The Nation Newspaper

Category: Saturday

  • The quest for council autonomy

    The quest for council autonomy

    The announcement by the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Senator George Akume, that President Bola Tinubu is backing the clamour for local government autonomy offers an elixir of hope for the grassroots crusaders.

    Autonomy implies that the local governments will have the liberty to independently exercise authority with the backing of the law and the constitution. It means the power and liberty to effectively and efficiently discharge constitutionally assigned responsibilities without undue interference, restraint or control by either the federal or state authorities.

    The road treaded to get to this destination has been tortuous. Efforts to review the constitution to grant autonomy to the local governments have been resisted by state authorities. Although residual powers are devolved in the councils, which underscores a degree of decentralisation in federalism, states that complain about the Federal Government’s enlarged and intimidating powers and spheres of influence object to a greater degree of autonomy that may severe the state/council cords.

    The local government system, without doubt, is in a fix. Many councils are impoverished. They can hardly perform their constitutional duties of serving the people at the grassroots, although they are the closest unit of administration to the people.

    However, opinion is divided on the agitation for autonomy. While council functionaries believe that financial independence will liberate the fledgling local governments from the jaws of power-loaded governors, the governors believe that when local governments are removed from the direct control of the states, what remains of the sub-national level is a carcass.

    Read Also: Five Northern monarchs deposed in Nigeria

    The argument of governors is that the Nigerian brand of federalism only recognises two tiers -the general, federal, national or central government, and the states, which are coordinate with the somehow distant but powerful central government.

    Today, there is duality of financial controls over the councils. While the Federal Government allocates funds to state/local government joint account, the state reserves the power on the mode of distribution. The reason given by the state is that councils are created by the House of Assembly for ease of administration at the local level. To that extent, the local units of administration are an extension of the state.

    The local governments are listed in the 1999 Constitution. But the constitution also affirms the right of the state parliament to exercise political control over the local governments. This includes the supervision and scrutiny of its financial books and discipline of elected chairmen through suspension from office.

    The local government system is beset by many challenges. There are concerns about democratisation, operational efficiency, capacity for performance, competence of administrative and technical staff, service delivery, and corruption.

    While council chairmen, councillors and workers intensify their demand for autonomy, because of the desire for improved funding and independence from state authorities, many council helmsmen have not shown capacity for prudent spending.

    Although the constitution provides that democratically elected councils are fully guaranteed, many local governments are still being run by caretaker committees appointed by governors. Even in councils where there is a semblance of an election, many chairmen and councillors are not popularly elected.

    The Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Prof. Mahmood Yakubu, put this into perspective when he said the State Independent Electoral Commission (SIEC) has become a tool for coronation of governors’ preferred candidates as chairmen and councillors.

    Indeed, governors believe that elected grassroots operators should automatically become a part of their personal political structures. The strategy is to nurture them ahead of electioneering and deploy them as agents of grassroots mobilisation. Those chairmen who fall out of favour are removed or the council is dissolved.

    A governor appoints his cronies into SIECs. Those appointed are mostly card-carrying members of the ruling party. Opposition parties become livid because the umpire is perceived as biased. Predictably, the ruling party, under the governor, who is the party’s State Leader, produces all the chairmen and councillors.

    The political bureaucracy is not supported by competent council workers in many councils. Council engineers are seen as quacks who are unknown to COREN and council accountants and treasurers lack ICAN professional certification.

    Service delivery is also at a low ebb. In some states, councils lack capacity to discharge the duties of refuse collection and environmental sanitation. The states take over the respinsibility. Unlike in the glorious days of Lagos Town Council when the local Works Department, with its heavy equipment-grader and caterpillars-constructed roads that rivaled state and federal roads, many councils across the country nowadays are shadows. Their workers are poorly trained and ill-motivated. Also, many councillors see their positions as employment, empowerment or merely as rewards for political involvement.

    Council chairmen are attacked on two fronts where they cannot resist pressures. While some of them complain about illegal deductions of council funds by their governors, they are also at the mercy of local party chieftains and godfathers who demand unearned salaries as reward for sponsorship or political support. A council chairman once told reporters that not less than 120 local politicians were on the council’s unofficial payroll. Failure to honour the imposed monthly financial obligations could be a recipe for crisis.

    In states where governors are performing, they are drawn back by inept council chairmen who cannot replicate their feats at the councils. The complaints about dubious deductions are justifiable. But, how have the council chairmen judiciously utilised the scarce resources at their disposal?

    There are 774 local governments. All of them were created by successive military regimes. Their distribution is skewed or lopsided. The criterion was not equity. As the elite won the battles for the creation of more states for the purpose enhancing development and securing more access to state resources, state creation paved the way for local government creation, not on the basis of equity but on expediency. It led to the preservation of identity in some areas. In other states, diverse people were lumped together in many councils, particularly in highly heterogeneous areas, where they have continued their acrimonious relationship.

    Some council chairmen behave as local governors who have turned their councils into a bastion of corruption through their ostentatious lifestyles and primitive accumulation. Whenever there is crisis between the chairmen and councillors who threaten them with impeachment, the bone of contention is not about the developmental agenda of the council, but misunderstanding over the formula for the distribution of the largesse.

    That is not what the local government should stand for. Local government should stand for efficient service delivery in education, health, environment, markets, and mobilisation of traditional rulers and other vital community resources for intelligence gathering for the purpose of ensuring security.

    Also, the local government exists to deepen democracy in the countryside. It is meant to democratically throw up community men who know the environment, its prospects and challenges, and who are ready to serve the people with patriotism. The council is expected to be the intermediary between the state government and the people at the grassroots. The feedback on the efficacy of state government programmes can be collated at the local government level for the purpose of refocusing and improving the quality of project implementation.

    Besides, the local government is expected to be a training ground for future leaders. The assumption is that an elected public official who begins his political and public service career is in a vantage position to acquire wide-ranging experiences about governance, political mobilisation and management of human and material resources.

    Indeed, early leaders, including Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Alhaji Ahmadu Bello, began their illustrious political careers as councillors before they moved to the parliament where they later became regional ministers and premiers.

    More importantly, local governments should be accountable to the grassroots they are meant to serve. They should be run in a transparent manner and the people should have a sense of ownership and belonging through the people-oriented projects and programmes implemented by councils.

    Historically, there was never a time that councils existed independently of regions and states. But past regional or state authorities ensured that councils were positioned to attend to peculiar and local needs of the communities within the limit of available resources.

    Many reforms have been carried out in a bid to reposition the local government system in Nigeria. In 1976, the secretary became the council’s accounting officer, following the adoption of the Etsu Nupe Committee reforms. The chairmanship was largely ceremonial. But, in 1980s, the Babangida regime introduced the presidential system and the chairmen assumed full executive powers.

    The reforms never obliterated the subordinate status of the local government in the Nigerian federation. It has never been perceived as the third tier.

    Here lies the dilemma. Councils are appendages of the states, the only sub-national units that are partners in the federation. They derive their existence and powers from the law enacted by the House of Assembly.

    There is a need for more debates and dialogues among stakeholders for the purpose of arriving at a consensus that would be critical to the envisaged constitutional review that may lead to the realisation of the latent dream for local government autonomy.

  • Tackling Nigeria’s inflation woes

    Tackling Nigeria’s inflation woes

    Nigeria, like many other countries around the world has repeatedly grappled  with the knotty economic malaise of inflation for many years. Inflation, which Milton Friedman described as  “taxation without any form of legislation”and which Vladimir Lenin once prescribed as the perfect antidote to squeeze the bourgeois, much refers to the general increase in prices for goods and services, and has on many occasions had an impact on the economy and the lives of ordinary citizens, (Lenin got it wrong here)

    In recent years, Nigeria has experienced high levels of inflation, with prices of essential goods and services rising rapidly, putting a strain on the purchasing power of people and affecting their standard of living. The inflation rate today stands at a gloomy figure of 34.9 against the 21 4 target given by the CBN as at early January and there seems to be no signs that it would abate any time soon.

