Category: Sunday

  • Democracy Day: Lest we forget

    Democracy Day: Lest we forget

    Democracy day today, Sunday, June 12 is supposed to be the celebration of the Democracy Day declared by the federal government, but it will be marked tomorrow, Monday, June 13 because today is Sunday which is normally a free work day.

    I’m not sure what particular way the Day will be marked by the federal or state governments or any other organization that today would not have been suitable for, but typically, because of our love for free work days, most Nigerians, especially civil servants are glad to have the holiday like for other major Days and celebrations that falls on weekends.

    Most Nigerians will go about their usual business tomorrow, except for government and other private offices and institutions that will be closed in compliance with the public holiday. Many sure don’t know what the Day is all about and don’t care. They are more concerned about their daily survival which cannot be assured by staying off work for one celebration or the other.

    There are economic implications for every unnecessary extra work free and it will be better if Days like the Democracy Day, which is more for sober reflections as the Minister of Internal Affairs, Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola noted while announcing the public holiday are marked on whatever days they fall.

    Undoubtedly, declaring June 12 as a public holiday in recognition of the significance of the day in our political history is commendable. The Day reminds us of the sacrifices many, especially Late Chief MKO Abiola, the undeclared winner of the June 1993 Presidential elections and others made to get us this far in our democratic journey and the need to guard it jealously.

    Democracy Day was earlier marked on May 29 to commemorate the handing over of power to an elected civilian government in 1999.

    Read Also: Is Nigeria’s democracy advancing or regressing?

    The military did not easily restore democracy in the country. They tried hard to hold on to power at all costs, but for the determination of Nigerians to insist their time was up.

    Many like Abiola and other Nigerians died in the struggle, while some were jailed.

    Contrary to their claims of taking over government from civilian administrations to improve on the lots of Nigerians, successive military regimes were not better. Our abundant resources were mismanaged and our country became a laughing stock in the international community where democratic norms were the order of the day.

    While the return to civil rule since 1999 has not provided all the expected dividends and we wish our leaders can do better in many ways at all levels, it is important that we cherish the democratic dispensation we have and keep improving on it.

    We all have a role to play to ensure that the government we have is indeed the government of the people, by the people and for the people as democracy is defined. We all have civic obligations to perform either as citizens, voters, party members, elected officials and in any other arms of the ‘ estate of the realm’ we belong.

    As citizens, we must know and insists on our democratic rights in accordance with the constitution of the country and demand accountability by public office holders. We should be interested and belong to political parties and ensure they are properly run, instead of leaving the task to professional politicians.

    As voters, we must vote for the right and capable persons to guarantee good governance. Our votes must count instead of staying back home on election days.

    The percentage of registered voters in our population and actual voters in elections to registered voters have always been very low due to a lack of appreciation of the role everyone has to play in making democracy work for us.

    Elected officials at all levels must honour their electoral promises and not take the people for granted. There must be respect for the separation of powers between the executive, legislative and judicial arms to guarantee check and balance.

    I agree with the minister that as we mark another Democracy Day, we should reflect on the efforts of our founding fathers and ensure that Nigeria remains one united, secured, peaceful and indivisible entity because no development can take place in an acrimonious environment.

  • Owo massacre

    Owo massacre

    Worshippers attacked at St. Francis Xavier Catholic Church, Owa-luwa Street, Owo, headquarters of Owo Local Government Area of Ondo State, left their various homes for the church last week Sunday, oblivious of the danger that lurked in their cathedral. They never knew that would be the last service many of them would be having in the church. They had hoped to celebrate the Sunday, like any other Sunday, to pray, sing and dance to the Almighty God for sparing their lives to witness this year’s Pentecost Day. Unknown to them, there were other people who had come around with the sinister motive to maim, to steal, to kill and to destroy.

    And, just as the service was about ending, some gunmen reportedly attacked the church in what would seem to suggest that some of them were among the congregation and were passing valuable information across to their fellow terrorists outside, who eventually launched the attack on the hapless worshippers. By the time they were through with their dastardly mission, no fewer than 38 people (as at the time of going to press), mostly children and women, were killed by the gunmen, who were said to have thrown an improvised explosive device before they started shooting sporadically. Several others were injured and were rushed to hospitals nearby. A 37-second online video showed some of the slain worshippers in a pool of blood.

    The attack was apparently a reprisal of sort, against the state governor, Rotimi Akeredolu, for his hard stance on herdsmen of whatever extraction. Owo, the governor’s hometown, was chosen to make a point: that the herdsmen would never accept to be the ones to cry last in any situation. But Governor Akeredolu should have no apologies over that patriotic act to save his people from marauding criminals parading themselves as herdsmen. Indeed, if anything, he should resolve the more to ensure that the criminals are contained so that farmers could farm without fear of attacks by the bandits. And, if the truth must be told, this needless bloodletting can only continue to paint the Fulani as ruthless, crude and primitive; a claim which may not be true because many of them are also genuine herders who have no link with the criminality the ethnic stock is being tainted with. Unfortunately, since only one bad egg would pollute several others if mixed together, more people across the country would continue to resent the Fulani with a passion, with nary willing to accommodate them, as a result of these animalistic tendencies on the part of some of them.

    For Christian leaders in the country, the Owo incident should be a reminder to set their altars aglow again. The fact of the matter is that many church altars are cold these days; the sacred places having been overtaken by mercantilist tendencies. Jesus Christ did not drive those trading in the church out for nothing. He indeed wondered why his father’s house should be converted to a den of robbers. If Christ were to be physically present today, he would have had cause to repeat the incident over and again, as many churches are now glorified public liability companies. So, instead of winning souls for Christ, they are reaping profits and the church leaders are smiling to the bank daily. Please let no one get me wrong. I am not talking about the Catholic Church in Owo; I am talking about churches in the country generally. In 2020 at the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic, I did say this much.

    Church leaders have to wake up to their true calling. In a country where there are churches and mosques in every nook and cranny, this kind of calamity should not be recurring if the true purpose for establishing those worship centres is to edify God almighty. I heard people who believe in the traditional religion recalling with nostalgia, how, in those days our fathers in Owo would have ensured that those who committed such atrocity were brought back with ‘Juju’ to come and account for their actions. The regret of people in this school is that we have abandoned those things and, in their stead, we have embraced Islam and Christianity adding that this is why the hoodlums could get away with the kind of heinous crimes they committed. If the traditional people are recalling the exploits of their fathers with such nostalgia, those of us who are Christians and even true Muslims should be able to boast far beyond this about the God that we serve. Bandits should not be able to move freely in and out of churches after murdering Christians in cold blood.

    However, in addition to prayer and fasting, churches and mosques also need to be more vigilant. The criminals that attacked St. Francis Xavier Catholic Church were said to have first disguised like worshippers who came for the Sunday mass, only to show their true colour after gaining entrance into the church premises. Those coming for service or jumaat must be thoroughly screened to ascertain their mission. Even the Holy Bible enjoins Christians to watch and pray; not just pray alone. As a matter of fact, watch comes before prayer. This is important.

    More important, it is high time the government took security matters more seriously. The terrorists who invaded the church in Owo took advantage of our cavalier approach to security matters. They know that we usually react after the fact; we shut the barn door after the horse has bolted. The lax security manifests in several ways, including how our policemen position themselves at checkpoints and even in their stations. The expected alertness is hardly there. Their vulnerability is very glaring. At checkpoints, their attention is focused more on what motorists drop as bribe, with many of them taking mental record of proceedings at that end rather than concentrating on what is happening in their immediate environment. That explains why they are often caught napping by criminals who are usually alert and more business-like. It is probably the reason the bandits were able to wreak so much havoc in Owo as elsewhere that they had left their usual trail of blood and death.

    In a country that is security conscious, at least some of the criminals would have been arrested or gunned down. It is not too late to go after them. This was an incident that happened in what could pass for the heart of the city, a place less than 200 metres from the palace of the Olowo of Owo. It happened in broad daylight, at about 12pm. If we were unable to apprehend just one of the bandits in these circumstances, what would have happened if the attack was in some remote part of the state, or if it took place in the night?

