouncements are made. One such wild talk is the Federal Government’s decision to keep fresh winners of the cadet world Cup to nurture them to bigger glory. Need I waste space to dwell on the failures associated with government’s directives?

    Sadly, all manner of people including the federation’s chieftains have corrupted the nurseries such that youth clubs now loan players to professional teams in the country. Youth clubs owned by top federation chiefs dominate the country’s age-grade squads with the squad’s coaches filling the few spaces left with their mercantile choices. Isn’t this why we don’t know how much the domestic leagues are worth in the country despite the Star Trek to Europe of our youth who strive to earn a living from playing the game?

  • Kudirat: Memory of a martyr

    Kudirat: Memory of a martyr

    Before she shot into the limelight, there were many other women of substance and valour who stood for the emancipation of the society – Mrs. Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti, Chief Margaret Ekpo, Mrs. Olayinka Rosiji, Mrs. Wuraola Esan, Hajia Sawaba Gambo, Iyaloja Abibat Mogaji, and Mrs. Jolubu Kolade.

    All of them played crucial roles at various levels, leaving legacies of political emancipation, women liberation and empowerment.

    Alhaja Kudirat Olayinka Abiola may have been inspired by these outstanding mothers of the nation when she chose the path of valour which circumstances forced on her.

    She never anticipated that role as a housewife in a comfort zone. Yet, in contemporary times, Kudirat, wife of the late business mogul and philanthropist, Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (MKO) Abiola, winner of the cancelled June 12, 1993 presidential election, had no rival. She was the most outstanding woman crusader for justice, equity and fair play during the dark days of the military.

    It was a delicate period when the soldiers of fortune positioned themselves against the country, whose sovereignty they were meant to protect, defend and preserve.

    Her life was on the line. She was conscious of the looming danger. But she apparently believed that no sacrifice was too much to make for the good cause she stood for. She braced up for the odds. Her priority was the de-annulment of the historic poll her husband had won. But it never happened. Kudirat was assassinated while fighting for popular rule.

    The poll had made her husband a national property, the custodian of the popular mandate conferred by Nigerians in a bid to liberate the country from its neo-colonial captors and oppressors.

    It was an untimely death. Abiola was detained after winning a historic election. There was no free flow of communication between the wife and husband. Kudirat had a hint about the impending doom, having been alerted by diplomats from friendly countries that agents of state were after her life. On that fateful June 4, 1996, she had an appointment to keep at the Canadian Embassy. There were pressures on her to leave the country. But she was not inclined to deserting the battle.

    Kudirat left her Ikeja residence with hopes. But she never got to Victoria Island for the appointment. At Oregun/Seven Up Junction in Ojota, she was gunned down by assassins.

    A cenotaph has been erected at the site to remind Nigerians, both present and future generations, how her innocent blood was shed by blood-thirsty soldiers who loomed large on the country for years.

    Two years after she was assassinated, her husband also died mysteriously in detention, in the hand of his tormentors. He was said to have been served a cup of tea.

    It was the end. The essence of the June 12 struggle appeared to have vanished. The poll result was not upheld. The symbol also died. It was a double tragedy. When civil rule was restored in 1999, power was transferred from the military to military cronies, lackeys, confederates and majority of those who scuttled June 12.

    Kudirat was one of the numerous wives of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) presidential flag bearer. The annulment changed her status and forced her into the pro-democracy movement. Having traversed the vast country with her husband during the hectic campaigns, Kudirat was confident of victory. She felt the pains of the masses and their expectations about a new lease of life.

    To her chagrin, the election results were cancelled on frivolous excuses. The reasons adduced for the annulment were obviously illogical. No basis could be found for it in history, law and politics. It was one big story of national betrayal by those who took the country for a ride. The entire transition programme towards that historic election was designed by the Evil Genius, military President Ibrahim Babangida, to fail. It ended in a fiasco.

    Kudirat was not afraid of the bullet. She stood firm, unlike some other women who would abandon their husbands in the period of tribulation. It is not during a peaceful period that strength and resilience are tested. It is during a difficult time that the human capability is put on the weighing scale.

    Kudirat developed a steely determination that stunned the military gang. During her husband’s absence, she filled the void. When her husband was put in solitary confinement for attempting to claim his presidential mandate, she protested. She confronted the military dictators, not with guns, but with her fidelity to the cause.Her leadership motivated other pro-democracy activists to spring up and seek the actualisation of the election.

    In 1994, when the struggle got to a head, Kudirat was actively involved in sustaining the oil workers’ strike, which succeeded in crippling the nation’s economy and weakening the military government.

    She was subjected to harassment. She had frictions with the courts over her stance before her eventual release on bail. Despite the harassment, she continued her campaign. She and the late Chief Alfred Rewane offered special funding for the pro-democracy activities, which unsettled the military.

    When protesters were detained, she would promptly visit police stations to secure their release. On one occasion, the late Rev. Tunji Adebiyi carried a letter from Lagos-based National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) leaders to the late Pa Adekunle Ajasin at Owo, Ondo State. A stop-and-search team of policemen conducted a search on him at Maryland, Ikeja, and the “incriminating letter” was found on him.

    In excitement, the police Inspector leapt for joy, saying the “heroic” act of apprehending a NADECO operative would fetch him promotion. The Divisional Police Officer (DPO) was in the same mood of excitement. They took Adebiyi to the nearby Ikeja police station.

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    Kudirat stormed the police division. Charismatic and courageous, the Amazon understood that the policemen wanted to use the arrest to impress their bosses and get promotion. But Mrs. Kudirat Abiola urged them to exercise some patience, assuring them that they would get better promotions under an Abiola presidency. Her persuasion led to Adebiyi’s release.

    Kudirat knew she was vulnerable. She was aware of the danger her life was exposed to. She was planning to get a visa to leave the shores of Nigeria when she was killed. The sad incident happened a few days to the third anniversary of the June 12 election.

    Kudirat was born in 1951 in Zaria, Kaduna State. She was the second senior wife of her husband. Her children are Yushau Olalekan, Hafsat Olaronke, Abdul Muman, Hadi, Moriam, and Khafila. At the prime of life, these children became orphans.

    The killing of the Amazon later became the subject of an investigation and trial. The assassination was allegedly ordered and carried out by six men. Kudirat died in her car. Her driver also died. Her personal assistant, who was later accused of complicity in her death, was in the car but was unhurt.

    Her husband remained in detention after her death. The tragic news got to him in incarceration. He was helpless. In agony,  he bore the burden with philosophical calmness. Abiola later died in suspicious circumstances. The mystery has not been uncovered.

    At the time of her death, an anti-military Radio Democracy had been created and it was based in Norway. It was backed by the American, British, Swedish, Danish and Norwegian governments to help end military dictatorship in Nigeria. The radio station’s name was changed to Radio Kudirat. In 1998, a street corner in New York was renamed Kudirat Abiola Corner, despite protests by the Nigerian military government.

    In October 1998, certain persons were charged with her death. It was a protracted litigation. The judicial process was slow. At the end, nothing came out of the trial.

    Twenty-seven years after, the killers of Kudirat are still at large. But history will be kind to her for remaining steadfast in the face of danger until she paid the supreme price.