    One of the major factors contributing to inflation in Nigeria is the high level of government spending. The Nigerian government

    since time immemorial has been running high budget deficits for many years, leading to an increase in the money supply and putting pressure on prices. Despite prescriptions by a number of economists, including professionals from the Bretton Woods, successive Nigerian governments have like sick but heady patients refused to take such prescriptions, particularly on reckless spending, the inverse required to tackle inflation headlong. It is even worse when it comes to light that such deficit spending is sourced from borrowing and mostly utilized for White Elephant projects or is pilfered into private pockets and stashed in some Swiss bank accounts. This then puts unnecessary pressure when the time to repay draws nigh and results in further inflation. Governments both at Federal and State levels can work towards reducing their budget deficits, if not eliminating it totally by cutting unnecessary spending, improving revenue collection, and implementing fiscal discipline. By reducing the deficit, the government can reduce the pressure on prices and help to stabilize the economy.

    Another factor contributing to inflation in Nigeria is the country’s  heavy over-reliance on oil revenues. Nigeria is heavily dependent on oil exports for its revenue, and fluctuations in oil prices can have a significant impact on the economy. We cannot obviously continue the n such manner and while the Buhari administration did do its bit to ameliorate such a situation, this present administration must continue from where the last administration stopped. Sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing, and services can help us diversify the economy, increase our sources of revenue and reduce the impact of fluctuations in oil prices on Nigerians.

    In addition to addressing the factors contributing to inflation, the Nigerian government can also implement monetary policies to control inflation. One of the key tools that the government can use to control inflation is the central bank’s monetary policy. Utilizing such a tool, the Central Bank under Yemi Cardoso has outlined the policy direction of the Bank for 2024, with a pledge to prioritise price and exchange rate stability to promote sustainable economic growth, safeguarding the livelihoods of Nigerians. How he intends to achieve this will continuously excite a plethora of mixed reactions as many have accused the CBN of pursuing policies that are aggressive to households, SMEs and corporations, drenching their real disposable incomes, as well as resulting to job losses while revenues for businesses will likely flatten! 

    The decision to increase borrowing costs is also likely to distort the demand for labour and freeze  wage rates, leading to rising  unemployment and a sharp drop in purchasing power.

    In addition to raising interest rates, the central bank can also use other monetary policy tools such as open market operations and reserve requirements to control inflation. Open market operations involve buying and selling government securities to control the money supply, while reserve requirements refer to the amount of cash that banks are required to hold as reserves. By using these tools effectively, the central bank can help to stabilize the economy and control inflation.

    Another important step that the Nigerian government can take to tackle inflation is to address supply-side constraints. Inflation in Nigeria is often driven by supply-side factors such as poor infrastructure, supply chain disruptions, and high production costs. To tackle inflation, the government can invest in infrastructure development, improve the business environment, and enhance productivity in key sectors of the economy. By addressing supply-side constraints, the government can help to increase the supply of goods and services, reduce production costs, and mitigate inflationary pressures.

    Furthermore, the Nigerian government can also implement policies to curb speculative activities that contribute to inflation. Truth remains that there is a huge range of speculation in the foreign exchange market and this has repeatedly put immense pressure on the exchange rate and led to higher prices for imported goods. While the Tinubu administration has made efforts in stabilizing the exchange rate, it still has a lot to do in curbing speculative activities, and promoting transparency in the foreign exchange market. This way the government can help to stabilize prices and reduce inflationary pressures.

    In addition to these measures, the Nigerian government can also work towards improving the efficiency and effectiveness of its institutions and policies. Corruption, inefficiency, and weak governance can exacerbate inflation and hinder economic progress. To tackle inflation, the government can strengthen institutions, improve transparency and accountability, and enhance the effectiveness of its policies. By addressing governance challenges, the government can create a conducive environment for sustainable economic growth and stability.

    Furthermore, the Nigerian government can also work towards enhancing social protection measures to mitigate the impact of inflation on vulnerable groups. Inflation can disproportionately affect low-income households, exacerbating poverty and inequality. To tackle inflation, the government can implement social protection programs such as cash transfers, food assistance, and job creation initiatives to support vulnerable groups and cushion the impact of inflation on their livelihoods. By providing social protection measures, the government can help to ensure that the most vulnerable members of society are not left behind in the face of inflation.

    In conclusion, inflation is a complex economic challenge that requires a comprehensive and coordinated response from the Nigerian government. By addressing the factors contributing to inflation, implementing effective monetary policies, addressing supply-side constraints, curbing speculative activities, improving governance, and enhancing social protection measures, the Nigerian government can work towards stabilizing the economy, controlling inflation, and promoting sustainable economic growth. Tackling inflation requires a multi-faceted approach that takes into account the diverse factors influencing prices and the economy. With strong leadership, effective policies, and stakeholder engagement, the Nigerian government can succeed in tackling inflation and achieving economic stability for the benefit of all citizens.

  • The challenge of coalition

    The challenge of coalition

    Barely a year into the Bola Tinubu administration, few key opposition figures are ganging up, scheming on how to draw the carpet from the fledgling government. They are threatening fire and brimstone. The pain of last year’s electoral misfortune they suffered still haunt their conscience.

    In their collective acknowledgement of personal inadequacies, they are looking for a sort of remediation. But such an adaptive political behaviour is a hard choice. History has recorded many of such failed unions. But as they are forcing themselves to politically cohabitate in their desperation to do the government in, they are exhibiting a glaring collision of ideas. They are attempting to wed known political drifters.

    The motive of a “rainbow coalition” is to take power from the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in 2027, three years from now, and nothing more. The struggle has no ideological connotation. Public support for the move is uncertain.

    The joint action being mooted underscores a sluggish or haphazard regrouping of strange bedfellows who suffer from previous shallow permutations and tactics that heralded their colossal fall on poll day last year.

    Be that as it may, the import of the challenge is that the Tinubu administration cannot afford to sleep on guard. Indeed, times are changing. In some African countries, like Ghana and Kenya, opposition parties have surprisingly united to bring down the ruling parties.

    Even, the PDP, at its zenith, fell after boasting that it would remain in power for the next 60 years.

    The implication is that only good governance can enable any ruling party to retain control. But, if the challenge is trivialised by the ruling party, and concerted efforts are not made to consolidate its hold on power through improved performance and fulfillment of campaign promises, its future may be cloudy.

    Read Also: Nigerians in United States contribute $20b annually to Nigerians, says US

    That opposition leaders, like wounded lions, are trying to roar, is legitimate. They are also clearly in a vantage position to utilise any opportunity to fuel sentiments and propaganda, particularly at a time of national economic adversity. However, the current reality is that the consistent “disarticulated” and subjective criticisms of Federal Government activities by the scattered opposition leaders may portray them as disgruntled elements lacking in depth and bite.

    Taking a cue from the past, they want to emulate the pre-2015 combined styles of the defunct ACN, ANPP, CPC, APGA, and the nPDP that weakened the Goodluck Jonathan administration and heralded its fall. But, how far can the new frantic coalition forces go?

    During the week, former Labour Party (LP) presidential candidate, Peter Obi, visited his Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) counterpart and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, in Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), to explore another form of collaboration, ahead of the next general election. They are not fatigued. For them, hope is the elixir of a political life. There is nothing wrong in trying after each defeat. Atiku and Obi are going to the archives to retrieve the “fusion” papers of the legacy parties that culminated in the APC.

    Obi also visited former Jigawa Governor Sule Lamido and former Senate President Bukola Saraki.

    Some observers have described the parley, partly, as a meeting of strange bedfellows.