    Perhaps the real reason the government has to rise to the challenge is because it is getting close to a situation where the people would lose faith in the ability of the state to protect them. When it gets to that, it would be a clarion call to all to protect themselves. After all, no ethnic or religious group has a monopoly of violence. It is most unfair for people who expended huge resources on themselves and their children to be murdered by people who see themselves as hopeless and the wretched-of-the- earth who have nothing at stake in Project Nigeria. These senseless killings are becoming too much for a section of the country to continue paying for the country’s unity.

    It has often been argued that provision of security is the primary responsibility of government. Even then, it is a collective responsibility. The bandits, terrorists and other criminals live in the midst of people in their respective communities. They are some people’s relatives. We have to pay more attention to what is happening around us and report suspicious movements and activities to security agencies that should also take such reports seriously, no matter how frivolous they may seem.

    President Muhammadu Buhari has condemned and even cursed the bandits. But that is not enough. He should follow his promise that “No matter what, this country shall never give in to evil and wicked people, and darkness will never overcome light. Nigeria will eventually win” with concrete action. And, one way to do this is to begin to think of state police. Although Amotekun is in Ondo State as in some other parts of the south west, it could not rise to the occasion in this instance. In the meantime, that is, pending when the idea of state police would gain root, Amotekun and other regional security outfits should be well funded and equipped to enable them cope with the ever-increasing security challenges confronting their regions.

  • The thrilla in Abuja

    The thrilla in Abuja

    For two scary days and two long nights this past week, the entire nation was fixated on a riveting and absorbing political drama unfurling in the serene and somnolent capital city of Abuja. It was the APC convention to elect its presidential flag bearer following on the heels of the seamless performance of its most formidable rival, the PDP. Abu Jah lived up to its historic reputation as a simmering cauldron of royal intrigues and princely plots enacted all the way from its Zazzau origins.

    For a moment, it looked as if the APC was going to go under in terminal distress. It appeared like a sea mammoth stranded on a sandy beach flapping and thrashing about as it tried to make its way back to water. It eventually succeeded almost entirely on its own will and volition. It was quite a spectacle to behold. Future historians will marvel at the miraculous reprieve.

    It is unfortunate that the two conventions were marred by incredible monetization and fiscal inducement. But that is the stage our political culture has reached. Every dominant political culture is the sum total of the ruling values of the dominant classes and the enabling environment of dominated people.

    Except for acts of political voluntarism by a revolutionary group which terminates or short-circuits the extant reality, the historical process must play itself out in the fullness of time. Whoever remembers that Robert Walpole, Britain’s founding prime minister, was a remarkable figure of graft and corruption?

    This caveat notwithstanding, the last APC Convention will go down in history as one event that shook the nation to its foundation. In boxing annals, it recalls the famous Thrilla in Manila when sheer willpower and ferocious intelligence trumped brute physical strength and savage resolve. The epic slugfest between Mohammad and Joe Frazier ,aka Smokin Joe,  was enacted over twelve pulsating rounds on a hot and sultry night in the Philippines’  quaint and exotic capital.

    It was the ultimate test of human endurance and the capacity of the body to absorb punishing blows without wilting. Mohammad Ali himself said that he went to hell and came back that night. At a point in the fight, his handlers thought of throwing in the towel. But the Louisville Lip would have none of that. Smoking Joe was an inveterate slugger who kept coming at you no matter what you threw at him. Many experts believe that Ali’s brains was messed up from that night.

    The tension on Tuesday night going into Wednesday morning was felt far more in the larger nation than inside the sweat-soaked coliseum at the Eagle’s Square in Abuja where the gladiators collided. Some of the contestants were mere jokers. Some were opportunists looking for an opening. A few were deluded paperweights punching above their weight. There was the odd spiritual charlatan. One or two lacked the grit and cujones for higher office despite their capacity for elevated inanities.

    Bola Ahmed Tinubu is a supremely endowed prize fighter who combines amazing technical brilliance with incredible strategic savvy. Super intelligent rather than intellectual, he is a visionary dreamer who often sees a road were the most hard-headed political realists see a roadblock. This capacity to see farther and capability for chancing often lead him to political forays which leave both his friends and foes completely stranded.

    He seems to relish danger the way a big game hunter relishes adventure and confrontation with the viciously feral. Nothing seems to daunt him or to dampen his spirit. Plotting, restlessly planning, eternally manoeuvring and gifted with the memory of an old African elephant, Tinubu is not a man to be met in the ring by an opponent that is half-prepared or half-hearted.

    Read Also: Tinubu: The man who would be president

    Sometimes he comes across as a glutton for punishment, otherwise why does he keep going when out there is nothing but evil, treachery, mendacity and big bad men who are out to inflict maximum punishment? This is because he loves competing, not for the fun of it but for the big prize and the glory. Public adulation is the pure oxygen of public life.

    In this regard, all great politicians are also people of great vanity. Whether they choose to flaunt it or hide it is immaterial. Nothing fazes the former senator, neither the tons of insult that have been heaped on him nor the emotional and psychological intimidation he has had to endure in the course of a remarkable career. What is scandal to somebody who refuses to be scandalized? The exceptional public person is a political voyeur who admires himself even as others admire him.

    This relentless and single minded pursuit of the big prize often comes with a capacity for extremely ruthless and cold-blooded actions which often come across as sheer bloody-mindedness. The postcolonial coliseum is not a place for fumbling saints. There are certain decisions one has to take which would make the squeamish or the faint-hearted wet their pants. Ultimately, there are no paddies in the African political jungle. You pull the trigger before the trigger is pulled on you.

    It all comes with the territory or the staking out of territorial claims. The big feral cats are known to demarcate their own jurisdiction with such urinal pungency which can only be violated on the pain of death. Any other gaming male straying or wandering into the territory must be prepared for the fight of his life. Anybody trying to take Tinubu’s prized political possession from him while he still has a fight in him must be prepared for the biggest rumble in the jungle.

    The same dynamic also plays out in Tinubu’s choice of political associates and associations which are often marked by a tension between the necessity of friendship and the friendships of necessity. When Winston Churchill famously described Lord Max Beaverbrook, the Canadian-born publisher and long-standing chum, as a “foul-weather friend”, he was stressing the value of tested soul-mating. From the opposite spectrum, the cold and emotionally frigid Charles de Gaulle was described as a man who had confidantes but no personal friends.

    With Tinubu the tension between personal friendship and political friendship, between private camaraderie and public protocol often plays out as a tendency to wilful dispersal to accommodate emergent realities or a deliberate disintegration of the centre of gravity with hints of higher integration. In the pantheon of great Yoruba kings from Oyo Empire otherwise known as Alaafin, there was one they called wogiri-mogiri, a master enthusiast of creative destruction.

    Going forward to uncharted territory there is need for an expansion of cultural horizon and political nuances to accommodate those who cannot be captured in the Yoruba sociological catchment. This is not the time for a naïve triumphalism and premature chest-beating. There are a lot of people hurting out there. This is the time to build new bridges and to repair old damaged bridges.

    Against the background of the gory tragedy recently enacted in Owo, Tinubu’s emphatic emergence as the presidential candidate of the All Progressive Congress is a wonderful elixir for the Yoruba people and those who are still committed to the Nigerian Project. It is a temporary reprieve and the last thing standing between Nigeria and the clamour and shrill cries of separatism or dissolution increasingly coming from the region.

    There are times when a people, a race or a nation in the course of their chequered history have to choose between permanent hostilities with their neighbours or some moderated and modulated form of cooperation and co-existence. After several centuries of intermittent and internecine hostilities which severely disrupted continental harmony and advancement, the French, Germans and the British finally agreed to a pact which allowed the three nations to enjoy peace and prosperity.

    But in a situation where the neighbours are boxed into a colonial cage of contraries under the rubric of one “nation” such as we have in Nigeria, the situation becomes extremely concerning requiring exemplary and visionary statesmanship. The dingdong hostilities between the Fulani hegemony and the Yoruba political aristocracy have almost brought modern Nigeria to the gates of state failure.