    She is remembered for her dedication and commitment to the cause of liberty. She was a source of courage to the pro-democracy forces. Her life of sacrifice offered inspiration to other fighters for justice.

    Ironically, the fruits of Kudirat’s struggles were enjoyed by many other characters that opposed June 12. As power landed on the palms of many of them in 1999, they never showed any remorse. They continued with their business as usual, wreaking more havoc than Abiola would have cleared.

    Subsequent polls have been problematic. There is need to restore the sanctity of the ballot. An electoral reform is an unfinished business. The starting point should be the setting up of an electoral offences tribunal for the trial of electoral terrorists to serve as deterrent to riggers, manipulators and other felons of democracy.

    For Kudirat, the name continues to haunt the conscience of her killers, their sponsors, the anti-democracy elements disguising in the borrowed robe of democracy, and the desperate usurpers of power at the detriment of the people. Kudirat lived well and died well – for a good cause. That is the mould heroines are made of.

  • Restructuring Nigeria: Is regionalism the way?

    Restructuring Nigeria: Is regionalism the way?

    Recently, the nation’s media sphere, particularly the social media aspect has been awash with news of a plan to return Nigeria to the regional system of government which had been in operation from 1946 until the 5th of May 1967, when General  Gowon, seeking to break Ojukwu’s hold on the Eastern Region as the latter was preparing to pull it out of the Federation following Gowon’s apparent reneging on the agreements reached at Aburi Ghana. Gowon took Nigeria from a nation constituted by four regions and divvied it up into twelve states, for Nigeria, regionalism was a point of no return and successive military administrations, namely the Murtala, Babaginda and Abacha regimes further created 7, 2, 9 and 6 states respectively. While the creation of states was intended to attend to certain clamours by sub ethnic groups for their rights to statehood, the complex nature of the nation’s pseudo federal structure which placed more powers in the centre while the sub nationals were sub nationals in nomenclature alone, did not emplace the powers these regions had in these successive states, which naturally should have been the norm.

    Irritated with such a situation, many Nigerians have continuously called for a return of the country to the pathways of true federalism, the late Alex Ekwueme, Vice President in the Shehu Shagari administration proposed a return to regionalism in one of his brilliant submissions on the nation’s future constitutional development, others like Professor Wole Soyinka,the late Wizard of Constitutional drafting, Professor Ben Nwabueze and household names like Ayo Adebanjo, Bisi Akande, Femi Falana SAN and even the nation’s helmsman Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu have all made strong cases for the return to true federalism, now while there has been an increased form of consciousness there has sadly been little or no progress commensurate to the repeated agitations for the return to true federalism.

    Thus, the emergence and trending of a draft ‘bill’ titled, “A Bill for an Act to substitute the annexure to Decree 24 of 1999 with new governance model for the Federal Republic of Nigeria’, the draft seeks among others, new extant laws to be cited as “The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria New Governance Model for Nigeria Act 2024.” has somewhat excited Nigerians and led to debates on what prospects such a bill portends for the nation.

    Now, despite the denial by the spokesperson of the House of Representatives on the authenticity of the bill or its existence with the Committees on Rules and Business and Constitution Review, this bill which has sparked so much interest, represents the desire of Nigerians to enjoy again the existence of true federalism in an unaltered fashion.

    However, I am not optimistic about a purported return to regionalism despite its appeal to the average Nigerian, I much believe that the nation can still achieve true federalism without resorting to regional governments as was the case before 1967.

    My argument stems from the fact that a return to regionalism would not only play up the inter regional rivalry between regions as witnessed in the 1st Republic but also create an avenue for intra- regional squabbles between the ethnic groups within the regions. The question of what powers such regions would hold over the states or provinces could also lead to such squabbles.

    Returning to regionalism may see a particular ethnic group dominating the others as what was witnessed in the 1st Republic and even in the aftermath. For example in the First Republic, the Muslim Hausa Fulani apparently dominated the region that ethnic groups such as the Kanuri and the Tiv openly clamored for their own region. The creation of the MidWest in 1963 and the agitations for the Calabar Ogoja Rivers State or Region to be carved out of the Eastern Region are events that remind us of the challenges of such a system. Again, there is the propensity that regionalism may promote ethnic loyalties over that of the nation and how are we sure that the threats of secession may not arise or receive more oomph with a return to regionalism.

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    Those reportedly clamoring for regionalism may yet accuse me of being pessimistic and not looking on the bright side but they have failed to ask what would happen if we rather strengthened the states and the Local Government System in Nigeria.

    In the awareness that the multiethnic nature of the Nigerian state did make the clamour for state creation a never ending story would regionalism now do away with the fears of the man in Ebonyi in the SouthEastern Region or would Ijaw interests be protected in the SouthWest region, that is assuming they go by such nomenclatures? However, strengthening the states and the local government system would not only reduce the ethnic tensions but also promote a healthy form of  competition and in turn strengthen true federalism.

    Devolving some of the powers concentrated at the centre to the states and in turn the LGA’s would reduce the scramble for the centre and turn the 36 or more states into hubs of competition.

    With the Local Governments becoming autonomous and controlling 40 percent of its resources and the creation of LG’s a state affair, we would see these LG’s spurring into action in terms of development and not what we have today where LG’s are non functional due to the lopsidedness of the present structure. Likewise allowing these states to take ownership of 30 percent of resources and leaving the rest to the government at the centre would also create an economical viable and functional nation which will witness even  development and end the cries of economic inequality and political lopsidedness.

    Nigeria can indeed achieve true federalism and restructuring without the return to regionalism, all that is needed are strong states and an enhanced LG system.

  • Ekiti, Osun: Getting the battle lines drawn

    Ekiti, Osun: Getting the battle lines drawn

    Ceteris paribus, the 2026 Ekiti and Osun governorship elections are less than 27 and 28 months respectively. In Osun State, it is believed in the All Progressives Congress (APC) family circle that former Governor Rauf Aregbesola’s tendency worked for the then Candidate, now Governor Ademola Adeleke and the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) in the July 2022 election. Prominent among this tendency were Wale Bolorunduro and Kolapo Alimi who eventually became the State Commissioner for Information and Public Enlightenment. On the flipside, it is also believed that a major tendency in the PDP, as represented by the Shuaib Oyedokuns and the Dotun Babayemis, also worked for former Governor Gboyega Oyetola and APC in the same election. So, there’s a counter-balance of forces!

    As 2026 fast approaches, it is too early to predict where the pendulum will swing!  But, whichever way, Adeleke is the incumbent governor; and, despite his administration’s contamination by terrible management, poor decision-making and policy instability, the governor is perceived to be performing. For instance, he is paying the backlog of salary arrears owed the workers during the APC years and this may work in his favour. Nonetheless, there is nothing permanent about incumbency. After all, Oyetola was the incumbent governor when he was removed from office.

    Truth be told, PDP is unsettled in Ekiti just as APC is gasping for breath in Osun. But it is interesting to note that, in Ekiti, PDP has been reduced to a non-existent political party. It is in tatters, with the umbrella torn into many parts, to the extent that Ayo Fayose who is seen as the leader of the party has already declared support for Governor Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji’s 2nd Term bid, that he (Oyebanji) may have an edge. The same goes for former Governor Segun Oni, who also contested as the governorship candidate of the Social Democratic Party (SDP), in the last exercise.