    In 2019, Obi was Atiku’s running mate during the presidential poll on the platform of the PDP. The former vice president, having picked him without wider consultation, drew the ire of Southeast governors. They were defeated by the Buhari/Osinbajo ticket. After the poll, they parted ways. Four years after, Obi sensed that the attraction was no more there and Atiku would not pick him again. He hurriedly left the PDP and began a sojourn in the LP.

    During last year’s poll, Atiku and Obi refused to work together, despite entreaties. Obidients, who are Obi’s media warrior-supporters, fired salvos at the two septuagenarians on the ballot – Asiwaju Bola Tinubu and Atiku, saying they should allow 62-year-old “youthful” Obi to take power.

    Tinubu was more focused throughout the electioneering. There was no crack in his party after the primary, unlike Atiku, who was bogged down by the onslaught of the G-5. Both Atiku and Obi were defeated by President Tinubu.

    Shortly after the post-election litigations, Obi also rejected partisan overtures by Atiku, who mooted the idea of a coalition. His supporters described the PDP as a platform that had lost steam and LP as a movement that should not be contaminated.

    It is curious. While the PDP has structures across the states, local governments and wards, the LP has remained a “structureless” organisation. Many followers or supporters of the former Anambra State governor merely identify with it during the electioneering but not as registered and loyal party members.

    Currently, both PDP and LP are contending with some internal contradictions, particularly leadership squabbles that have further polarised them. The PDP has outstanding issues. So far, it appears the leading opposition party is not keen at resolving them.

    Up to now, its affairs are being run by an interim leadership headed by an acting national chairman. Its G-5 rebellious members still have an axe to grind with the party. Some PDP members from the South still believe that if a northerner, General Muhammadu Buhari, could spend eight years in office, then, a Southerner should also spend eight years before power would shift to the North.

    The PDP, beset by a leadership crisis, has been hit by a gale of defections, making it to lose many members to the ruling party. It appears that the party is no more supreme and discipline is a tall order.

    Also, the LP is not faring better. It is split into two camps. In the Southeast, which is its stronghold, it is ebbing away as many chieftains are leaving in droves.

    Besides, the LP is enveloped in controversy. The rift between the party and its acclaimed founder, Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), has escalated, with the Political Commission of the union rejecting Julius Abore as the national chairman.

    Observers believe that Obi has not demonstrated the capacity to foster reconciliation in the party.

    The direction of the proposed PDP/LP coalition is not clear. The basis for fusion, coalition, accord, alliance, or cooperation may exist. But certain factors, once absent, may thwart the proposed collaboration.

    The APC formula worked because of the division in the PDP under Jonathan. Indeed, APC, then as a virile opposition, made a serious effort to profit from the internal bickering. The situation is different now. The ruling APC is united behind President Tinubu. Also, while the Jonathan administration was described as an inept government without clues, Tinubu’s government is objectively and realistically appraised as a government that would surmount the current challenges, although there is still a gap between expectation and reality.

    In the APC of 2014/’15, there was no case of senior partnership. Legacy leaders were ready to make sacrifices. Personal interest was downplayed. The defunct ACN, ANPP, nPDP, CPC, and the tiny fraction of APGA were unanimous that Buhari should be the presidential candidate. Their leaders did not project themselves as politicians seeking power for personal ends but as patriotic and credible leaders seeking a greater opportunity to serve the country. They also upheld zoning, believing that after Dr. Goodluck Jonathan from the South, power should rotate to the North.

    If Atiku and Obi come together, how would they resolve the zoning hurdle or debacle? Would Obi step down for Atiku to fly the ticket of the coalition party they are likely to form?

    APC has survived, and it is still thriving. The opposition is understandably demoralised and cannot, in the interim, adjust to life outside power. Would their new party, if they form one, see the light of the day? Or would both the national chairman and the presidential candidate still come from one geo-political zone?

    If the two gladiators – Atiku and Obi – and their parties can bury their differences and come together, Nigeria will be living to its antecedent as a potential two-party nation-state.

    But the lessons of the past are instructive. A lot of spade work has to be done to mould the interests of diverse opposition parties into a concrete structure. Opposition parties planning a coalition may differ in strengths, followership, spread or support base and ethos. The fear of domination, marginalisation and exclusion has to be allayed.

    Historically, political collaboration devoid of tact, realism and willingness to make it work has often collapsed, before and after elections. Suspicion, ego, mistrust, distrust and lack of commitment have often crippled efforts at forging a very formidable coalition.

    In 1959, Awo approached Zik for an alliance after the federal parliamentary elections. He conceded that Zik should be prime minister while he would serve as minister of finance. Unknown to him, Zik had approached Sardauna and Balewa for a coalition. Reality dawned on Awo later that he was already left in the cold.

    After the 1979 presidential poll, the ruling NPN and the number three party, the NPP, formed an accord. It collapsed barely one year after. Not all NPP ministers resigned afterwards. Some later defected to the NPN, thereby decimating their original parties.

    In 1983, UPN, NPP, PRP and GNPP mooted the idea of PPA. But after two meetings, they had to disperse. A question arose: who should be the presidential candidate between Awo and Zik? Old rivalry was reenacted. While the opposition parties were in disarray, the ruling NPN swept the votes, not only by a landslide but also by “moonlight”.

    Though history always teaches lessons for the wary to take a cue from, it is only those schooled in ethical philosophy that draw wisdom from such lessons and act thoughtfully. Whichever way the pendulum of the frantic coalition swings, Nigerians are wise enough to choose who they want to lead them and who they do not want in the saddle.

  • Nigeria: Economic crisis or crisis of underdevelopment? (2)

    Nigeria: Economic crisis or crisis of underdevelopment? (2)

    In a characteristically pungent essay on Africa’s crisis of underdevelopment written in the early 1980s, the late Professor Claude Ake, posed the question: ‘The Present Crisis in Africa: Economic Crisis or Crisis of the State?’, the Marxian political economist contended that Africa’s developmental dilemma was as much an economic crisis as it was, more fundamentally, a crisis of the state. He contended that although the African crisis manifested concretely and dramatically in economic terms- ‘the long and continuing decline in real income, the swelling tide of unemployment, the chronic debt problems, the declining productivity and negative growth rates and now the threat of starvation to over 150 million people’ – its root causes lay in the character of the state (politics) and the value orientation of the neocolonial elite.

    If considered within the context of his classic, ‘Social Science as Imperialism’, Claude Ake also locates underdevelopment in Africa as a function of the intellectual dependency of the continent, the erosion through slavery as well as colonial and neocolonial imperialism of the cultural and psychological self-confidence of the continent resulting in the helpless subjection to policy hegemony of external forces whose continued global dominance can only be a function of the continued dependency of the weakest and most vulnerable and exploited members of the extant global order.

    For most liberal and neoliberal economists, the solution to Nigeria’s protracted economic crisis lies in the manipulation of monetary policy instruments to achieve targeted interest rates, currency exchange rates, reduction in inflation rates, achieving a conducive business environment, and favorable conditions for profit repatriation by foreign investors among others. Even when lip service is paid to boosting agricultural productivity, for instance, to break the debilitating dependency on oil revenues, it is assumed that simply allocating humongous funds to the sector will do the trick. Hardly any attention is paid to the no less critical but arduous task of organizing Nigerian farmers into modern cooperatives with the requisite technological and knowledge backup to modernize their operations and enhance their productivity; an imperative articulated in methodical detail in the writings of Chief Obafemi Awolowo.

    For those who take an essentially economically technicist view of the Nigerian economy, they had cause to express optimism with what they saw as the impressive progress of the economy at a time, during the oil boom of the early seventies to mid-1980s, when their more radical and non-orthodox colleagues urged caution and warned about the then impending catastrophe we confront today. One of such optimistic economic historians, Professor R.O. Ekundare, wrote in the mid-1970s that “There is a strong belief that the Nigerian economy has passed the stage of economic take-off and reached that of self-sustaining growth. A purely subsistence economy a century ago has been transformed into a fairly sophisticated market economy”.