    In the course of protracted conflicts, it has led to the instigated disruption of the old regional federalism, the imprisonment of Awolowo, the termination of the First Republic, Chief Awolowo’s brief rehabilitation, the exclusion of the Yoruba people from the engine room of the Second Republic, the fall of that republic, protracted military rule by officers of northern origin, the annulment of the June 12 presidential election, Abiola’s incarceration, his death and Obasanjo’s emergence as the civilian leader of the Fourth Republic.

    Old enmities die hard. Despite the enormous costs to the nation, the ancestral grievances and misgivings continue to simmer just under the surface even in the Fourth Republic. This was what led Tinubu and a few of his visionary associates into forging an alliance with the radically conservative core of the northern political aristocracy.

    Whatever the dire and unintended consequences, it turned out a masterstroke of political genius as the alliance carried all before it in the 2015 elections. A natural bridge builder and student of power, those who have studied Tinubu’s political odyssey very well can attest to the fact that the deft manoeuvrings and transnational gambits of the northern power masters hold a deep and abiding fascination for him.

    Tinubu’s relationship with the late President Yar’Adua was particularly chummy and it was the Katsina aristocrat who returned Lagos allocations seized by the federal authorities under General Obasanjo. Given this background, one would have expected the alliance to do very well and hold the country together in the stress and storm of postcolonial politics.

    When last week this column opined that the northern wing of the alliance that gifted APC to the nation ought to have taken advantage of the emancipatory progressive politics brought to the table by the Southern segment of the merger, it was hinting of the countervailing possibilities of two diametrically opposed visions of the country.

    Alas, this was not to be. No sooner had the APC romped into victory than those who are interested in raw power rather than its ameliorative potentials shut out the South West wing from the engine room of the Buhari administration. It has been a comprehensive disaster. With almost all the sections of the country up in arms against the federal authorities, it was clear that those who hijacked power and have held General Buhari willing hostage are leading the country to a terrifying cul de sac.

    Perhaps this was the vision of the looming apocalypse glimpsed by the northern governors this past week that made them to revolt in a stirring and heroic counter offensive to thwart the original coup to stop Tinubu by all means masterminded by a few retrograde elements in the APC led by its chairman and his accomplices.

    It is now immaterial whether this was a clever feint to buy time while the real plot unfolds or a tactical ploy to gain some respite from relentlessly adversarial political developments. Whatever it is, it should be obvious that you cannot step into the same river twice. With General Buhari’s declining authority and dwindling legitimacy, it should be obvious that the vice grip of some conservative elements on the nation’s destiny is about to be weakened, one way or the other.

    These are the external and internal constellation of forces that aided Tinubu’s dramatic triumph this past week, particularly hostile forces liberated by the parlous and dire state of the nation threatening to bring the Banquet Hall down. Make no mistake about it, this is the first time the northern power mafia are being shellacked at their own game of political intrigues.

    There will be epic consequences. But it will not be the expected consequences but consequences arising from the law of unintended action. This is not the Moor’s last hiccup. It is not a done deal yet, and as we have said it is not the time for a naïve triumphalism and political grandstanding but a time for the consolidation of gains and the building of alliances across uncharted territories.

    Bola Ahmed Tinubu has gone to hell and back. Only those who have been put through the labyrinthine torture wrack of presidential power play in Nigeria could appreciate what this means. There may be something historically fortuitous about his emergence at this time and period. It may well be that going forward a particular political tendency that has held the nation to ransom needs a sympathetic undertaker.

    The walls of antidemocratic messianism and autocratic consensus forging have been breached. As this column noted in ending last week, Nigeria is confronted by the prospects of irreversible failure or a dramatic national redemption. The opening omens are quite auspicious. The real thrilla in Abuja is about to commence.

  • Four nuggets from George Bernard Shaw

    Four nuggets from George Bernard Shaw

    God bless George Bernard Shaw wherever he may be.  The great Anglo-Irish wit, dramatic genius and literary hell-raiser was quite famous for his abrasive tongue and acerbic sense of humour. He was definitely not a person to get into a verbal tango with. Of middling education and even more mediocre exposure, Shaw was known to have publicly complained that his education was continually interrupted by schooling. We leave you this morning with four of the great man’s memorable sayings.

    1. Upon a complaint about the flippancy and lack of seriousness among the British people, Shaw was heard to have exploded. “I hate people being happy when they should be happy.”
    2. Despite his unprepossessing looks, George Bernard Shaw was very much a ladies man who enjoyed being lionized and lavished with attention by the great beauties of the time. At a charity ball, a great society lady was known to have asked Shaw why she was the object of his attention and slavish adulation when there were so many other women of greater beauty and natural endowment. “Well, it is a Charity Show, isn’t it?” the old codger glumly responded.
    3. Another great lady of the time famous for her lavish entertainment and generosity to writers and struggling artists thought that the grumpy dramatic genius would jump at an opportunity to be invited to her place. “Lady Jane will be home tomorrow at Seven O clock prompt”, her telegram announced. “So will Bernard Shaw”, the crusty contrarian responded by return telegram.
    4. Finally a third great beauty of the period, a great believer in the new science of Eugenics, famously proposed to have a child for the great writer on the ground that such a product will combine her dazzling looks with Shaw’s great brains. The celebrated eccentric took a despairing and dispiriting look at the fawning lady, “Well, madam, what if the poor child inherits my looks and your brains?” Bernard Shaw shot back. End of conversation and end of discussion. Bernard Shaw was something else and may his great soul rest in peace.
  • 2023: Presidential primaries’ posers!

    2023: Presidential primaries’ posers!

    Channels TV: You are not interested in who succeeds you? President Buhari: “No. Let him come whoever he is.”

    Channels TV: “You don’t have favourite for 2023 … in your party?” President Buhari: “No, I wouldn’t because he would be eliminated if I mention, I better keep it secret.” – Channels TV, 5th January 2022 (as recorded).

    It was in the heydays of the cherished country-wide football league in Nigeria. It was in the early eighties. One of the leading teams of that era, IICC Shooting Stars Football Club of Ibadan travelled down to be hosted by the rising Housing Corporation Football Club of Akure. The Akure Sport Stadium was jam-packed with spectators and soccer pundits. There were some beating their chests that IICC would be stopped from shooting and that the Housing Football Club would carry the day. Interesting and intriguing to this columnist were the teeming number of fans that trooped in from Ibadan to Akure and also the accompanying skillful talking drummers. As the match progressed, the talking drummers were entertaining the spectators. Eventually, there was a goal through the legendary midfield maestro, Muda Lawal (one-time best midfielder in Africa). This goal against the host, scored in the second half of the match, fueled the talking drummers into a frenetic and frenzied display. Suddenly, the talking drum sounded and many of the opposition fans from Ibadan echoed the wordings of the drums. The song from the fans, adept and adroit in interpreting talking drums, went thus: “awa ti goke odo ka fara to ja, eyin to ku ke mura” (meaning: we have climbed through the bridge before it breaks, the rest of you should prepare to do the same feat). This scenario is analogous to the situation between the ruling party, the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the main opposition political party, the People Democratic Party (PDP). It would be recalled that the People Democratic Party (PDP) held her presidential primary election, amidst pomp and pageantry on Saturday 28th May 2022 in Abuja. Even though observers may tag or term it as monetized or dollarized, it was transparent for the whole world to see! It was indeed an election, not a consensus contraption. However, the ruling party instead of sticking to the earlier earmarked date of 29th -30th May 2022, for her presidential primary, shifted ground, relying on the extension window favourably offered by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the election umpire.

    PDP Primary: Schematically Skewed!