    Still on Osun APC, to say that there are no challenges for the Tajudeen Lawal-led party will only amount to an attempt at lubricating the ego of pretence. Conversely, those who may be thinking that giants cannot be defeated had better interrogate how David defeated Goliath (1 Samuel 17: 50-53) and how the fearless Caleb and Joshua reconnoitered the Land of Canaan (Numbers 13:30). Be that as it may, a political party that wants to wrestle power from a very stubborn ruling party must truly take the bull by the horn! Since election victory is a factor of the number of votes lawfully secured, Osun APC must try to win the people’s hearts, including the state civil servants’.

    For Osun APC, South Africa’s landmark elections have again shown that there’s strength in unity! Therefore, the search for unity and peace has become a sine qua non if it is to stand a better chance against the ruling party in the state. Towards achieving this, the starting line is to sincerely admit that avertable mistakes were made before, during, even after the July 16 2022 Osun governorship exercise; and that genuine efforts are being made to rebuild the party.

    In a three-part intervention entitled ‘Osun APC and some hard home truths’, seven  months ago, yours sincerely did highlight some of the ills that have deepened mistrust in Osun APC and I believe that a word should be sufficient for the wise! Therefore, as 2026 nears us by the eyelids, let the party prefer selling its sweet stories as an attractive alternative to getting drenched in the miasma of political brickbats. What Osun APC needs at this crucial time is prioritizing election victory over humiliating ‘monkey-dey-work-baboon-dey-chop’ attitudes. Most importantly, it will be in President Bola Tinubu’s objective interest as APC National Leader to reconcile all the feuding factions in the state chapter; and that’s if Osun APC sincerely wants to draw lessons from the past.

    Yes, Osun and Ekiti are a tale of two destinies and it is all about transformation capabilities. Take, for instance, while one governor is acting in line with the common sense interpretation of development by building an export-oriented economy and the right types of infrastructure that can generate revenue, the other is just feeding his herds and emphasizing white elephant projects, thereby mindlessly diverting the meagre resources that are meant to construct Primary Health Centres (PHCs) and rural roads to unnecessary charades.

    Since Oyebanji is on the right track, the opposition doesn’t seem to exist in Ekiti. His considerable investment in the power sector in a bid to fix power infrastructure and boost economic activities in line with his shared prosperity agenda is a demonstration of the seriousness of intent. Thankfully, the National Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) recently transferred electricity regulatory oversight to the state in line with the new Electricity Act 2023. Surely certainly, this momentous milestone has made an immeasurable impact on the lives of the people.

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    Fondly called BAO by his admirers, Oyebanji is reportedly the first governor to pay “the new Hazard Allowance and the newly-adjusted CONMESS”. He is also reputed as “the second to pay the Medical Residency Training Funds among State Tertiary Health Institutions in the Southwest region.” No doubt about it, these steps will go a long way towards encouraging resident doctors as well as improving their “commitment to work and training at this critical period of economic hardship.”

    The governor’s “dedication, hard work and unwavering commitment to the service of Ekiti State” was reflected in his incredibly significant trip to the United States of America to attract investments to the state. But one important investment destination of interest BAO must explore is the Netherlands, to learn about how the country got its agriculture right! Ekiti needs to learn about how a country with the geographical size of the state has become the world’s 2nd largest exporter of food and agricultural products, after the United States of America.

    Discreet investigations have also shown that ‘Land of Honour and Integrity’ is blessed with a number of micro- and mini-hydro possibilities, including Ero and Itapaji Dams. Again, this is where accessing a sense of fraternal ties with countries like Denmark and Vietnam comes in! A trip to the former will intimate the governor with how to turn slow running rivers into electricity while the latter will treat him to how the once war-ravaged country now has the lowest unit cost of electricity globally.

    ‘History is falsified because the victors write history’, so says the East African proverb. Put differently, ‘if the hunter writes the story, the lion will look like a weakling.’ Well, those who carried out pioneering studies like Gunnar Myrdal, René Dumont and André Gunder Frank have shown conclusively how to develop a country. In their seminal works, they argued that in democracy, development processes like the provision of clean water, dispensary, primary schools and state banks, among others, always starts from the base. Dumont’s classic, ‘False Start in Africa’, came out in 1966. But it is sad that Africa continues to swim irresistibly in the same mistakes, even in 2024. For God’s sake, why should a book written in 1966 about the systemic inadequacies in Africa still be relevant in this time and age? But again, this is how we have fared as a continent and it’s a shame!

    Obviously, our continent is being ravaged by what Frank referred to as the ‘The Development of Underdevelopment’. However, it is believed that Oyebanji is in a determined confrontation with this leadership deficit in Ekiti. With the inauguration of the MSME Clinics Garment Hub and the proposed establishment of an Information Communication Technology (ICT) hub in the state by the national government, it can only get better!

    May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

  • Ministers and the people’s assessments

    Ministers and the people’s assessments

    Nigeria was a colony of the British Empire. Britain annexed Lagos in 1861 and established the Oil River Protectorate in 1884. The British coveted cash crops like palm oil and palm kernel and export trade in tin, cotton, cocoa, groundnuts, palm oil and so on (Graham, 2009). The British accomplished the colonization by using its military might. Although the people fiercely resisted colonialism, the British used military power to crush all opposition.

    Chinua Achebe’s iconic novel, Things Fall Apart documented the cultural shock of the people against the British. The story of the banishment of the 35th Oba of Benin, Oba Ovoramwen Nogbaisi from his kingdom to Calabar over trade disputes with the British in late 19th century is equally instructive. The piecemeal return of Benin priced Benin artifacts stolen by the British during the colonial era is testament to the effort by the British t to strip the people bare not just of their language and culture but of resources whether human or material.

    Colonialism, apartheid and the transatlantic slave trade were three crimes against the African continent for more than four hundred years. The continent has not fully recovered from the effects of colonialism either mentally of in cultural and physical structures. The colonial legacies of political chicanery continue to exist even after  independence in most of the African countries.

    However, even with all the minuses that came with colonialism, independence for most African countries has not created any Eldorado. The democracies that the independent countries have adopted have not fully been of much value to the people. Military incursions into politics continues to plague the continent, wars and conflicts have had their impact on the countries. Sudan, Somalia, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Nigeria, Ivory Coast , Rwanda etc. have all had and till date, continues to impact the people in very grave ways. 

    The indigenous African political leaders seem not to have purged themselves of the colonial legacies of being somewhat insensitive to the needs of the people. The development of African countries has been at snail-speed despite the human and material resources available in the continent. The continent paradoxically keeps losing its human and material resources to the West. The war in Congo has lasted decades for a country that has the highest deposits of some of the most priced natural resources like uranium.