    It was in response to such scholarly delusions that the book ‘Path to Nigerian Development’, a collection of radical essays on the evolution, root causes, characteristics and concrete paths out of the conundrum of underdevelopment edited by Professor Okwudiba Nnoli was published in 1981. Although written from the prism of radical revolutionary ideology, its insights are still useful to an understanding of and grappling with the challenges of underdevelopment in contemporary Nigeria.

    The hard-working duo of Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Mr Wale Edun and the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Mr. Olayemi Cardoso, along with other members of President Bola Tinubu’s economic management team are striving to rescue the economy from inherited and deeply rooted pathological dysfunctions. But finding enduring solutions to what is both an economic crisis and the more long-term challenges of underdevelopment will necessitate going beyond superficial economic tinkering or shuffling of economic indices. The non-economic is as critical to the resolution of this crisis as the essentially economic.

    Historically, even when the policies from the toolkit of the orthodox liberal economist appear to be working and achieving the objectives for which they were adopted, there is no guarantee that a country’s goal of transcending and overcoming debilitating underdevelopment are being met. The late Professor Eskor Toyo, the radical political economist, made this point in his exhaustive study of the implementation of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) in Nigeria under the military president, General Ibrahim Babangida’s regime, titled, ‘Economics of Structural Adjustment: A Study of the Prelude to Globalization’.

    In his words. “The evidence presented in this chapter shows that the SAP has not failed in all respects, as has sometimes been implied in some criticisms. It has achieved some of the aims set for it: a positive ‘growth’ rate, improved utilization of capacity, increased local sourcing of raw materials, an increase in non-oil exports, a rescheduling of the debts, the lightening of the debt burden through debt conversion, an adjustment of the exchange rate towards what the IMF and the World Bank would accept as ‘realistic’, an increase in saving, more Naira in the hands of the Federal Government, ‘international confidence’ and the extension of some credit or aid to Nigeria thanks to this confidence etc”.

    Read Also: Fire incident at HOGL Energy terminal contained

    As Toyo tersely put it, “The Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) has been described even by some of its supporters as ‘tinkering’ or ‘fine tuning’. Unless the orientation of policies is right, mere adjustment of the status quo is irrelevant”. The more orthodox and no less brilliant liberal economist, Professor Pius Okigbo, came to similar conclusions as regards the attainments of SAP. In a lecture delivered under the auspices of the Obafemi Awolowo Foundation in 1993, Okigbo had noted that “In Nigeria, after six years of SAP, two of the major indices used to evaluate performance have begun to show substantial gain. The rate of growth of gross domestic product had turned from 3.4% per annum from 1980-1985 to a positive rate, on the average, of 3.5% per annum in the period 1987-1991…Secondly, the current account in the balance of payments has turned into a surplus since 1989 hitting $5.1 billion in 1990 but slipping to $1.3 billion in 1991. This performance is a strong vindication of the underlying logic of SAP”.

    Okigbo was however quick to note at the same time a “strong degeneracy” in the performance of SAP in terms of inflation, unemployment, investment and capacity utilization. If we are to learn from history, the appropriate question should be, How then do we move from addressing the challenges of the current severe economic crisis, which is an indispensable and critical objective in the short term, to dealing with the structurally embedded crisis of underdevelopment? The most concise and incisive response I have found to this question was given by Professor Nnoli in a lecture at the University of Lagos in 2010 during a Summit to commemorate fifty years of nationhood in post-independence Nigeria.

    Stressing the need for a new political and developmental discourse in Nigeria, Nnoli submitted that “Is it not the responsibility of politics and the state to assist the people in the rural areas and elsewhere in the country to apply science, technology and creativity in the production of food to satisfy their needs and traditional consumption habits at increasing levels of modernity; using local and, therefore, affordable resources; construction of shelters for self and family, using local and, therefore, affordable resources; and the creation of modern health products, again using local and, therefore, affordable resources? How to carry out all these tasks certainly deserves political discussion”.

    Continuing, Professor Nnoli was of the view that “Also deserving of political discourse is the need for economic enterprises at all levels, all sectors and irrespective of whether they are public or private, to possess research and development (R and D) divisions. Their  job is to create new products using local resources. Such products must be geared towards the satisfaction of the basic needs and consumption habits of the people,  ensuring that exports are the excess of local consumption, while imports are predominantly items which satisfy their needs and traditional consumption patterns but are not produced within the country or are more efficiently produced abroad”.

    Such a notion of development predicated first and foremost on patriotism and self-reliance would at once severely limit the criticality of foreign exchange (dollars) in our developmental process. It would unleash the trapped potentials both of our intellectuals and the people as a whole and enable them regain their self-confidence in their ability to actualize the development of their country.

    Let me end with a quote from another work by Professor Nnoli titled ‘Nigeria: The Failure of a Neo-colonial Society’ published in 1993: “What is needed is a concept of development which is neither viewed as catching up with the advanced countries nor fixated on the procurement of artifacts. Under certain conditions, artifacts emanate from the development process and reflect it. This is so only when they are the end products of the efforts of the population to apply their creative energy to the transformation of the local, physical, biological and sociology-cultural environments. This is the case in advanced countries. They cease to mirror development when they are provided by foreigners; the local population merely acquires the products of other people’s development”.

  • Talking with a sense of surrender

    Talking with a sense of surrender

    I’m not a prophet of doom. I enjoy speaking the truth to our sports administrators who think that the world must wait for Nigeria to wake up from her slumber. No way. Sports is dynamic with defining moments meant for discerning minds to evaluate and make the right decisions. Sports are no longer essentially for recreation. It is now business by people who think outside the box not snoring folks like ours. The pain of this contemptuous scenario resulting from our refusal to plan for the future is that it keeps repeating itself in embarrassing proportions. Yet, we expect different results.

    Listening to everyone who spoke at Finidi George’s unveiling in Abuja on Monday, as the Super Eagles’ Head Coach, they all talked with a sense of surrender. Our administrators’ fear of appointing Finidi was palpable.

    Gusau told the international media on a South African television channel that: “So I don’t think 2026 is going to be a one-year contract. The key thing is, in every contract, there must be some indices and some targets that you must put in place for somebody to get optimal performance.

    “And the first target is to qualify the team for next year’s Nations Cup and to get to at least the semi-finals of the Nations Cup, as well as qualify the team to the World Cup and to get us the target of playing in the quarter-finals of the World Cup.

    “So these are the main targets we put in place for him in the contract, and by the grace of God, we are working hard to see how we can achieve that,” he added.

    What a country where the coach can’t hold sessions with the media yet the federation can say what they can’t task themselves with. A federation of double-speak members.

    Indeed, NFF President Ibrahim Musa Gusau literally told the world that the federation’s choice of Finidi was to satisfy the yearnings of teeming Nigerian fans.

    Dear President, if Nigerians ask you to stand in front of a moving train, would you heed the advice? How has the federation shown us their administrative adroitness if they needed Nigerians’ prompting to make valuable decisions? Isn’t this another case of talking with a sense of surrender to the NFF President? Who do we blame if things go awry? Or don’t we know that two matches have been played in the qualifiers with Nigeria drawing 1-1 with Lesotho and Zimbabwe?  Aren’t we giving Finidi a greasy pole to use to climb?

    The federation showed clearly that they don’t know how to leverage on the sponsors’ support. Otherwise, Finidi’s unveiling would have been historic and colourful. The former NFF President Amaju Melvin Pinnick would have made a show out of Finidi’s unveiling in Abuja, Monday by handing over the keys of a brand-new car befitting of the coach’s status. It wasn’t enough for the federation to have presented Finidi with a replica jersey. It would have been more appropriate for them to have at least three out of the five members of the technical crew present at the unveiling ceremony. It would have been more reassuring than what we saw on Monday.