    One well-kept secret of PDP winning presidential elections was the nationalistic outlook. It is like that is belonging to the old school of thought as the contextual charismatic young Turks have taken over the reins of the party. Aftermath of the party’s primary, the chairman of the party is from the north central while the presidential candidate hails from the north east. Yet, enshrined in the PDP’s constitution is zoning! Could this be an error or oversight or intentional to score a particular goal, possibly thinking that the best way to win the 2023 presidential election is picking the candidate from the region with maximum number of voters? Do these young Turks gauge the mood of the apparently fractious country, Nigeria, in a time like this? Do they not think of the thin fabric holding the nations within the country called Nigeria together is about giving way? The whole country watched as the incumbent Governor of Sokoto State, Rt. Hon. Aminu Tambuwal, against stipulated procedure mounted the podium for the second time to step down for the eventual winner, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar even though the runner-up, the incumbent Rivers State Governor, Chief Nyesom Wike, supported the former in the previous election. What a way of paying back camaraderie in the political arena! The end may not be in sight yet. We are waiting and watching the unfolding scenario. Any lesson to be learnt by the ruling party, APC, in what played out last Saturday aftermath of the PDP Convention?

    APC presidential primary: President Buhari, you are right, but …

    It was on record that before the President jetted out to Spain on a state visit, he met with the Progressive Governors’ Forum (PGF) (umbrella body of all APC Governors). There was a 12-point charge to them as a first step of his consultation with stakeholders in the ruling party. In items 7 and 10 of the charge to PGF (as published), the President was emphatic on the established internal policies that promote continuity and smooth succession which enable first term governors to pick second term tickets and also allow second term governors to pick their successors. Going this route, Mr. President enthused: “I wish to solicit the reciprocity and support of the Governors and other stakeholders in picking my successor, who would fly the flag of our party for election into the office of the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria in 2023.” Whilst no politically discerning mind within Nigeria’s context should fault the President tinkering especially in our nascent democracy, the timing is both odd and ominous for the ruling party especially coming on the heels of success recorded by the PDP at her presidential primary which jettisoned the controversial consensus contraption! This was the stand and stake of this columnist in the edition of the “Followership Challenge” published in the Nation newspaper of Sunday 22nd May 2022. This is an excerpt from the piece: “. . .the timing for the adoption or adaptation of consensus option in a presidential race is too close for comfort for the ruling party. The interview with Channels TV seemingly gave the President away as having a preferred candidate.” The President and his close confidants, often referred to by certain iconoclastic critics as cabals, definitely miss the political planning, permutation and programming in this context. In virtually all cases that Mr. President referred to, especially of the governors, there is a covert or overt signal to the politically discerning mind of the direction of who the crowns fit, possibly a year or so before the primary elections! In the aforementioned Channel TV interview that was conducted early January 2022, President Buhari, when asked whether he has a successor in mind, stated inter alia: “No, I wouldn’t because he would be eliminated if I mention, I better keep it secret.” It is apparently illogical and irrational, politically pontificating, to expect to keep the party’s cohesion and simultaneously hold to power at the centre with less than a few days to the party’s convention, and yet no political signal of where Mr. President is heading! Are the close confidants of the man in the saddle thinking of the humongous resources that aspirants have pumped in and are still pouring into this jamboree that had been apparently decided before the whistle is blown for the commencement of this seeming politico- melodrama synonymous with the running of the National Working Committee of the ruling party, APC?

    APC: It is not too late!

    It is widely stated in Yoruba common parlance: “aja to ma sonu, ko ni gbo fere olode” (meaning: the dog that will get lost, will not hear the whistle of the hunter). I hope this will not be the lot of the APC as it was the portion of PDP pre-2015 election that caused unexpected disaffection and subsequent implosion within the once acclaimed largest political party in Africa that once pompously posited holding unto power for 60 years! Then, it was the gain of the APC as many disgruntled elements of the PDP en masse aligned with the APC as the new-PDP (nPDP). It is obvious that with the emergence of the ubiquitous Atiku Abubakar, suave and savvy politician, laid and loaded with gargantuan war chest to prosecute the coming presidential election, APC could as well be singing her nunc dimittis of continuity and prepare to surrender the keys to the gates of Aso Rock if any candidate is foisted on the party at a crucial time like this in the country. There are some pertinent and purposeful posers in this context: What are the qualities expected of this candidate? Is the President considering a power shift to the south as he will be in the saddle for eight years come 29th May 2023? Does Mr. President really want a consensus candidate that the major stakeholders would unanimously choose? How would the aggrieved party members who had expended time and resources to this cause be pacified in moving the party forward to winning a major election? Or, will he, at a dying minute, after seeing the stakeholders’ inability to fixate on a consensus candidate, open up on his “best kept secret” of a candidate? The last question would seemingly be answered by the President working from his script as the right response is already known by him and possibly his close confidants. Whilst keeping fingers crossed, we, followers, are waiting and watching keenly, with interests and intrigues, at unfolding political drama in the ruling party which is whimsically strange to all previous political prognostications, permutations and projections.

    • Ekundayo, Ph.D. can be reached via 08155262360 (SMS only) and drjmoekundayo@hotmail.com

  • Orji Kalu’s contrarian politics

    Orji Kalu’s contrarian politics

    After spending years advocating Igbo presidency, and briefly offering himself for that number one role, Orji Kalu, a former Abia State governor and currently chief whip of the Senate, abjured his political beliefs and has become the chief campaigner for a northern presidency, presumably eight years after a northerner occupied that position. He wants his friend and senate president Ahmad Lawan, a north-easterner, to pick the All Progressives Congress (APC) presidential ticket. His argument is simple: “Congratulations to the PDP for electing a north-easterner. Nigerians must have seen what I saw yesterday. For our party, the APC, it is no longer feasible to talk about a southern candidate except the APC wants to go on political retirement. I urge the national chairman of the party and the entire NWC to stamp their feet and zone the APC presidential ticket to the Northeast. President Buhari has a right to choose his successor, and I call on him to pick Senator Ahmad Lawan as his successor. In every democratic setting, presidents and governors support and pick their successors.”

    For a few dizzying months, south-eastern political and cultural leaders swore by Igbo presidency, insisting in some instances that any Igbo politician who took the running mate ticket would be regarded as a traitor. Senator Kalu was a strident voice for the Igbo project. Now, not only has the Southeast moderated its opposition to a northern politician securing the presidential ticket, the region has begun to be desperate for the running mate ticket to thwart the South-South’s push for the ticket. The Southeast will, however, face the dilemma of pushing for the junior ticket on both the APC platform and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) platform. It is unlikely they’ll have their cake and eat it.

    But more critically is the questionable role politicians like Sen Kalu are playing in the unfolding 2023 game. The former Abia State governor’s politics over the years has been, to put it mildly, objectionable and unprincipled. He was never capable of taking a stand, let alone sticking to that stand for a considerable length of time. His idea of wheeling and dealing is not even as engaging as that term is; he actually trades in votes, prostitutes principles, and leaves his dwindling followers in the lurch every time he stands to gain something by flip-flopping. The Igbo know him well; and though he manages to raise his voice and make himself heard anytime there is an advantage to be had, few in the Southeast take him seriously.

    As governor, he was undistinguished, leaving his state worse than he met it, and getting himself embroiled in all manner of malfeasances from which he is yet to extricate himself. Abians have a low opinion of him; the generality of the Igbo have an even lower opinion of him. But he does not care. He is convinced he can sell any product no matter how defective. At a time the Igbo have sought to raise their self-esteem by politicking for the presidency from a position of strength, Sen Kalu has valiantly worked to lower that self-esteem by advocating for Igbo subserviency. In his obtuse logic, if the Igbo could not win a fight, it was useless fighting it at all. To him they cannot win the presidency, and so it would be pointless fighting for the standard-bearer ticket.

    His main argument for jettisoning the Igbo presidential project and backing Sen Lawan for the APC presidential ticket is simply because the PDP gave the ticket to a north-easterner, former vice president Atiku Abubakar. That logic is insane; but it is rife in the ruling party, and has obviously gained traction as party leaders prevaricate over the morality of keeping the presidency in the North for another eight years. In his statement declaring support for Sen Lawan, the former Abia governor painted a doomsday scenario of APC being sent into premature retirement should it give its ticket to any southerner. It is not clear why he thinks he can speak for the entire South. If his self-abnegating politics leads him to trade Igbo pride for a pittance, surely he must know that other parts of the South still possess, and would wish to retain, their self-pride.