    Somalia is made up of people of same ethnicity, language and religion but the guns and bullets still speak loud and clear.  Pope Francis had at one point knelt down to kiss the feet of some Sudanese leaders in an effort to remind them of the need to care for their people. The war still rages. Niger, Mali, Gabon and Burkina Faso are all under military governments. The African National Congress (ANC), Africa’s oldest political party at more than a hundred years recently lost its majority in parliament. The people seem dissatisfied with the government.

    Nigeria, with the largest black population and many natural resources like oil and other solid minerals is the poverty capital of the world with more than 133million living in multi-dimensional poverty, more than 20 million out-of-school children, unemployment, high inflation and other developmental challenges got independence in 1960 but with military taking a huge share in the leadership of the country, all has not been well with Nigeria in 64 years.

    As the administration of President Tinubu clocked one year, Ministers were urged by the President to present their report cards to the people.  He had after their inauguration last year told the 47 cabinet members during a retreat  that any of them that does not perform creditably would be shown the exit door. In fact for the first time in the country, the president appointed a Special Adviser on Policy Coordination, Hadiza Bala Usman. Her role is to ensure there is coordination across ministries, departments and agencies. She actually got the Ministers to sign a Performance Bond with President Tinubu.

    The bond was expected to contain certain Key Performance Indicators (KPIs) with a consequence management framework.  Nigerians are eagerly awaiting the outcomes of the evaluation after the ministers faced the media to reel out what in their view are their key achievements since taking oath of office even if they will clock one year in August.  As they say, a ripe maize does not need to be opened to confirm.

    After listening to most of the ministers, many analysts have been giving their opinions about the performance of some of them. Ministers like the that of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, Minister of Interior, Tunji-Ojo , Minister of Communication and Digital Economy, Dr. Bosun Tijani,  Minister of Solid Minerals, Dele Alake, Minister of state for defense,  Dr, bello Matawalle are deemed to have performed fairly well either through assessable efforts in physical structures or their laid out plans and or commitment to improve their sectors.

    On the other hand, many other ministers have been very loud in their performance silence. This to the Roundtable Conversation is worrisome because the sub-total of the performance of cabinet members in any government can be best described as akin to that of a football team. The wingers, defense, mid-fielders, attackers and goalkeepers must all play their roles perfectly for the team to record victory. The team working with any president must work at their peak for any impactful progress to be made by the administration.

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    AS we assess the performance of the ministers in Nigeria 25 long years after the return of democracy, The Roundtable Conversation is quick to draw attention, again, to the colonial period. Despite the huge minuses of colonialism, there are certain pluses that post independent democratic leaders especially in Nigeria seem to have forgotten even when most of them were old enough to have seen and benefitted from the governance structure then.

    Across Nigeria, no matter how remote the villages, one can still see the relics of colonial administration. In the remotest of villages, one can see; roads, schools, judicial quarters/courts, hospitals or health centers and taps that have been dry since independence. Most people grew up seeing running taps across villages and towns. The roads even if narrower than modern roads were built to last and in most cases their replacements don’t last very long. It is curious that successive governments after independence have not planned long term projects bearing in mind global economic realities and population growth. There are often zero environmental impact assessment of capital projects making them susceptible to early dysfunction.

    Nigerians born a few decades ago cannot tell what a running tap looks like because they have never seen one. The country is suffused with boreholes and wells and even governors and the legislators brandish boreholes and water wells as achievements without consideration for the long impact of non-functional water sources in a country with a huge population. Year on year, budgetary allocations are made to the ministry of Water Resources, what changes have they made to the water sector? Has Nigeria given up on the supply of pipe born water for her citizens?

    The food insecurity in Nigeria coupled with inflation is causing a lot of hardship on the people. Since the present President of African Development Bank (AFDB), Akin Adesina left the agriculture ministry, not much information or innovative actions have been seen to be taken by the ministry of Agriculture in a country with many mouths to feed, arable lands and which imports even perishable food products from less endowed countries. The ministry must do more to put food on the table of Nigerians through improved yields and encouragement of farmers.

    The women in the cabinet seem not to be pulling their weights productively. While women advocate for inclusiveness, we want to see more from the female ministers who have been given the chance to contribute to national development. Performance is not mere rhetoric, when any minister performs, the people blow the trumpet of commendation. An Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala and a late Prof. Dora Akunyili of National Agency for drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC) left indelible marks of performance as Finance Minister and Director General of NAFDAC becoming global figures and making Nigerians proud of their dedication and patriotism.

    Nigeria’s entertainment industry is one of the most vibrant in Africa and the world. That sector is making waves across the world and more work needs to be done by the minister to maximally gain from that sector in national interest. Nigeria can benefit from the soft power that the sector gives nations like the United States and India. Our population is an advantage and with Nigerian musicians at home and in the diaspora making Afrobeat a global anthem and winning grammys, the benefits can be tremendous if the sector is fully productive. The employment opportunities are huge.

    Nigerian youths are setting trends in music, acting and sports. The Ministers of Sports and Youth development must see the potential of those two ministries. Nigerian Victor Osimhen of Italy’s Napoli, Ademola Lookman of Italy’s Atalanta and Victor Boniface of Bayer Leverkusen in the last two seasons have stamped their excellence in the game in their clubs winning the Italian, Bundesliga and UEFA Europa League titles recently. Tobi Amusan and others are still making waves across the world in athletics. This is just a reminder of the Nigerian youth potentials in sports. How far are the ministers going to invest in the grooming of young talents through grassroots sports development?

    Any minister can take the liberty to reel out achievements or goals but the truth is that the people have their own report cards. Nigerians must not be forced to look back and reminisce over the colonial period flawed as that British policy was across the Commonwealth. The people expect democracy to be about them and their welfare. There must be no room for vacuous self-platitudes. The taste of the pudding is in the eating. The legacies of performance are always eveident and outlive individuals no matter how short the time of service. The people know all those putting in the work with patriotism.

    The dialogue continues…

  • Playing by the books

    Playing by the books

    The domestic league magic is on the prowl in virtually all centres with relegation teams struggling to escape the drop at all costs as if the league started yesterday.

    Title chasers go to the extent of dragging their games to 100 minutes with the ultimate victory secured in the 97th minute. Incidentally, such title chasers are the first to scream blue murder when faced with similar settings on away soil.

    No harm in extending the games to 100 minutes for as long as there are incidents that necessitate such extension as we witness during European leagues’ games. Not so for ambitious Nigerian teams who have corrupted the referees to do their bidding. Sadly, the referees get punished but the stolen victories remain with the shameless cheats, forgetting that their rewards await them at the continental level.

    It took the league 38 years to produce a team to lift the CAF Champions League through Enyimba FC of Aba. The team retained the trophy the following year. Since then, it has been the tale of woeful outings, with the few who qualify for the knockout stage wanting the league schedules to be drawn at their beck and call. They strive to stockpile outstanding games with the clandestine hope that those games will count when the chips are down.

    The current League Board headed by Gbenga Elegbeleye with Davidson Owumi being the Chief Operating Officer (COO) has renewed hope in the domestic game. The fans are back to the stadium to watch the games. They have taken decisions that have shown that changes can indeed be effected in the way the game is being run provided the organisers have the strong will to step on the toes of offenders.