    The 56-year-old will work with ex-international Daniel Amokachi and Benjamin James as assistants, Olatunji Baruwa as goalkeepers’ trainer, Chima Onyeike will serve as a fitness trainer, and Turk Mehmet Ozturk as match analyst.

    Are we sure that these coaches’ names being bandied were informed about their appointments before the Finidi unveiling on Monday? Otherwise, why was Amokachi absent at the event in Abuja? I’m almost certain that Amokachi hadn’t seen any letter of appointment nor was he contacted by the federation about his choice before the unveiling of  Pictures of Amokachi shaking hands with his boss would say much about their relationship outside football.

    Read Also: Fire incident at HOGL Energy terminal contained

    Pray that Amokachi has a bigger ego than Finidi. He has an authoritarian stature which he carries around with candour. Isn’t this the beginning of a silent rivalry that could divide the players between the two coaches? Or has the federation forgotten that Amokachi worked with the late Stephen Okechukwu Keshi as one of the assistants and would feel that he has more exposure and experience than Finidi on the job?

    I also don’t see how Amokachi would be paid according to the number of days or weeks used to prosecute the team’s games. He would rather opt for monthly wages which makes sense. What would Amokachi be doing when there aren’t matches to be played? Sit idly without wages? How does he settle his bills beginning with that of his family? Amokachi’s dream is to be the Head Coach of the Super Eagles, not what he is being offered. It could be a problem with Finidi, going forward.

    The team’s second assistant James has spoken about the job and what would his immediate target – make the Super Eagles a goals-scoring outfit. Not much is known about Chima Onyeike who will function as the fitness coach. For the records, Onyeike in the Igbo language means ‘strong person’. Could this be the reason he was picked as the fitness coach, one of my cranky colleagues joked on Thursday night? We wait.

    Just as I was trying to process this joke, the story broke in which NFF barred Finidi from attending a scheduled interview with one journalist. No reason was given for the media gag beyond the fact that federation chaps didn’t trust Finidi to keep tight lips over certain anomalies. But could these NFF members have asked a foreign coach not to grant the media interviews to throw more light on what to expect during his reign?

    Finidi would have used such interviews to explain why he chose Turk Mehmet Ozturk as a match analyst, for instance.

    The Hoffenheim FC of Germany’s U19 coach Benjamin James revealed that the motto of the Super Eagles under Finidi is – goals are the beauty of the game.

    The former Shooting Stars and Stores defender, who grew up in Ajegunle, also commented on two of the country’s top strikers – Victor Osimhen and Victor Boniface.

    “Osimhen is a finisher, he smells goals, while Boniface can create and finish, he’s good one-on-one,” he remarked. “We have strikers with different characteristics.”

    James said the main target for the Super Eagles is to qualify for the 2026 World Cup stressing that: “We did not go to the last World Cup, so the business is to qualify for the next one.”

    Did the federation’s selection body accept that being a U-19 coach for a German was enough to allow James to work with Finidi in the Super Eagles? Are we joking here? How is Hoffenheim FC rated in the German Bundesliga for one of its products to serve as the benchmark for picking coaching assistants? Hoffenheim are placed ninth on the German Bundesliga table after playing 33 matches. Interesting times.

    One would have thought that Finidi would have been in England to watch Sunday’s matches after he would have spoken to the players about his football ideologies and the way forward. Our players need to be told categorically now that they need to be in camp latest 6 pm on May 28 to begin the sessions needed to blend them as a unit during matches.

    It is unthinkable for players to report in camp hours before matches and expect to contribute meaningfully on match days. No player is bigger than Nigeria.

  • Fermented hypocrisy

    Fermented hypocrisy

    Nigeria is in very big trouble. The country must wake up to the reality that our national flag won’t be hoisted among the comity of nations at the 2026 World Cup to be co-hosted by the USA, Canada, and Mexico. I’m not an alarmist. But like the trained watchdog, I always raise the alarm when danger lies in wait ahead of us in sporting competitions – this time the 2026 World Cup.

    Most Nigerians are experts in crying over spilled milk. We derive pleasure in looking at the effects of a problem instead of trying to diagnose the cause of an ailment and treat it at its roots. We enjoy listening to ourselves believing that the world would wait for us while we are still in our deep sleep.

    Are we going to watch in awe whilst the ticket is being prepared tacitly for South Africa? The latest twist to the qualification campaign has given the group rival Bafana Bafana of South Africa a slight edge in the race for the qualification.

    A report in the international media last week Sunday indicated that: ”The Warriors of Zimbabwe have concluded arrangements to have the rest of their home games in the qualifier in South Africa. Zimbabwe does not have a CAF-approved stadium, as it is working to revamp the National Sports Stadium based in Harare.

    The immediate question to ask is if it is right for a member of a particular World Cup group to choose to play her matches in the home country of one of the group’s members. Where lies the home advantage that teams have in such round-round fixtures? Who would the Bafana Bafana fans be rooting for when Zimbabwe plays her first ‘home’ game inside the Orlando Stadium against South Africa? Who would the South African fans be rooting for when the current group leaders Rwanda come up against Zimbabwe, knowing the threat they would be to Bafana Bafana if they win? Dear reader, if you ask me to answer my posers, who would I ask?

    The group comprises Nigeria, South Africa, Benin, Zimbabwe, Rwanda and Lesotho. The group winner will directly qualify for the World Cup, and the runner-up could compete in the play-off to advance to the inter-confederation playoffs.

    Granted the Zimbabweans hosted Super Eagles at the Huye Stadium in Rwanda during the first round of the qualifier which ended in a draw. Shouldn’t we question the rationale in shifting the venue for Zimbabweans for the second time, especially after a game had been played there? Is this not a case of shifting the goalpost after the competition has begun? If Nigeria couldn’t beat Lesotho in Uyo, what is the guarantee that we would beat Zimbabwe inside the Orlando Stadium with South Africans obviously supporting them?

    The Warriors of Zimbabwe will use Orlando Stadium as their home ground against Lesotho on June 7 and Bafana Bafana will then host them four days later on June 11. Zimbabwe does not have a CAF-approved stadium, as it is working to revamp the National Sports Stadium based in Harare.

    Aren’t these landmines sufficient markers to guide us towards picking the next Technical Adviser for the Super Eagles, now that we have chosen a coaching upstart as our Head Coach? Why do we pretend as if the position of the Technical Adviser is atop that of the Head Coach?  Of course, the occupants for both posts have a foreigner as Technical Adviser whilst a Nigerian carries the tag of Head Coach. Need I list the past occupants since 1976? Or, aren’t two heads better than one again?

    Interestingly, a coach is as good as his last game? Would we say that the country’s 2-0 loss to Mali in a recent international friendly match is sufficient citation for Finidi to be handed the daunting task of beating South Africa in Uyo and Benin Republic on away soil? Finidi’s preference for European coaching assistants confirms my submission in the column that Nigerian coaches can’t do this job diligently. Finidi’s choice of Daniel Amokachi as the second assistant coach is political with Baruwa keeping his position as goalkeeper trainer. Curiosity compelled this writer to ask who Abideen Baruwa is. As a goalkeeper trainer for the Super Eagles, is this not the reason  we have goalkeeping problems in the team? You tell me.

    Finidi has given key positions such as first assistant coach, fitness trainer, and match analyst to Europeans because they would add more value to the team’s tactical play based on their antecedents on the job and experience than Nigerians, truth be told. So, where are those who rooted for indigenous coaches for the Super Eagles which produced Finidi as the Head Coach? He has unwittingly picked foreigners ahead of Nigerians. Sadly, the NFF is saying they can’t stop his choices though they negate the very principle for which Finidi was selected. What a country.

    Read Also: NIMC captures 107 million Nigerians in database, partners security agencies to check crimes

    What Finidi’s choices suggest is that Daniel Amokachi is behind a German-Nigerian who is the first assistant. This German-Nigerian holds a German passport and may not have visited the country like the two other European match analysts and fitness trainers. It is okay for a coach to pick European assistants. But, it’s forbidden for us to recruit a very competent coach. Isn’t this another case of fermented hypocrisy?