    Sen Kalu then caps his ignoble politicking with the abominable argument that President Muhammadu Buhari reserves the right to pick his successor. It is true that last week the president seemed to have asked a meeting of progressive governors to reserve that right for him, but Sen Kalu comes from a region wailing against marginalisation, alienation and even provocation orchestrated by quislings and other agents provocateurs killing and maiming in the Southeast. His political instincts, had they been well developed, should have prompted him into embracing at least the silhouette of democracy. That faint democratic instinct should have nurtured in him respect for proper democratic elections either in intraparty affairs or inter-party affairs. Sen Kalu, alas, is destitute of any democratic instinct.

    In fact, his support for Sen Lawan and the northern presidential agenda is strictly speaking business. He and the senate president are close friends, some say, right from their University of Maiduguri undergraduate days; and so Sen Kalu elevates the narrow purviews of friendship and business above the existential struggles of his Igbo race. He can of course repudiate any respect and affection for the rest of the South, but to rubbish the Igbo cause with shallow and pedantic arguments about the ogre of PDP challenge betrays the little regard Abia and the Igbo people had for him, which made him a two-term governor.

    Sen Kalu is of course not the only one who quickly abandoned the resolve of the Southeast to press for the presidential ticket as a right from the leading parties. Presidential aspirant Peter Obi himself shrunk from the challenge within the PDP and has scurried to the ineffective Labour Party. Worse, the region’s delegates to the PDP special convention also collectively repudiated the few Igbo aspirants left in the race, given them a collective 15 votes out of about 95. If south-easterners do not even have faith in their own advocacy, including the unprincipled Sen Kalu whose execrable politics remains incomparable, why should any outsider back them?

    The Anambra murders

    It is not difficult to explain why the country is in uproar over the gruesome and despicable murder in Anambra State of pregnant Harira Jibril and her four children, all of them from Adamawa State. But surely it cannot simply be because of their ethnic group or religion. Murderers and terrorists, with their twisted and unpredictable logic, often don’t discriminate. In any case, appalling murders and rights abuse have also been perpetrated elsewhere in the country, particularly in the Northeast and Northwest. The gruesome murder of a military couple, Gloria Matthew and Linus Andu, in Imo State weeks earlier and the Jibril murders are a logical progression from the unchecked murders elsewhere, either by Boko Haram, kidnappers, ritual killers or bandits, most of whom are known. Having failed to check the menace in the past, the problem has metastisised, become more vicious, and the country is probably doomed to witness many more horrendous massacres in the coming weeks and months, despite the threat by President Buhari to crack down.

    It will be surprising should the federal government feign ignorance of the motivation for these south-eastern murders. Together with provocative cyber campaigns from other regions, including from the Southwest, there are now an army of agents provocateurs intent on setting the country ablaze. Had the Buhari administration nipped these problems in the bud, and properly situated the context in which these crimes were committed, mitigation would have been possible. Now, with an economy heading into a tailspin, an insurgency and banditry recrudescing wildly, all in an atmosphere of incompetent management of the politics of the nation and law enforcement, there seems to be no immediate hope that peace and stability would be restored. Too many criminals have tasted blood and liked it; they will get bolder in the months ahead, regardless of whatever the government does. Hopefully the murderers of the military couple and the Jibril family will be caught and brought to trial; but it will have little impact on a problem that is already replicating everywhere, for the criminals on rampage have sold their souls to the devil and don’t give a damn what happens next.

  • 24 hours to very critical decisions: APC beware

    24 hours to very critical decisions: APC beware

    APC, the obvious lead horse – Esin iwaju – amongst Nigerian political parties has, through its own byzantine decoys, so outsmarted itself that had INEC not gone back on its words about not amending its time table, it just might have failed to meet the deadlines or just barely do. A day to its severally postponed screening of its presidential aspirants, Nigerians were still waiting to see the exercise begin.

    Simply put, APC’s problems are self-inflicted  and, truth be told, it has never been led as a political party apart from the tenure of its first national Chairman, Chief Bisi Akande. Its next, Chief  John Oyegun was, at best, a mere place holder, buffeted by his shifting allegiance, not to the party, but to several of its  leaders. Adams Oshiomhole, who was apparently keen on putting the party on a firmer ground, turned out unduly abrasive and ambitious elements within the party, who already had their eyes set on 2023, soon showed up, and had him for dinner. All these would, however, not have mattered much if the party leader, President Muhammadu Buhari, had any time for a party he probably saw as no more than a special purpose vehicle to finally clinch the diadem.

    That done, nothing mattered any more, until, that is, he had a dream of who to succeed him.

    The result: APC  has simply drifted, and drifted, until it became the turn of His Excellency, Mai Mala Buni, the drafted Yobe State governor who, under the direction of a trio of Northern governors, completely turned the party to a play thing, daily birthing, and dispensing, with succession plots.

    The reader should please bear that background in mind as I try to wade through the labyrinthine history of the party till where it is today, few days to its presidential primaries, now hopefully, finally scheduled for Monday, 6 June, 2023.

    It is crystal clear, at least, to the attentive Nigerian, that unlike the People’s Democratic Party, APC affairs, at the national level,  have always been at the behest of a cabal, made up of some members of the party but controlled, largely, by the very influential members of the Villa mafia, at least one of them, reported to be a much respected relation of the President.

    This external control got accentuated particularly during this second and final term of President Muhammadu Buhari. It was not fortuitous. Rather, noticing very early in his administration  that the president wasn’t going to be unduly tied down by party matters, some members of his kitchen cabinet, who thought of nothing more than to retain the presidency in the North, quickly seized the moment, and began to direct the government’s appointments, nearly all of which went, unidirectionally,  in favour of the North. I never shied away from sounding the alarm bell on these pages. They, the North, control literally everything that with considerable justification, APC can be seen today as a Northern party, despite the contribution of other legacy parties. I doubt if Southeast parties among them can actually point to anything as dividend of their own contribution.

    Many of these people – who knew nothing about how APC came about, as the First Lady alluded to in her BBC interview when she said some people were invited directly from their homes to come and take up appointments, thus reaping bountifully from where they  did not sow – very quickly took up ringside seats.

    With most appointments made, the next thing was to plot who, from the North, would succeed President Buhari. That was when they came up with poo- pooing zoning, the equitable desideratum in a multi- ethnic society.

    This too, was the precursor to the emergence of Mai Mala Bunu as Chairman of the party’s Interim committee, whose real driving force was the trio of  Northern governors that always escorted him to the Villa to, unfailingly, secure those amazing presidential extensions to the term of a committee that was programmed to last only 6 months only, but  ended up spending nearly  two years.

    Read Also; 2023: Who wins APC presidential ticket?

    At a time, they surprisingly worked on getting surrogates from the Southwest failing which they headed towards the Southeast and Southsouth where they got two opposition state governors who rapidly kissed their parties bye to become presidents – in – waiting.

    Apparently realising that either would spend two terms, which the North sees as too long a time to be out of power, they discarded them like wet rags and went romancing a man they once demonised, called  ‘Clueless’ until they disgraced him out of office. His allure now is that he is constitutionally eligible to spend only one term of 4 years, a time which the North can grudgingly tolerate.

    Unfortunately, rather than reflect and do an introspection, our man jumped on board and became a permanent feature of the APC succession story where he, a non- party man had, cluelessly, asked to be made the consensus candidate. Now he too has been discarded, hung up to dry. This should be an appropriate juncture to ask: what is the value of education if a Ph.D. degree holder would submit to such inane plot?

    Additionally, the scheme also shows clearly that some people see APC  as nothing other than their plaything which they can do with  as they like.

    God help us.

    But things are getting curiouser still, as only this past week,  President Buhari came up, begging  APC governors to allow him nominate his successor as if Nigeria is the equivalent of Putin’s Russia or, indeed, a Monarchy, not forgetting that a king would even pass before jostling for his successor begins. Pray what do these people take this country for?

    Now that Mr Clueless is out, the project to retain the presidency in the North has bounced back. It had earlier got a new filip when Senator Abdullahi Adamu, a man who did not tell anybody he wanted to be party Chairman, became the party’s National Chairman. As if deliberately headhunted, he has so rapidly changed things that a member of the NWC has officially reported his undue exuberance to the President claiming that he acts alone, forgetting he is only primus inter pares.