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    One only hopes that the league organisers can ensure that the domestic game runs in tandem with other leagues in the world. The Nigerian league needs to end soonest such that the players can rest their limbs while those desirous of any transfer here and in Europe can actualise their dreams. It has reached the time when the Nigeria league has a calendar that would encourage the corporate bodies to invest in the league in all its ramifications.  Firms plan their businesses on timetables or calendars over certain periods.

    The fear would be whether the organisers would adhere to the dictates of their calendar – meaning the dates must be unchangeable. It is the reason the foreign leagues are a joy to watch and are heavily funded.

    When in 1990 some respected Nigerian soccer administrators conceptualised the Nigeria Professional League body, they were responding to the new trends in the beautiful game in other climes. These men couldn’t stomach the mediocrity associated with the Nigerian game. They wanted a departure from the tardy past to embrace the new dawn where very good players could earn a living outside the country. The wise men foresaw the future where with a new mentality to matches, the country could one day play at the senior World Cup.

    The pioneers’ dreams came to pass in 1994 with Nigeria’s Super Eagles qualifying for the USA ’94 World Cup using players who had been exported to Europe to hone their skills which were still lethargic as a result of obsolete facilities across the country. The elite class was structured out of the old order. Indeed, there was something to fight for while those not listed fought gamely each season to qualify for the elite cadre.

    The quasi-professional league witnessed a lot of improvement except that the ownership structures didn’t quite change with most of the teams owned by the government. The few private clubs (Leventis United FC of Ibadan, Abiola Babes FC of Abeokuta, New Nigeria Bank FC of Benin City, Flash Flamingoes FC of Benin City, Julius Berger FC of Lagos, Iwuanyanwu Nationale FC of Owerri, etc) left their marks. They were eventually emasculated by the government teams which had tremendous cash which their administrators used to corrupt the system. The thought of having four teams in Benin City didn’t excite the fans as much, having only their darling team in the elite class. The private clubs’ owners soon dropped their sponsorship initiatives when they couldn’t cope with the malfeasances of the league.

    The conspiracy against the privately-owned teams brought back the sharp practices of the competition leading to the dearth of new talents. These private clubs couldn’t enjoy the support of the fans in those cities where the state owned team operated. Leventis had to manage its relationship with the Ibadan fans. Flash Flamingoes FC went through hell playing inside the Samuel Osaigbovo Ogbemudia Stadium in Benin. The fans’ favourite was Bendel Insurance FC. The defunct New Nigeria Bank FC had a similar problem of acceptance. In fact, games involving these teams and their traditional local rivals threatened public peace as the security operatives had to be at their best to maintain peace before, during, and after matches. In one of such needless skirmishes, Bendel Insurance FC’s chairman, the late Major Ojo lost his life in a car crash very close to the stadium while trying to rescue the match referees from being lynched by irate fans. Gallant soldier, if you ask me. May his soul continue to rest in peace.

    The rot in the league was such that we had predictable victories for home teams ably aided by the dubious calls of match referees who most times are cajoled into taking such decisions. Who would blame the referees when their entitlements were being paid by the home side? Not forgetting the overdose of hospitality by anxious home clubs eager to win their matches at all costs to justify the huge resources splashed on them by their owners. The administrators further bastardised the league by introducing board room points in connivance with officials in the former NFA’s league department which then was just one scruffy room compared with the digitalised offices with different units of the league having functional offices. It was that bad.

    The league had difficulties in getting television sponsorships after the existing ones opted out because they were not getting commensurate returns on their investments. Urchins, beasts, hooligans, and hostile home supporters made life difficult for the fans, especially the visitors, to watch matches of their choice. Unlike in Europe where fathers come to the stadium to watch matches with their families, it was risky doing so here and it affected pitching for sponsorships with the blue-chip companies.

    Such hazardous settings soon affected the players’ performance with many of them opting to seek greener pastures elsewhere. This star trek of players out of the country soon affected the quality of the league. Television coverage which serves as the biggest money-spinner for teams in Europe among other marketing windows couldn’t gain ground in Nigeria. The few who dared to cover matches lost equipment anytime there was violence in the stadium. There were always chaotic settings during matches because the fans took the laws into their own hands rather than allow the referees to do their jobs according to the dictates of the rulebook.

    During the trying periods of the Nigeria league, IICC Shooting Stars of Ibadan (3SC) won the Cup Winners Cup in 1976. They were dethroned as champions in 1977, with the games between 3SC and eventual winners Enugu Rangers International very problematic. The second leg game had to be played on neutral ground in Kaduna, no thanks to the lunacy of the irate fans. NNB and Bendel Insurance at different years won the WAFU Cup for keeps with Bendel Insurance winning the Confederations Cup in 1994 along with the WAFU for the third time in the same year. It must be said that 3SC won the Confederations Cup in 1992; the trophy was donated by the late Chief MKO Abiola.

  • Alake, solid mineral sand national development

    Alake, solid mineral sand national development

     Shortly after his appointment as Minister of Solid Minerals Development, Dr. Dele Alake, in articulating his 7-point agenda stressed that the strengthening of security around mining deposits across the country and decisively combatting widespread illegal mining would be a cardinal objective of the ministry under his leadership. This was understandable as, from all indications, most of the rich mineral deposit sites in several states were no better than unmanned geographical spaces with lawless non-state actors rampaging and criminally exploiting, extracting, and exporting these precious minerals at will to the detriment of the national economy as well as endangering the lives and property of innocent citizens unfortunate to reside and make a living near these sites. Indeed, there had evolved an intricate and mutually reinforcing relationship between criminal, unregulated mining activities in these areas and such crimes as banditry, extortion of innocent citizens, and kidnapping by ruthless cartels.

    On March 22, this year, the Minister formally unveiled a new security architecture for greater security around mining sites nationwide anchored on a new 2,200-strong Mines Marshall Corp drawn from officers and men of the National Security and Civil Defense Corp (NSDC). The objective of the mines’ security outfit is to smoke out, thwart, and apprehend illegal miners and other violators of the country’s mining laws so that they can be brought to Justice.

    While it is operational in all mining sites across diverse states, the Mines Marshal Corp has its command and control centre located in the Ministry of Solid Minerals Development. It has an initial 60 operatives deployed to each of the 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory but, as the minister has explained severally, will eventually incorporate operatives from the Nigerian police, the army, and other security agencies while its operations will largely be technologically driven.

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    In his speech during the formal unveiling of the Mines Marshal Corp, the Chairman, House of Representatives Committee on Solid Minerals, Hon. Jonathan Gbefwi, was understandably enthused as he declared that “When the minister reeled out his 7-point agenda during his inauguration address, which included the Mines Police, not a few people were skeptical about it. But today, he has matched his words with action. On behalf of the people of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, I doff my hat for him and say “Well done”. You can be rest assured of the continued support of the House of Representatives and, by extension, the National Assembly”.

    There is no doubt that the Ministry of Solid Minerals Development under Dr Alake will require all the support it can muster from the national legislature. This is because a key component of the 7-point agenda he articulated on resumption of office is the establishment of the Nigerian Solid Minerals Corporation to play a supervisory and galvanizing role in regulating and giving a sense of direction to solid minerals mining activities in the country. According to the Minister, the processes for enacting the requisite legislation for the take-off of the Corporation is already in progress through the House Committee on Solid Minerals Development.