    Those who have thrown Finidi at us have forgotten that they told us that he didn’t have the coaching licence to sit on the bench. If yes, when did he upgrade his credentials? One wonders what those who stated that the government ordered them to give the job to Nigerians would now say.  The same government would cast an indulgent eye when money is being spent on foreigners that they directed to be given to Nigeria. A bunch of fermented hypocrites.

    My problem with those insisting on having a Nigerian coaching bench is that they are quick to multiply the going rate of the naira to the dollar when the figure of what foreign coaches earn comes to the fore. They forget the huge returns on this kind of investment if the team does well in such a major soccer competition as the senior World Cup.

    Interestingly, Nigeria has started poorly on the road to the 2026 World Cup qualification, drawing at home to lowly rated Lesotho and holding Zimbabwe to an embarrassing draw away from home and both games ended 1-1. The Super Eagles are currently third in Group C behind Rwanda and South Africa and would be hoping to get their first wins when they face the Bafana Bafana and Benin Republic next month.

    If Nigeria must avoid missing the next World Cup, the players must know the implications of not attending the Mundial. Not attending the World Cup for eight years would destroy the progress we have achieved in the past. Nigeria’s other cadres have missed out on participating in their World Cups. We glossed over it. Soon, the hurricane would sweep off Nigeria from the World Cup, leaving in its wake sorrow, blood, tears, and all shades of buck-passing.

    Giving Finidi the task of handling the Super looks like a trap set to destroy his football career except Nigerians support him.

    No stories. The World Cup isn’t executed through prayers, neither is it a lottery lot nor a centre where anyone can walk in to operate the gaming machines. No. It is a platform to showcase excellence built over time and not a stage to exhibit mediocrity as we have always done in the past.

  • Seyi Tinubu and his critics

    Seyi Tinubu and his critics

    It is unfortunate that former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has decided to drag the name of an innocent and industrious young man, Seyi Tinubu, son of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, into his ever increasingly desperate politics occasioned by  his serial losses in his bid to become Nigeria’s President. To Atiku, Seyi’s crime now is that he has been on the board since 2018 of a company owned by the Chagoury family that won the bid of a portion of the transformational Lagos-Calabar Coastal road project. As Mr Bayo Onanuga, Special Adviser to President Tinubu has rightly said, Seyi cannot be denied his right to chart his own path in life all because he is the President’s son.

    Read Also: Nigeria has 400 psychiatrists ‑ Experts

    Seyi is an adult, 38 years old. Those who know him readily acknowledge that he is respectful and restrained, a true Omoluabi. He is a qualified lawyer who, through hard work and dynamism is establishing himself as a frontline accomplished businessman. His business interests as an innovator in several aspects of outdoor advertising, for instance, justified his presence at the last Climate Change summit, which some ignorantly criticized. Seyi was with his father throughout the last campaigns both within and outside the country. On his own, he created a platform that played a significant role in mobilizing youth support for Tinubu’s candidacy. It is certainly no crime for him to be interested in and working in his own way at ensuring its success.     

    Every administration has its style. Donald Trump gave his daughter and son-in-law prominent roles to play in his White House. President Bill Clinton tapped his wife, Hillary’s cerebral resources to formulate and push his ambitious healthcare plan. President Kennedy appointed his brother as Attorney-General. Many children born into high profile political families understandably develop an interest in public life and service. It is well within their rights. Seyi Tinubu surely has committed no crime. His critics should let him be.

  • Nigeria: Economic crisis or crisis of underdevelopment? (1)

    Nigeria: Economic crisis or crisis of underdevelopment? (1)

    The duo of Mr. Wale Edun, Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy and Mr. Olayemi Cardoso, Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) along with other key stakeholders in the management of the economy in the administration of President Bola Tinubu have been doing a yeoman’s job trying to rescue what is essentially a trapped economy and seeking to retrieve it from the brink of insolvency and bankruptcy to the path of accelerated growth, recovery and sustainable development. Happily, only a few voices in the administration have resorted to the easy blame game of heaping the challenges confronting the economy on the polices and excesses of the preceding President Muhammadu Buhari administration. The key economic actors in the Tinubu administration have rolled up their sleeves and are toiling day and night to confront inherited dysfunctions largely through painful economic reforms – removal of fuel subsidy and merger of parallel exchange rate markets – that have regrettably but unavoidably brought pain to the majority of the populace.

    The most serious problem the administration has had to confront just like its predecessor is the challenge of safeguarding the lives and property of Nigerians from the ravages particularly of kidnapping, banditry and terrorism in volatile states of the North. This in turn has had negative repercussions on the economy especially with thousands of farmers abandoning their farms and communities in fertile, arable belts of the country due to insecurity.

    The administration does not have the luxury of confronting and seeking to transcend these twin challenges sequentially but is having to do so simultaneously with a not insignificant number of citizens hoping it makes no headway in finding solutions all because of their grievances over the outcome of the last elections. The concern of this column this week is with the economy since it is logical to conclude that with increased economic growth, stability, enhanced generation of jobs, improvement in power supply and growing prosperity, for instance, there is also likely to be a marked decline in the rate of criminal activity across the country. And with the tentative steps being made towards the decentralization of power supply through laws empowering states and private entities to generate, distribute and transmit electricity within their jurisdictions as well as the new national consensus on decentralizing policing functions, the structural imperatives for multisectoral development are being addressed.

    As the administration continues with the arduous task of systematically strengthening the value of the Naira, detecting and plugging sources of resource hemorrhage, aggressively combatting industrial scale  oil theft and motivating states and local government councils to offer meaningful palliative succor to the vast majority of Nigerians particularly as a result of enhanced Naira revenues accruing to the three tiers of government following the removal of fuel subsidy, it becomes critical once again for the administration’s brain trust to seriously consider if the transient economic crisis is synonymous with the more fundamental and trenchant crisis of underdevelopment. I do not think so. The economic crisis will most likely respond relatively positively to the neoliberal economist’s policy toolkit such as anti-inflationary measures, interest rate manipulations or greater dexterity in the management of foreign exchange rates with hardly a dent made on the more deeply rooted problem of underdevelopment.

    The abnormal pattern we have seen since the inception of this civilian dispensation in 1999, to cite an example, of impressive growth during periods of heavy accruals to the nation’s coffers in terms of abundant oil revenues without any concomitant concrete improvements in terms of measurable and specific development indices aptly captures the point I am trying to make here. In my recent piece in this space titled ‘Is Nigeria Developing’? I had referred to the political economist, Professor Okwudiba Nnoli’s irrefutable contention that the mere acquisition of the artifacts of modernization such as modern road networks, airports, fast track trains, sports stadia, large scale industries all predicated on foreign investment, partnerships or expertise without any accompanying transfer of knowledge and skills to local or domestic productive forces can hardly be described as development. In his classic, ‘How Europe Underdeveloped Africa’, the great Walter Rodney defines development as one, mastery by man of the laws of nature (science) and two, the application of such knowledge to create the necessary tools and mechanisms to master, subdue and manipulate the environment (technology).

    This implies even if Rodney does not explicitly say so, that all meaningful development must, first and foremost be local. The most fascinating and expansive projects and facilities built for us by Chinese, American, European, Japanese or other external financial or technological expertise cannot rightly be described as development – at least for us. This is why, in many cases, long after such projects have been completed and handed over, further maintenance contracts are signed for their supervision and management still by the same external forces. Thus, Nigeria lacks the capacity, for instance, to get the massive Ajaokuta steel complex to work or even carry out what has become the unending Turn Around Maintenance of our comatose petroleum refineries.