    He is reported to have since apologised to his colleagues and Nigerians have the ‘enfant terrible’, Salihu Lukman (National Vice-Chairman, Northwest)  and Isaacs Kekemeke (National Vice-Chairman, Southwest) to thank before another centre of worship emerges in a rather timid party.

    One of his earliest heady pronouncements was to say that there was no zoning in the party whereas, a mere two months ago, everything pointed to a presidential candidate coming from the South. Indeed, until Jigawa governor,  Badaru Abubakar, and Senate President Ahmad Lawan were corralled into indicating interest,  only Kogi Governor Yahaya Bello who, from all appearances probably saw it more like theatre, showed any interest from the entire North.

    The untidy  one man riot squad manner  Adamu  has been handling all matters pertaining to the presidential primaries obviously point to the fact that the Villa Mafia and some other Northern power mongers, remain unrelenting. We have just heard they are now  trying to induce  two Northern governors to  buy forms long after the exercise has closed. I call this fake story anyway. But whatever it is, Nigerians are watching.

    Any Northern APC presidential candidate, from the list we presently have, or even with the projected additions, will be shellacked beyond recognition by the Turakin Adamawa, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, a veteran politician, whose network cannot be matched by any APC  Northern politician besides President Buhari who, of course, would not be on the ballot in 2023. If  APC does not allow elected delegates to perform their constitutionally prescribed role of electing the candidate, it will be an affirmation of the long held view, among Nigerians, that some people  deliberately want to gift the presidency to the North since whether APC or PDP,  the North wins. Nobody can easily forget, for instance, Mai Mala Buni and  some others well publicised visit to the Turakin at a point. These decoys was the kernel of the article in which I questioned the rationale behind the intervention of   Northern elders in trying to broker a PDP Northern  consensus candidate which they, however,  finally had in Atiku, right at the convention ground.

    As mentioned earlier, it became known during the past week that President Buhari who, himself, went through a primary election to emerge the APC  presidential candidate in 2014, is now begging APC governors to let him select his successor as if Nigeria is no longer a democracy. While he may succeed with the governors because of the reports the intelligence and the anti- corruption agencies may have on them, he will  most probably fail to get this over the Nigerian electorate. The party  will, therefore, at the appropriate time, be paid back in its own spineless coins.

    Another fact which all those keen on making APC answerable only to President Buhari who did not singularly form the party, but actually rode to office on other peoples’ shoulders, is that this  undemocratic rout will, almost certainly, sound the death knell of the APC given the fact that it lacks any organic cohesion. PDP was able to survive it’s two  defeats  simply because unlike APC,  it is a highly homogenous party, not an ensemble of strange bed fellows  which believe that it must be beholden to an individual. Nigerians must pray, and endeavour, to have political parties only, which would not see themselves held hostage by any one individual or group because it is simply not the norm, except in dictatorships, which Nigeria is not.

    I hope that the schemers will  factor into their serpentine plots the consequences of having in the 2023 presidential election candidates like Atiku,  Kwankwaso, even Obi. In Kano, with President Buhari not being on the ballot, Kwankwaso will make mincemeat of any APC candidate from that  part of the country, just as the emergence of Peter Obi will further lock the East away from a party that would have shown itself as a Northern party only, ala the NPC of old.

    Also, given all that INEC has done of late, minus the sudden amendment of its time table, Nigerians can reasonably expect a far more credible election than hitherto, meaning that incumbency will count for nothing. I cannot, therefore,  see the magic  any  Northern APC candidate will put on display to defeat either Atiku or Kwankwaso Kwankwaso who now has former governor Shekarau with him in the NPP.

    Any APC presidential candidate from the North, if honest to himself, must also write himself off in the Middle Belt, especially in Benue State where they  have been treated, not just like second class citizens, but as outright aliens. When they were killed in numbers, and had to do a mass burial for their dead, all they heard from the president, on a sympathy visit to them,  was that they should learn to live with their neighbours, who incidentally are the killers. After that, several of their villages have been burnt down, their names changed and several others killed. They will be more than human to find the forging heart to vote an APC candidate who is from the geographical North. Ditto for Southern Kaduna where, apart from talk, Governor El Rufai is not known to have not done much to reduce the insecurity which has taken over the entire state.  He seems to have simply given up once President Buhari refused his suggestion that these irritants be carpet bombed.

    I hardly need mention the very discerning Southwest wher APC leaders in the region have been blamed for everything Nigeria has become under the current administration , top of it, the fact that we can no longer travel freely in what used to be the safest part of Nigeria.

    One of the  Methodist church prelates recently released by Fulani herdsmen after payment of a N100M ransom,  told reporters this past week, that one of their captors specifically asked them whether they knew Lagos – Ibadan expressway, whose surrounding forests, he said, have all been taken over by Fulanis who are only waiting for the signal to attack everything in sight. It will be a herculean task to get the Southwest to vote a non -Southern APC candidate.

    Yorubas are so discerning that were President Buhari minded to handpick one of the contestants from the region, they would still ask him to tow the democratic rout because Nigeria is not a banana republic.

    For the life of me, I cannot understand why the APC governors cannot tell President Buhari that his proposal is unknown to democracy and, instead, remind him of the well organised primaries from which he emerged in 2014. This obsequiousness has been the bane of the APC, treating President Buhari like he owns a party with over 40 million Nigerians as members. And if care is not taken, having not been weaned on feudal baby milk, many a southern governor will commit errors that will torment him forever. There must be a limit to obsequiousness, no matter the short term benefit. Enough is enough. One is not preaching disrespect, but just show, for once, that your people elected you and that they too have a voice in Nigerian affairs as governor Wike recently said. If the governors still end up chickening out because of their private fears, forgetting that there was no talk of ‘nominating a successor’ when each contestant coughed out N100M each,  they must be prepared for whatever result they get, come February, 2023. But it will not be pleasant.

    And why do I say that?

    It is simply because if the president goes ahead to nominate somebody who will continue from where he left, that candidate will have to come with all his baggage and can be guaranteed to lose the election because it will be asinine to think that Nigerians no longer wish to be able to sleep with their two eyes closed, nor that they no longer wish to move freely again, as if they are prisoners in their own country. Nor can farmers wish they can no longer go their farms without having to pay some forced  taxes to some murderous elements. Add to these, the fact that every part of the country has become a killing field just as Nigeria itself has become the poverty capital of the world. To allow President Buhari nominate somebody who would continue in his footsteps as our next president, especially a candidate from the North,  will be saying  that  parents would continue to see their children roaming the streets, or getting involved in all manner of criminalities because universities and polytechnics will continue to be shut down for months on end. It will mean a galloping inflation which has seen food prices soar beyond  the  reach of the average Nigerian and a Naira that is no longer worth the paper on which it is printed.

    As I write this, power generation has dipped to  2000 plus megawatts. These and more are the legacies President Buhari will be leaving behind and, if these governors and other stakeholders will , at least be true to themselves, they  should know that the party’s only path to victory in 2023 is to allow delegates freely elect a candidate, who would not, willy nilly, answer for all these.

    Nigerians saw EFCC made a mess of itself when its staff went around parading PDP primaries’ grounds as if those intent on bribing delegates would haul dollars to the event. I doubt if they know how shamelessly  they portrayed Nigeria. APC needs be told that if it continues to be as lackadaisical as it has always been, and grants the president his wish, it will only have itself to blame as it snatches defeat from the jaws of victory.

    PDP will merely say it is payback time. It is all in APC’s hands.

    Fortunately, nobody has ever been reported dead because PDP lost election in 2015 and 2019. So as APC lays its bed, so will it lie on it

  • 30 years marriage lessons

    30 years marriage lessons

    On May 30, my wedding with my lovely wife, Ronke, aka Ronkusbaby clocked 30. How time flies indeed. I remember vividly how we met on what was like a blind date in Abeokuta, Ogun State before we married in 1992 and have stuck together.