    Shedding light on the structure and mode of operation of the envisaged Corporation, Alake said, “We are working with consultants to ensure the smooth emergence of the Corporation which will be private sector driven. We are looking at a Corporation with a structure that has 50% equity for the private sector; 25% for members of the public; 25% for the federal government. Our vision is to erect private sector-led enduring structures for the Corporation that will foster efficiency, outlive the present administration, and consequently wean it from future government interference”.

    Like all other ministers in the President Bola Tinubu administration, Dr. Alake joined in the rendering of their account of service in the run-up to the first anniversary of the administration on May 29. It is not surprising that ministers approached this undertaking with greater seriousness and sobriety than witnessed under successive administrations since 1999. This is because the current set of ministers signed a performance bond after their appointment which detailed their set goals and objectives against which their performance would be tracked and assessed. Furthermore, a software domiciled in the office of the Special Adviser to the President on Policy Coordination, Hadizza Bala-Usman, enables members of the public to make their contributions to assessing the performance of the ministers through an appropriate feedback mechanism.

    Of course, some ministries such as Works, the Federal Capital Territory, or the Ministry of Interior have the advantage of being constantly in the news and thus at the forefront of public consciousness due to the everyday nature of their activities that touch on the ordinary citizen. Against this backdrop, Alake is widely perceived to have performed impressively given the nature of his assignment in a ministry of Solid Minerals Development that he is virtually resuscitating from a largely comatose state and imbuing with a new sense of direction and purpose. Indeed, the deployment of the accomplished journalist, media strategist, and public policy communicator to the Solid Minerals Ministry was one of the surprises of the composition of President Tinubu cabinet. Not a few had wagered that Alake would be deployed to the Information and National Orientation Ministry given his eloquence and his sterling performance in that role in the Tinubu administration as governor of Lagos State between 1999 and 2007.

    Yet, those who reasoned this way grossly underestimated the sheer versatility and dynamism of the man as well as the role of the journalism profession in broadening his horizon and enabling him to take on diverse roles with calmness, confidence, and competence. In Lagos, he was Commissioner for Information and Strategy in the Tinubu administration. The strategy component of his portfolio meant that he had to be abreast of developments in virtually every other ministry so as to effectively help in designing and implementing strategies for result-oriented strategic policy communication with the public. In that regard, his preparedness and capacity to function competently in any assignment not excluding his current one is beyond dispute.

    In his inaugural lecture delivered at the Leed City University, Ibadan, on November 7, 2013, Professor Chibuzor Nwoke, who has studied and written extensively on the role of mineral resources in the contemporary global political economy, dilated on the topic, “Rich Land; Poor People: The Political Economy of Mineral Resources in a Peripheral Capitalist State”. In my review of the lecture at that time, I had written in this space that “While exhaustively documenting Nigeria’s huge mineral endowments in diverse sectors, Professor Nwoke also argues that there is absolutely no reason why, with visionary, competent and patriotic leadership, these resources could not be utilized to achieve self-reliant industrialization for the country as well as uplift the quality of life of the Nigerian people…His detailed catalogue of the variety and spread of untapped mineral resources throughout the length and breadth of the country proves that there is no excuse of Nigeria’s sustained dependence on oil, which is responsible for over 90% of the country’s resources. Most of the states, which are dependent on oil revenues from the centre, are shown to have untapped mineral deposits that could have enriched the country’s resource base and facilitated their socio-economic development”.

    It is instructive that under Alake, the Ministry of Solid Minerals Development has entered into partnership arrangements with a number of state governments towards the development of solid minerals within the jurisdiction of such states. Just as the ongoing decentralization of operations and control in the electricity sector from the centre, the Tinubu administration is not averse to allowing the states the requisite autonomy to exploit mineral resources located within their jurisdiction and that is the way to go.

    Dr Alake is serving as Minister of Solid Minerals at a critical transitional phase in the evolution of the Nigerian economy. Not only has the price of crude oil plummeted calamitously in the international market, many countries are moving away from dependence on fossil fuels for cheaper and safer sources of energy. Many experts assert that the golden age of oil is over and that current reserves of the commodity have a limited lifespan. Alake thus has his work cut out for him. His challenge is to help to lay the foundation for solid minerals, with which the country is munificently blessed, to become the future major revenue earner for Nigeria.

    Experts estimate that the country’s solid minerals sector has the capacity to generate an annual average revenue of no less than $700 billion. It is contended in some quarters that this is an overly conservative estimate as virtually all states in Nigeria have solid minerals deposits within their geographical terrain. In a focused approach to his assignment, Alake has identified eight priority minerals for immediate action and attention. These are gold, baryte, iron-ore, lead/zinc, coal, limestone, bitumen and lithium. His energies are thus centered on undertaking regulatory reforms to restore investor confidence and renewed global interest in these priority solid mineral resources without necessarily eschewing interest and investment in scores of other minerals with which the country is blessed.

    To generate critical data on the eight priority minerals and their deposits, the ministry signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with a German firm, Geo Scan Gmbn which will deploy sophisticated technology capable of exploring mineral resources up to 10000 meters underground. Another key initiative of the Ministry in the last one year is the revision of guidelines for Community Development Agreements with the aim of deriving maximum benefits from operations of mining companies while securing requisite derived royalties accruable to government for investment in economic development. Important to note in this regard is the ongoing strengthening of the ministry’s mines inspectorate division to enhance its capacity to assess the sanctity of mining agreements with a role being designed for traditional rulers in the signing of these agreements for the benefit of host communities.

    During the timeframe under review, the ministry entered into MOUs with reputable firms in the United Kingdom and Australia among others for training of Nigerian mining professionals on modern mining technology and practices. These agreements cover training, study trips, and exchanges of mining professionals with the ultimate aim of attracting foreign direct investment to enhance the country’s global competitiveness in the sector.

    On one of his investment pursuit trips, Alake told his audience at the Mines and Mining Conference in London that “The country’s geographical bounty encompasses over 44 distinct mineral types, found in exploitable quantities across more than 500 locations. Recently, recognizing the evolving global landscape and in response to emerging trends, Lithium has been included as a crucial strategic mineral of global consequence”. As a fall out of these efforts, there are ongoing negotiations with British investors interested in the Lithium value chain towards the production of Lithium-powered energy buses for Nigeria’s domestic market.

    With the support of the World Bank, the Ministry has conducted aeromagnetic surveys across the country which have yielded a preliminary analysis of mineral spread and deposits while a more detailed exploration is being worked on to enable investors make more informed investment decisions. The regulatory reforms which included improving transparency and reducing bureaucratic hurdles has enhanced the revenue buoyancy of the ministry. For instance, shortly after resumption of office, the Minister announced the revocation of 1,633 mining licenses due to default in the payment of their stipulated annual service fees. The affected entities had exceeded their deadlines to offset their debts as demanded by the Mining Cadastral Office. They retrieved their licenses only after defraying their debts.