    Read Also: NIMC captures 107 million Nigerians in database, partners security agencies to check crimes

    With a Bachelor of Commerce (Hons) degree obtained as an external student from the University of London before he went on to study law at the same institution in 1944, Chief Obafemi Awolowo tutored himself to become a brilliant Keynesian economist and first- class manager of financial resources. His unrivaled distinction in this regard was demonstrated when as Minister of Finance and Vice-Chairman of the Federal Executive Council in the Gowon administration, he helped in managing the nation’s finances so dexterously that the federal government prosecuted the war with no external borrowings. In a lecture in Ibadan on 16th May, 1967, on the financing of the Nigerian civil war and its implication for the future economy of the nation, Awo did not resort to esoteric economic jargon. Rather, he identified strict and unflinching fiscal discipline as the most critical factor in handling a country’s economy in times of grave national crisis.

    Noting the three principles that guided the military regime’s financial management during the duration of the war, Awolowo identified these as (1) to economize our financial resources; (2) to raise additional revenue; and (3) to save our foreign exchange reserves from being run down to a dangerous level, thereby avoiding balance of payments difficulties and preserving the strength of the Nigerian pound. Continuing, he cautioned that “In any situation similar to the one in which we found ourselves, where recurrent revenue trails behind fleet-footed expenditure, the obvious first line of attack is to economize and maximize available resources. Unless this was done, and done with Draconic firmness, it would be futile to raise additional revenue; and any claim to prudent financial management would be sheer reference”. Firm and unwavering national discipline anchored on a strong national ideology to mobilize the citizenry to cooperate towards the attainment of set national objectives was thus for Awo a minimum desideratum for economic recovery and national development.

    He believed seriously that at the time he spoke in the early 1970s, it was within the power of Nigeria within two decades, to raise the agricultural, industrial and commercial competence of the country to make her not only able to feed her teeming populace but to contribute effectively to finding solutions to the problems of international hunger and liquidity. But to achieve this, Awo returned once again to the theme of discipline stressing that “But in order to succeed in attaining these ends, we need a strong national motivation generated by enlightened patriotism and sustained by an intense, absorbing and unflagging desire to advance our own economic interests, backed by clear-headed forward planning, hard work, and the constant application of acute and disciplined minds dedicated to the accomplishment of our declared objectives”.

    There is certainly much of importance for President Tinubu and his economic policy advisers to chew on in these words of wisdom. How much are our political office holders at all levels willing to curtail their appetites and cut down drastically on avoidable wastages as necessary sacrifices to return the country back to the path of economic sanity and growth? Only if the leaders set the requisite examples will the majority of the citizenry be persuaded to adopt discipline, restraint, self-control and self-reliance as habitual philosophies of life. Let us never forget the example of Pandhit Nehru who was said to have declared at his country’s independence in 1947 that “What India does not produce, she will not consume” and that “if India cannot clothe herself, let her go naked”. It is no surprise that India is today a global economic power.

  • Birthday tribute to Hon. Benjamin Kalu

    Birthday tribute to Hon. Benjamin Kalu

    As the nation’s deputy speaker marks his 53rd birthday it will not sit well with a number of persons like me should my pen not stir itself and dance unto words and treatises in celebrating such an enigma.

    I should have penned this belated piece last week but readers would remember that I had pushed forward the conclusion of my series “Musings On These Men of God” in honour of my late uncle, Professor Gauis Igboeli, who was committed to earth on the 1st of May, 2024. I could not again push back the series as a lot of readers had commented on the first piece and were salivating for the conclusion which I penned last weekend.

    Within the rivers of  Nigerian history, the likes of Kalu have wafted through the numerous currents which has seen him move upwards and higher as an answer to the quest for germane Igbo  and Nigerian Leadership. Kalu’s rise and stewardship seems to have jolted the Nigerian public causing him to become one of the major forces of the Tenth National Assembly. While many Deputy Speakers in the past may have been content with just the appellation and maybe the perks that come with such a position, Kalu has rather bestrode the Green Chambers like a behemoth, impacting the House with his charisma and intellect while working effectively and loyally with the leadership and his colleagues.

    Kalu has been in the eyes of the public since he emerged as spokesperson for the House in the 9th Assembly, he has emerged as a fine politico who is destined for greater things in service to the Nigerian nation. 

    Read Also; Don’t leave host community in ruins, Tinubu warns lithium investors

    So at 53 what makes the Prince of Abia thick? As he marks this significant milestone in his life, it is indeed much fitting to reflect on the distinguished member of the House of Representatives representing the Bende Federal Constituency in Abia State, alongside his journey, accomplishments, and contributions to the political landscape. Born on the 5th of May, 1971,  Kalu who hails  from a humble background had his primary and secondary education in Bende, then under the East Central State and then under old Imo State.

    Kalu naturally excelled academically and had began demonstrating a keen leadership potential from a young age. He went on to pursue higher education by earning his first degree, an LLB in Law from the University of Calabar.

    His academic background and participation  in student unionism much equipped him with the knowledge and skills necessary to navigate the complex world of politics and governance. Kalu’s interest in public service led him to join the political arena, where he quickly gained popularity by becoming the 1st President of the People’s Democratic Party in the Diaspora where he ably demonstrated his knack for effective mobilization and caught the eye of the then Governor of Abia State, Orji Uzor Kalu .  Three stints as the youngest local government helmsman in Bende LGA, SSA on Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs  and  then as SSA on Millennium Development Goals  saw Kalu cut his teeth in the politics of Abia State. It was at this point that Kalu honed his leadership skills obviously in preparation for many more opportunities to serve his people.

    Kalu was also to engage in  several other  academic pursuits,  bagging an MBA from Oxford Brookes and a number of professional certificates from prestigious academic institutions all over the world.

    In 2019, Benjamin Kalu contested and won the seat in the House of Representatives, representing the Bende Federal Constituency. Such victory which naturally was an upset remains a testament to his widespread support among the people, who picked a rep member from a then vilified All Progressives Congress as against the candidate of the  darling People’s Democratic Party. On assuming his seat , Kalu was to demonstrate his leadership prowess by representing the House as its spokesperson. It is said that Kalu’s stint as spokesperson remains one of the finest since the inception of such a position with Kalu engaging each and every of the House’s publics with a high level of distinctiveness, let me also state that it was at such a point that I met him and was impressed with his humility.

    As a legislator during  his first stint, Benjamin Kalu was actively involved in the legislative process, sponsoring bills and motions that addressed critical issues such as infrastructure development, youth empowerment, and good governance,  a vocal advocate for transparency, accountability, and effective leadership in government. Kalu stood out amongst his peers as a people’s representative, this naturally earned him a second term.

    Another of Kalu’s notable achievements in office is his role in facilitating the construction of vital infrastructure projects in his constituency, including roads, schools, and healthcare facilities. Through his advocacy and lobbying efforts, he has secured funding for these projects, which have had a significant impact on the lives of the people in Bende.

    Beyond his legislative duties, Benjamin Kalu is deeply committed to community service and philanthropy. I must not fail to mention his interventions in ensuring that the SouthEast Region is saved from the resultant horrors of the violence that seeks to threaten or overwhelm the region through his Peace in the SouthEast Project (PISE-P) in which He has actively engaged with stakeholders and local organizations and to support initiatives that will promote peace in this part of Nigeria. While it is to early to determine its impact, one must not fail to  commend Kalu for such an idea!

    As Benjamin Kalu celebrates his 53rd birthday, it is impressive that he remains focused on his mission to serve the Nigerian Nation and leave a lasting legacy of progress and development. His dedication to public service, integrity, and progressive  leadership  continue to inspire others millions of Nigerians all over the country

    In conclusion, Benjamin Kalu’s journey from a humble beginning to a distinguished lawmaker is a testament to his resilience, dedication, and commitment to serving others. As he marks his 53rd birthday, he stands as a shining example of what can be achieved through hard work, passion, and a genuine desire to make a difference in the world. Here’s to many more years of success, growth, and impactful leadership for Benjamin Kalu.