    It’s been a long journey through the twists and turns, thick and thin, with lots of testimonies of God’s blessing for which I am very grateful. Being married for thirty years with no recollection of any time we contemplated breaking up is not something I take for granted or claim any know-how for.

    No two marriages are the same. What works for one, may not work for another. How two strangers become friends and live happily together thereafter is a miracle of a kind.

    I count myself fortunate for the grace of God that has enabled me to come this far when many marriages have failed, sometimes due to minor issues my wife and I resolved as amicably as possible.

    Even when we sharply disagree on issues, as we do once in a while, what has kept us going is that one of us, not necessarily her, knows when not to insist on being the person that should have his or her way. We both know how to control our emotions when a disagreement is getting heated and bring it up later when the atmosphere is right. Over the years, we both know the tolerance level of each other and we do our best not to stretch it.

    There must be tolerance and respect for each other on any issue that can trigger disagreements. I sometimes struggle to understand some decisions and stands my wife takes, but I have learnt to live with them in the interest of peaceful co-existence, just as she has accepted me for being “married” to my journalism work most times.

    Clear communication about what you like and what you don’t is very important and both must be willing listeners and avoid doing anything that can cause disharmony. My wife knows how to hear me say I like something, particularly food, in a discussion with her or someone else and it will surface soon at meal time.

    Shall two work together except they agree according to Amos 3:3 in the Bible, definitely no. It takes a lot of commitment and sacrifice to make marriage work. There must be more points of agreement than things couples don’t agree on.

    Though my wife is from a Muslim background and I was an Anglican Christian, agreeing to be Pentecostal Christians and be faithful to biblical injunctions have greatly united us in many ways. Notwithstanding, we don’t totally agree on some approaches to spiritual issues, but the key principles are enough to sustain us.

    Every couple must always remember the marriage vow of “for better, for worse, for richer, for poorer, in sickness and in health, to love and to cherish, until parted by death”. The good and bad times are meant to be enjoyed and endured by couples. Nothing should diminish the love couples profess with nothing to hide from one another.

    The trust element is also critical and every effort must be made not to betray it. Without trust, it’s hard to sustain any marriage. There should also be room for forgiveness and sincere ‘repentance’.

    The success of a marriage is not something anyone should brag about. There are times when it just doesn’t work out even with the best of effort. One must just try hard enough and trust God to take control at every stage.

  • Buhari, Tinubu and  succession snafu

    Buhari, Tinubu and succession snafu

    TWO major events dominated the country last week: President Muhammadu Buhari’s request to All Progressives Congress (APC) governors to agree with him in picking his successor in nearly the same manner he allowed them ‘promote’ their successors at the state level, and ex-Lagos State governor and APC national leader Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Abeokuta impassioned speech against the unending plots to frustrate his presidential ambition. The consequences of both events will reverberate through the party’s special convention to elect the party’s presidential standard-bearer, and possibly ripple through next year’s general election. Even though adversarial media, not to say the feral social media, made the Tinubu speech the main event of last week, it actually pales in comparison with the request by the president, subject to the convergence and reciprocal support of the so-called progressive governors, to agree with him in picking his successor. In short, he wants consensus; but consensus driven by whom, and openly or conspiratorially covertly? Asiwaju Tinubu’s angry denunciation of his traducers within and outside the party has no bearing on the 1999 Constitution and the APC Constitution. But President Buhari’s peculiar approach to picking his successor, if carried through, could cause a tectonic shift in both constitutions akin to the counterproductive imposition orchestrated by ex-president Olusegun Obasanjo in 2007.

    It is unclear where the progressive governors got the impression that the president’s plaintive plea for reciprocity in picking his successor involved their active participation, but no sooner he met them than they began scheduling meetings to determine who that pick would be. It was presumptuous and irresponsible on their part and showed their poor understanding of the APC constitution and their lack of character. But presidential spokesman Femi Adesina’s clarification that the president did not invite them into the process but in fact asked them only to connive at it should help restrain their fertile imagination. The president was clear that when the governors acted like potentates in scheming their second term or promoting their successors, he was nothing but an onlooker. In effect, he simply wants them to play the same role of onlookers, perhaps giving an advice or two, but really nothing more. It was of course wrong for the president to have connived at the governors’ shenanigans in the states, for it was obvious that his reluctance to interfere was not based on ethical or constitutional considerations but on an intriguing interpretation of the doctrine of separation of powers. However, having let the governors played ducks at the states, he wants to be allowed to also play drakes at the national party level. Most of the governors, from every indication, appear ready to let him do whatever he wants. Even if they know what is right, and this goes beyond the constitution and the laws of the land, they lack the courage and the character to restrain him. He is after all the president.

    In his speech to the governors last Tuesday during the consultative meeting, the president said a few things that showed the uncertainty of his thoughts or the imprecision of his speechwriters, or both. In paragraph four, he spoke of great parties being internally cohesive and led by strong leaders. This is incredible. Could these globally acclaimed parties flout their constitutions and turn them into a den of unjust and cruel manipulators and still remain great? Internal cohesion can only be built on justice, fairness and equity. The APC since 2015 has exemplified conspiracy, dissension and ruthless and restless scheming. And as for strong leadership, it must of course be presumed that the leaders in question possess the depth, intuition and character needed to firmly guide their parties. Is President Buhari convinced that the APC is similarly led? The president not only spoke entrancingly of strong leadership, in paragraph five, he also eulogises ‘stronger leadership’ which he swore ready to provide. Strong or stronger leadership must be based on the right values, his speechwriters should have warned him.

    In paragraph seven, the president spoke of ‘according the governors the privilege of promoting successors capable of driving their visions as well as the ideals of the party’. Mark the word ‘promoting’. He was at least honest enough to admit that the governors in question promoted successors, not pick, as he went on to advocate in paragraph 10 when he solicited the “reciprocity and support of the governors and other stakeholders in picking my successor…” The governors promoted, he wants to pick. Or perhaps the president used pick and election interchangeably. In any case, paragraph 10 cannot be read separate from paragraph seven in order to understand the president’s intention.

    Whoever advised the president to urge the picking of his successor almost as a counterpoise to the governors’ promotion of their successors has done him and the APC injury that may not be easily remedied. Picking a successor in the way he meant it in his speech is unconstitutional and unlawful. He said, however, that he was still consulting, when he appeared to have in fact made up his mind. He made it up months ago when he told reporters he would keep his choice secret lest his preference be destroyed before the D-Day. The fateful day has come, and a week before the convention, he has tried to soften the ground by ‘soliciting’ the cooperation of governors and stakeholders. He was right to keep his preference like a card played close to his chest, in case it turned out that the governors and stakeholders preferred someone else, especially in light of the choice the aggressive, better organised and surprisingly more democratic PDP made during their special convention. The PDP has put their best foot forward, despite it being somewhat gangrenous; the APC will imperil itself should it put a weak, faltering and leprous foot forward.

    While the president is contending with his own unforced errors, Asiwaju Tinubu exploded a depth bomb under the APC dreadnought in Abeokuta when he railed against the serial plots of the party to sideline him. His enemies and opponents have gratefully seized the opportunity of his quaint and provocative use of words to chafe at his assumptions and conclusions: he is playing God; he is full of bombast; he is at bottom a dictator; he is a narcissist; he is tribal; he is rude to President Buhari, etc. Asiwaju Tinubu has come to the conclusion that those plotting against him, including a significant number of south-westerners who lack strategic and holistic understanding of Nigerian politics, will always damn him whether he blows his top or not. He also understands that since 2015, many in the administration and the ruling party have made it their cardinal duty to diminish him and if possible politically neutralise him completely. They see him as a man who can call his soul his own, when their ideal of a president is someone who genuflects. His friend and campaign director-general, ex-governor Kashim Shettima of Borno State, is mystified by the poor thinking sweeping through the Southwest and the mindless conspiracy wafting through the ruling party and the administration. Mr Shettima knows that Asiwaju Tinubu is the APC’s most credible chance to PDP candidate Atiku Abubakar; but the party seems blissfully desensitised to that fact, while vociferous and scurrilous south-westerners don’t seem to care that their vicious campaign against the former Lagos governor is indirectly enabling a monster or a weakling to take office in 2023.