    It is thus not surprising that the Ministry was able to report that it contributed N16,395,640,771.58 to the federal government coffers between May 2023 and April 2024. These earnings through the Mining Cadastral Office was N6.7 billion over the revenue target of N10.5 billion set for the agency. With the minister’s determination to institutionalize processes for adding value to solid minerals before export, there is every indication that the Ministry will report even more impressive revenue performance in the near future.

    It is no doubt due to his dynamism and versatility that Alake was elected as Chairman of the African Minerals Strategy Group (AMSG), a forum of African Ministers of Solid Minerals/Mineral Resources. In his address at a recent mining conference organized by the Nigerian Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS), Alake had averred that “My objective as the Minister is to work to ensure that Nigeria becomes a global mining destination for the first time in history and we are working to make this happen by alleviating bottlenecks and addressing salient challenges that have plagued the sector for decades”. It is indisputable that Alake is walking his talk.

  • Professor Tunji Olaopa and there form struggle in Nigeria (1)

    Professor Tunji Olaopa and there form struggle in Nigeria (1)

    Just as Nelson Mandela in his autobiography, ‘No Easy Walk to Freedom’, described the struggle for the emancipation of his country from the clutches of racist colonialism as his life, Professor Tunji Olaopa, eminent political scientist, accomplished public administrator, engaging public intellectual, bibliophile and life-long student of philosophy, has adopted his obsessive quest for public sector transformational reform in post-colonial Nigeria as his life. It is hardly contestable that a truly modernizing, efficient, effective, result-oriented, purpose-driven and ethically conscious public service is a necessary condition for the realization of Nigeria’s trapped potentials and the fulfillment of her manifest destiny as a developmental lodestar for the black man.

    In his characteristically inimitable self-portraiture to commemorate his 60th birthday in 2019 but published last year by Pan-African University Press and titled, ‘The Unending Quest for Reform: An Intellectual Memoir’, Professor Olaopa documents both the paths of his personal life trajectory so far and also his diverse roles over the last three and a half decades in the intellectual and practical endeavours to deliver on far-reaching and sustainable public- sector reforms in Nigeria. It is not surprising that two of Nigeria’s best and brightest intellectuals, Bishop Mathew Hassan Kukah of the Sokoto Diocese of the Catholic Church and Professor Eghosa Osaghae, renowned political scientist and Director General of the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA), write the two insightful forewords to the book which runs into 258 pages and is subdivided into eighteen chapters.

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    Dr Kukah, who highlights some of the Kukah Foundation’s collaborative efforts with the author towards achieving desired reforms in Nigeria submits that “The uniqueness of ‘Unending Quest for Reform’ is that it brings together the career trajectory of someone who is both a scholar and a bureaucrat; someone who brought the uniqueness of theory and scholarship to the peculiar profession of the public service. This great work closes the gap between the two”. And Professor Osaghae, who incidentally was Olaopa’s teacher at the Department of Political Science, University of Ibadan, in the second foreword asserts tersely and unequivocally that “Intellectual autobiographies come as absorbing and engaging as other profound academic works tend to be. Professor Tunji Olaopa’s intellectual memoir is not different and certainly ranks as one of the more profound intellectual autobiographies to come out of Nigeria”.

    Apart from the author’s earlier authorized biography of the eminent economist, Professor Ojetunji Aboyade, titled ‘A Prophet is with Honour: The Life and Times of Ojetunji Aboyade’, published in 1997, which meticulously documents the intellectual influences on the great scholar, I am yet to come across a life narrative in Nigeria that so intricately blends the theoretical and the praxial, the philosophical and the pragmatic, the idealist and the realist as Olaopa’s enthralling memoir. It is instructive that, as Olaopa states in his preface, the choice of his title for the book was influenced by that of the Austian- British philosopher, Karl Popper, whose revelatory self-narrative was titled: “Unending Quest: An Intellectual Autobiography”. That the author had read and was profoundly influenced by Popper is not surprising. The deep, it is said, call to the deep. I am eagerly on the lookout for Popper’s work which I have not read.

    One of the things that emerge poignantly in this book is Olaopa’s intense love affair with books and the enduring impact they have made in shaping the course of his life and the defining cause of his existence. In a way, this book has been prefaced by Olaopa’s slim but pungent and delightful volume titled ‘The Joy of Learning’ published in 2010. In my review of that work at the time, I had averred that “Indeed, Awolowo’s insight helps us to appreciate better Olaopa’s articulation of the imperative of consciously and deliberately encouraging learning as a lifelong process that includes formal training in a specialized discipline but also encompasses what he describes as the sustained cultivation of ethical consciousness, broadness of perspectives and horizon, tolerance, compassion and a high sense of individual and moral responsibility”.

    But then, why write the story of a life that, as at 2019, was still unfolding at 60 when, all things being equal, Olaopa’s personal and career accomplishments in a relatively brief time-span, indicated even more daunting height he was more than capable of attaining in the road ahead of him? His justification is persuasive. According to him, “In convincing myself to publish my life’s story, I have argued that an autobiography is not essentially meant to be written at a life’s end. It could essentially be a summation of what one considers to be significant in one’s unfolding trajectory. In my case, like Aboyade’s, I have lived and I am still living the life of an institutional reformer within the context of the Nigerian state which journey towards nationhood is still evolving”.

    When he penned those words around 2019, Olaopa was unaware that he would be appointed Chairman of the Federal Civil Service Commission by the President Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration in May 2023 after a bitterly fought presidential election. With over 15 full length academic books on public administration and public sector reforms in Nigeria, scores of journal articles, an eventful public service career that saw him rise to the apex of the Service as a federal Permanent Secretary and his post-retirement creative institutional endeavor, the Ibadan School of Government and Public Policy (ISGPP), there is hardly any person better placed than the author to occupy that office in an administration that has no choice but to commit to fundamental public sector reforms if it is to break the logjam of what Professor Okwudiba Nnoli describe as the ‘dead-end to Nigerian development’. This book charts the course of how and why Professor Olaopa has become what he is today – an icon in the intellection and practice of public administration in contemporary Nigeria.

    In the first chapter titled ‘Books and Becoming’, he narrates the phenomenal role of books in developing his intellect and outlook, nurturing his character as well as nursing and guiding his ambitions and life projections. But then, there are good and bad books which may exert positive or negative moral influences on the burgeoning mind of youth. The choice of books that nudged the urge to add value to humanity must in itself be a function of the presence of some directing, inner virtue. In Olaopa’s words, “I was practically raised on books. I mean to say that, apart from my paternal grandmother’s notion of physical work as the definition of excellence in life, all others – from my father to my elder brother and the schools I attended – saw the significance of books and were insistent on redefining excellence in terms of how many books I could read”. As he pithily puts it, “I was the one Bertolt Brecht was talking to when he said, “Hungry man, reach for the book. It is a weapon”. The book was a weapon for my coming of age and the compass of my journey through life”.  

  • Tinubu: Leadership in tough times (2)

    Tinubu: Leadership in tough times (2)

    Uneasy lies the head that wears the crown and shoulders the burden of leadership in a country that has been battered, mismanaged, deprived, and emasculated; a potentially great ‘nation’ gasping for breath across the critical sectors due to bad luck and lack of direction.