  • Awujale Adetona at 90

    Awujale Adetona at 90

    At 90, Oba Sikiru Kayode Adetona, Ogbagba Agbotemole, the Awujale of Ijebu land, is among the oldest traditional rulers, not only in Yoruba land but also in the entire country. He is also one of the longest-reigning monarchs held in high esteem beyond the chores of Nigeria.

    The selection of the 26-year-old prince in 1960 as successor to the deceased Oba Adesanya Gbelegbuwa II, who passed on in the preceding year, was a turning point. Charming, sociable, charismatic, educated, cultured, enterprising, and forward looking, Oba Adetona was a product of township consent in the people’s search for a more enlightened ruler for a modern era.

    Sixty-four years after, Ijebu-Ode is better for it. The people made the finest choice and they have continued to reap the fruits of development, progress and prosperity. His reign has been devoid of scandal; there has been no embarrassing controversy.

    While the tenure of his predecessor was full of tension – with two assassination attempts on him – Oba Adetona has largely presided over a peaceful era with neither adversary nor misfortune.

    Read Also; Don’t leave host community in ruins, Tinubu warns lithium investors

    The Awujale has continuously deployed the weapons of incisive wit, courage and principle. A very accommodating paramount ruler, he has promoted inclusion as the personification of Ijebu unity by rallying sons and daughters from all Ijebu towns and villages to see themselves as one. This is evident in the display of oneness and cohesion by the regberegbe during the yearly Ojude-Oba, which always attracts tourists to his domain.

    Ace Apala musician, the late Haruna Ishola, captured the unique installation and presentation of the staff of office to Oba Adetona in Ijebu-Ode by the Premier of Western Region, the late Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola, in the epic record he waxed after the ceremony. Tall and dignified, Kabiyesi exuded happiness over the fulfilment of destiny. The town was aglow with festivities. Eminent Yoruba leaders, including Akintola’s predecessor, the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Leader of Federal Opposition, witnessed the historic moment. The attention of the whole country was on Ijebu, the land of enterprise.

    It was a story of sacrifices. Oba Adetola’s father, Prince Rufai Adeleke, who nursed a legitimate ambition for the throne, sacrificed his aspiration to boost the chance of his beloved son.

    The obedient son, after the admonition of the elders who craved a better tomorrow for Ijebu land, answered the call with patriotism and sacrificed his pursuit of education and golden fleece in the United Kingdom to serve his people.

    Three Ijebu-Ode community leaders – Ogbeni-Oja Timothy Odutola, Chief Emmanuel Okunnowo and Chief Samuel Sonibare – stood behind the young monarch like the Rock of Gibraltar. They were prominent Action Group (AG) stalwarts. served as a member of the Regional House of Assembly. Okunnowo, also a businessman, was a federal parliamentarian, and Sonibare was an investor and media owner who kept the purse of the party. Lamentably, the latter passed on in 1964, barely four years after that patriotic community service.

    Nobody could fault the judgment of the three Ijebu musketeers at that moment of cardinal decision making. They acted in community interest. They never led Ijebu astray. They also brokered genuine reconciliation between the new Awujale and other contestants. The young monarch also submitted himself to their gerontocratic guidance.

    Following his ascension to the prestigious stool, Oba Adetona automatically joined the tiny elite club of Yoruba obas whose members included the Ooni of Ife, Oba Adesoji Aderemi; the Eleko of Lagos, Oba Musendiku Adeniji-Adele; the Olowo of Owo, Oba Olateru Olagbegi; the Ewi of Ado-Ekiti, Oba Anirare Aladesanmi; the Olubadan of Ibadan, Oba Isaac Akinyele; the Zaki of Arigidi-Akoko, Alhaji Olanipekun; the Aholu Menu Toyi of Agbadarigi (Badagry), Oba Cladius Akran; the Deji of Akure, Oba Ademuwagun Adesida; the Odemo of Isara, Oba Samuel Akinsanya; and the Timi of Ede, Oba Adetoyese Laoye.

    Remarkably, these monarchs were also active leaders of AG. When the party split in 1962 during the Jos convention, some of the traditional rulers, who were ministers and House of Chiefs members, took sides in the divisive and hot regional politics, queuing either behind Akintola or Awolowo. Politically, Yoruba land became divided.

    Few days after he was crowned, Oba Adetona took his seat in the House of Chiefs. He witnessed the surge in political pull and pressure, the sudden collapse of a united Western Region, the friction between Awo and SLA, as Akintola was fondly called by admirers; the bitter contest for power and lack of tolerance, the Wet E! episode in the “Wild, Wild West,”the trial and imprisonment of the Federal Opposition Leader, the assassination of the Premier and the collapse of the legitimate authorities in Nigeria.

    Thirteen years after, the politicians never learnt any lesson. The mess of the First Republic was carried over to the Second Republic. Tension between the republican order and traditional institution was reenacted. The palace of the scion of Anikilaya royal family in Ijebu-Ode was threatened. Former Ogun State Governor Bisi Onabanjo, a subject of the Awujale, announced the deposition of the king. The battle shifted to the court. The late Adama Constance Yesufu, lawyer and politician, who once reminisced on the Awujale’s ordeal to reporters in Lagos, insisted that it was all political. His Royal Majesty, nevertheless, survived. Later, another coup swept the Second Republic. The rest, as it is often said, is history.

    Oba Adetona’s permanent tenure has spanned the period of military rule and the four republics. Under him, Ijebu has continued to produce citizens who have continued to add value to the country. The people’s pastime is trading, which is consistent with the economic pursuits of their forebears.

    Indeed, Ijebu paramount kingship has been linked with commerce. To profit from the trade along the coast, ancient king(s) of the land erected tolls for traders en route Ejinrin (in Lagos State) in the days of yore. It made them and their aristocratic companions very rich.

    Oba Adetona has continued to build on the legacy of prosperity through clean and legitimate trade in a modern era. He is leading by example as an investor of note. He has also guaranteed ease of doing business by offering accommodation to indigenes and residents.

    Ijebu-Ode has grown in leaps and bounds under his reign. Its population has increased geometrically. Today’s picture of urbanisation in the town contrasts with the sixties when big amenities and huge government presence were not there. The town is now proud of more industries and other commercial ventures, tertiary institutions, hospitals, five-star hotels, and numerous housing estates.

    The monarch has also contributed to the development of scholarship by instituting an academic chair in politics and good governance at the Olabisi Onabanjo University (OOU) at Ago-Iwoye in Ogun State. Last week, Governor Dapo Abiodun said it would gladden the hearts of the people whenever Oba Adetona’s School of Post-Graduate and Research Studies in Governance is affiliated to the Nigerian Institute of Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS) at Kuru, near Jos, the Plateau State capital.

    Oba Adetona has been an advocate of justice. He sees all Ijebu sons and daughters as his children. In moments of adversity, he has never turned his eyes away. On a number of occasions, he has tried to reconcile politicians in deep conflicts without taking sides.

    Also, it is noteworthy that he has always come to the rescue of his people whenever the hand of government is heavy on them. A case in point was the plight of an Ijebu business icon and big employer of labour. The royal father continued to press button until the siege was over.

    Oba Adetona did the same thing for the late Lt.-Gen. Oladipo Diya, former Chief of General Staff, whose life hung in the balance when his boss, the late military Head of State, General Sani Abacha, said he had uncovered a coup. When Abacha tried to dwell on the extent of Diya’s alleged involvement, the royal father reportedly said: “But remember, Diya is my son.”

    Like many progressive blue blood in the Southwest, Oba Adetona was thankful to God that a Yoruba son, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, became President in his lifetime. What remains is the continuous implementation of the ‘Renewed Hope Agenda.’

    Oba Adetona’s unfulfilled dream may be the actualisation of the Ijebu State.