    This column had wondered how Asiwaju Tinubu, after his immense sacrifice for the political advancement of the president and the APC, could stomach all the abuse and plots in the party and among the so-called cabals against him and his ambition. For seven years he had endured the trauma, including when he was not even running for office in 2019. It is, therefore, finally reassuring that he is human after all. He has tried to walk back some of the things he said in Abeokuta, including suggesting that his nuanced statements were misinterpreted or twisted. Yes, that may be true, but his opponents have made up their minds about what he said. Notwithstanding, all he had to say probably indicate how frustrated he had become after virtually giving his life to serve the party, not to say his mentees most of whom have proved absolutely undeserving, that he is still being relentlessly vilified. Asiwaju Tinubu owes the country an explanation of how he feels being shabbily treated. He should ignore the pestilential chatter on social media and the bought traditional media. There is hardly anyone but he who could have tolerated for so long the kind of abuse he was subjected to by his party and friends, including being made to be screened by a former party chairman with whom he had fallen out, and not ask for more than a pound of flesh.

    The APC presidential primary begins tomorrow, and someone must emerge as candidate. The president and the governors will hopefully allow an unencumbered democratic process to prevail. But whatever they do – whether they opt for the twisted consensus some attribute to them or embrace something noble – will determine their party’s survival or implosion. They will be mistaken to think they can use state power to foist a weak candidate on the country in the face of a hungry and determined PDP. As for Asiwaju Tinubu, he has proved himself. His cathartic outburst in Abeokuta does not, strangely, condemn him; it canonises him. He is not perfect, and there are indeed justifications for some of the criticisms leveled against him; but there is no presidential aspirant in his party at the moment – not the cautious and ingratiating Sen Ahmad Lawan and Vice President Yemi Osinbajo nor the doting and impressionable Rotimi Amaechi and Kayode Fayemi – who can hold a candle to him.

     

    Wike makes a lasting impression

    After weeks of colourful campaigning, probably the most charismatically conducted among the 12 contestants who jostled for the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) presidential ticket, it became clear some two weeks to the convention that Rivers State governor Nyesom Wike would run a photo finish with ex-vice president Atiku Abubakar. The former vice president was initially the clear front-runner even though his campaign was uneventful, festooned as it was with predictable and unearthly promises instead of memorable one-liners to enliven and captivate the crowd. But days to the fateful primary, panic spread all over the North regarding the challenge presented by the irrepressible Mr Wike. Suddenly, Alhaji Atiku did not seem unbeatable anymore. Indeed, he seems awfully vulnerable, and Mr Wike remarkably invincible. If the North did not immediately circle the wagons, as clannish and parochial as that may sound, Mr Wike, they feared, could pull an upset.

    Reports have feasted on the methods deployed by the North, that is, the core North. Regional leaders scared the delegates with horrid stories of a rambunctious, radical and iconoclastic Wike, and roused their tribal and regional instincts against the colourful outsider. Inadvertently, northern political leaders forgot themselves, forsook political history and tradition, and began to see and present the PDP as a northern party, and the North as interchangeable with PDP. Bugles sounded by phlegmatic generals on distant mountain peaks rallied behind the northern cause unwary delegates who received marching orders to reject Mr Wike, the southern upstart charming them with gripping political anecdotes and choking their whispers with money. On the day of the vote, the coup de main easily became the coup de grace, as Sokoto State governor Aminu Tambuwal, who owed Mr Wike a favour, turned coat and stabbed his former benefactor in the back. The rest is history.

    Notwithstanding the late rally from the North that gifted Alhaji Atiku an improbable 371 votes, Mr Wike pulled a healthy and fearsome 237 votes. What if Mr Tambuwal had not stepped down for the former vice president? What if another northern aspirant, Muhammed Hayatu-Deen, had not also stepped down complaining about all kinds of irregularities? Alhaji Atiku’s final tally would probably have been less than he received, and Mr Wike would perhaps have stood a fighting chance of sneaking past the post. It is pointless now debating the winning scenarios. The fact is that the North became scared of a possible Wike win and therefore closed ranks, obviously displaying a better understanding of the dynamics of Nigerian politics than their fragmented, argumentative and heady southerners. The core North not only wanted a win, they wanted an emphatic win. And they got it on the dissipative heels of heedless southerners.

    Mr Wike is angry that he was betrayed by Mr Tambuwal and some southerners. He is free to interpret his loss the way he wants. But the fact remains that he was outwitted by a conspiratorial core North that sees the PDP as primarily theirs to control, not necessarily to own. Ex-president Olsuegun Obasanjo attenuated their control over the party in his eight years in office, but it was somewhat reinvigorated under the listless Goodluck Jonathan presidency which conceded everything to the North but the ultimate reins of power. Under both presidents, the core North had struggled in a way they were not accustomed to in terms of exercising veto power over the party. To allow the intrepid, irreverent and outspoken Mr Wike take the flag and possibly win the main election would compel and deepen a seismic shift in the core North’s psychological understanding of its manifest destiny. The Rivers governor probably had that understanding too.

    Even though no one joined issue with the wholesale purchase of the conscience of delegates, seeing that all the aspirants were probably involved in that crazy merchandising of votes to one degree or the other, Mr Wike was accused of doing it to a degree that was both astounding and numbing. Maybe in the near future, it will be known just how the Rivers governor managed to create such a huge and irresistible impression on delegates, even across the North. But whatever he did and however he did it was successful and impressive. Had he won and got the chance to replicate that formula in the presidential election, there is no telling what the outcome might be. He will be a sorry miss for Nigerian politics, and particularly for the next presidential poll.

    Those who midwife the Atiku win are unapologetic. They insist that had Mr Wike won, the ruling party would have made mincemeat of him. How can they tell? The northern conspirators and Atiku supporters argue that Mr Wike lacked the depth, reach, contacts and even-temper to win, let alone be president. They dispel the notion of him growing into that role during the campaigns, for he is believed to be idiosyncratically argumentative, pugnacious and voluble. In contrast, they may have their reservations about Alhaji Atiku, but they see him as less prone to any form of radicalism or unpredictability. In fact they see the former vice president as a rugged fighter with the hunger to win, a contemplative politician with a fine eye for detail, a gregarious man not averse to the bohemian way of life. They are willing to tolerate his weaknesses than endure the strengths of the more aggressive Mr Wike.

    On the whole, the Rivers governor has shown that no one is unbeatable, and that even the most maligned and distrusted of aspirants can orchestrate mindboggling upsets. If Mr Wike can prove that the resources he deployed to propel his presidential aspiration were clean, then he must be justifiably proud of his political accomplishments. To score the votes he got during the PDP May 28 convention is no mean feat. He ran a great campaign, said the right things, grabbed attention, mesmerised delegates, and created a lasting impression on both delegates and the country as a whole. He will in the foreseeable future be a force to be reckoned with in the PDP, and a courageous voice to be paid a lot of attention in the months ahead as the main opposition party prepares to face a clumsy and shifty ruling party.

     

  • Nigeria Bleeds…

    Fresh-severed heads dangle

    From tree branches in the town square

    Blood drops congeal in the eyes

    Of the noonward sun

     

    A miasma of roasting bodies

    Hangs heavy in the evening air

    Hungry vultures revel in

    Their cannibal concourse atop the trees

     

    Season of omens, season of mayhems

    Minor arguments boil into dagger wars

    ‘Unknown gunmen’ turn placid rivers

    Into cesspools of rabid blood

     

    Body-hunters hawk their wares in open markets:

    Mangled members, hewed breasts,

    Gouged eyes compete for the highest bidding;

    In the morbid commerce of a graveyard country

     

    Rampaging zealots maim and murder

    As evidence of faith and proof of power

    A parallel government by bandits

    Thrives on blood levies and wanton terror

     

    The Niger neighs like a stricken horse

    The Benue lies limp with bloated bodies

    From the desert fringes to the startled ocean

    Nigeria reels and wriggles like a headless snake

     

    ‘Our own dear Native Land’,

    Now a killing field

    Its government fled many moons ago

    Without a forwarding address