    The neck of the incumbent shrinks due to the heavy load he applied to carry. The hurdles to cross are many. The road to recovery is lengthy and laced with thorns. The right medications for multiple illnesses are available. But the right physician is being resisted. Political foes and other unpatriotic elements are at work trying to thwart efforts at rebuilding the faulty edifice. There is no demarcation between the time for governance and the time for politicking. Time is also not a friend. It waits nobody.

    The people, having conferred the mandate, are impatient after the poll. They want instant results from the magician they have conjured. No further explanation would be tenable. A decade-old puzzle must be solved in a day, in the twinkle of an eye. It is the irreducible criterion for justifying the claim to power.

    The solutions, now rightly and properly applied, are accompanied with pain. It is not punishment but a necessary appeal for sacrifice. Although the pains are temporary, the intended beneficiaries of reforms perceive them as the continuation or aggravation of the pre-existing conditions. The good intention is grossly misunderstood. The import of the long-term benefits is never internalised.

    Ardent critics are not looking at what has changed for the better. They are only focusing on what remains to be achieved and amplifying the implications of an unfinished business. They know that the pains have to be endured and there is light at the end of the tunnel. But they are regressing to the pastime of raising the alarm and fabricating fables against noble intentions.

    Those who mean well for Nigeria, those who aspire to lead with fidelity, patriotism, candour and sense of responsibility face these dilemmas.

    Being in competition with small minds and forging ahead in the service of the people demand staying courageous, remaining focused, taking decisive actions in national interest, being above board and remaining committed to the goal of salvaging society, even if it inevitably involves stepping on toes.

    Actions that men of history took and later attracted commendations from future generations were hardly popular with those who lacked a realistic appraisal of their agenda for the transformation of society. But their names are written in gold after achieving positive results, serving as models and reference points in moral value, resilience and statesmanship.

    Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, President of Nigeria, would be in this mould of giants of history with the passage of time. He is on a rescue mission at a critical time the highly heterogeneous, far-flung nation-state is struggling to recover from long years of illusion under successive misdirected leaders.

    But he also has to pay the price of leadership, including the endurance of mistrust and sabotage, the endless distractions by those afraid of innovative approach to governance and the antics of ethnic and religious bigots.

    The current government inherited a country in huge debt; a country fretting under the scourge of terror, unemployment syndrome, infrastructural deficit, power shortage and heavy fuel importation. It also inherited a country torn apart by ethnicity and religiosity. The solutions to these symptoms were captured in the historic manifesto: ‘Renewed Hope Agenda.’

    As Nigeria counts its gains and losses, 25 years after the restoration of civil rule, it is indisputable that the Tinubu administration would be considered as a major gain. The President is taking far-reaching decisions, which the unwary would misinterpret for selfish reasons. Nigeria is made to face the reality of the fact that if its dream of a greater tomorrow is to be realised, it may be necessary for it to pass through the furnace, once and for all, and reinvent itself, clear the Augean stable, do what the Asian tigers did to rise like the phoenix and secure a better future for those yet unborn.

    One of the steps this administration has taken was the removal of subsidy. It is very challenging. But the alternative is to promote business as usual and allow a few barons to continue to milk the country dry to the detriment of the majority of Nigerians. In the process, government has been able to save billions. States get richer through a better allocation from the federal purse.

    What remains is for majority of states, which are pretending as if their finances have not improved, to emulate the few states where their governors are creatively deploying the higher resource allocations to fund accelerated  development in their domains.

    As palliatives have floundered, government should realistically channel more resources into sectors that offer qualitative social services. If the burden of expensive school fees for students at the secondary and tertiary levels is lifted from parents; if free and quality health services for all is guaranteed for the aged, expectant mothers, youths and children; and if public transportation is made easier by putting a larger number of buses on the road; if the increased allocation from the centre is complemented by honest leadership; if the nation enjoys expanded rail services, Nigerians would understand these as expanded dividends of democracy.

    It is gratifying that the Federal Executive Council (FEC) parades performing ministers and ministers of state overseeing the various ministries. They include Nyesom Wike in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Dave Umahi in Works, Fesyus Keyamo in Aviation and Aerospace Development, Wale Edun in Finance, Dele Alake in Solid Minerals Development, Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo in Internal Affairs, Doris Anite in Trade, Industry and Investment, and Lateef Fagbemi (SAN) in Justice, to name only a few of them. The onus is on them to sustain their  achievements.

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    President Tinubu is also focusing on infrastructure battle nationwide. Attention is on the Lagos-Calabar coastal highway, the East-West road, the remaining part of Lagos-Ibadan Expressway and the proposed Lagos-Sokoto road. Yet, countless other road projects, reconstruction, rehabilitation and even patching are going on simultaneously across the six geo-political zones. What is required is a sustained tempo on the projects throughout this first term.

    The President has paid excellent attention to the economy. It is the crux of the matter. New monetary and fiscal policies are being pursued to stabilise the economy, strengthen the Naira and enhance production.

    Productive activities are key. If government can ensure regular power supply and resuscitate the dead refineries, the manufacturing sector will bounce back and news industries will also spring up to generate more jobs for the unemployed. The strengthening of the currency against the dollar depends on the level of productive activities. There is no short-cut.

    Security has remained a priority. The administration has invested huge resources to protect lives, businesses and property. Though the battle has not been completely won, bandits are being dislodged from their hiding places. To fully win the war, all Nigerians should be involved. At a time of anxiety like this, the battle against insecurity should be a collective duty involving, not only the Armed Forces, but also all the people across communities where intelligence gathering is still in short supply.

    It is good news that the student loan scheme has taken off. It will greatly assist indigent students in their studies and prevent drop-outs. This is a federal scheme. If states cannot follow suit, they should broaden the scope of scholarships and bursaries to “students of origin,” as it is their custom.

    The robust agricultural policy of this administration was designed to enable the country become self-sufficient in food production, thereby boosting food security. There is capital flight, owing to food importation. More emphasis should now be on agro-allied industries. Farmlands should be peaceful. Bandits should be flushed out so that farmers can concentrate on tilling the ground in anticipation of bountiful harvest.

    Many other achievements, which are deliberately ignored by critics, could be credited to President Tinubu. He has come across as the National Leader of Nigeria; a father figure, detribalised, a promoter of equity and inclusion for the purpose fostering a sense of participation and belonging across the six geo-political regions. He is accessible, he listens and accords respect to stakeholders, and never claims to have a monopoly of wisdom. On a number of occasions, he has moved swiftly to correct mistakes through reversals. He is a democrat.

    Nigeria is being repositioned on the path of federalism. The evidence is the government’s inclination towards devolution or decentralisation of policing power, rail power and the push for local government autonomy.

    Above all, the President is a believer in the rule of law and due process. An anti-corruption war is being waged with vigour and without any interference and preferential treatment. Court orders are given special respect and the Bar and the Bench are pursuing their own reforms for internal cleansing.

    There are more opportunities to do great exploits. The next three years should be characterised by speed, more dedication, a better coordination of government activities, a better evaluation of policies and programmes, an improved communication with the public for enlightenment and feedback, and an utmost fidelity to the agenda for salvaging Nigeria.