Category: Sunday

  • ‘Okada’: ‘Kabiyesi’ of the road

    ‘Okada’: ‘Kabiyesi’ of the road

    With effect from June 1, commercial motorcyclists popularly known as ‘okada’ will no longer be allowed to operate in six local government and local council development areas of Lagos State. It was obvious that it would one day get to this. It seemed the riders have now stolen so much for the owner to notice. They have no regard for anyone. They want to operate without being checked. They ride against traffic. It is abomination for them to obey traffic lights. Many of them, I am sure have never seen a copy of the Highway Code, not to talk of understand its contents. Above all, they are quick to organise and pounce on other road users at any given time whenever they have issues with them. It is immaterial whether they are right or wrong. As a matter of fact, they are always right. Even if they are wrong, they are right. They vent their spleen on anyone at sight. It is as if it is other road users that are responsible for whatever they consider to be their miserable plight. As if others too do not have their own grievances against our wobbling system.

    For the ‘okada’ riders, the day of reckoning came on May 12 in the Admiralty area of Lekki, Lagos, when some of them descended on David Sunday, a sound engineer. Actually, it was Sunday’s colleagues, Frank, a saxophonist, and Philip, a keyboardist, who boarded an ‘okada’ to the venue where Sunday was setting up for a show, that had an issue with the rider over N100. The argument degenerated into a fight and other ‘okada’ riders joined the fray in support of their colleague. The ensuing melee alerted Sunday who rushed to the scene and the riders pounced on him, gave him a thorough beating until he fell down, motionless. He was then doused with petrol and set ablaze.

    Lagos State Police Public Relations Officer, SP Benjamin Hundeyin, confirmed that “The incident was over N100. So, it degenerated into a fight and the motorcyclists ganged up against the person that was killed and burnt. On the day the incident happened, we arrested four persons that were positively identified by people living in the area.”

    This would look like a scene from a movie; but it was for real. As a matter of fact, even those people living in the area would still be wondering whether what they saw was for real. Sunday and his friends too would be imagining whether they were dreaming when Sunday was being brutalized. But that is the way many  ‘okada’ riders behave in Lagos. They have become law unto themselves. They consider an attack against one of them as an attack on all and they unite to assault whoever is having issues with their colleague. But setting someone with whom you have a minor argument ablaze would seem an imported culture to Lagos and a new low.

    Indeed, anybody who read the story or watched the video recording of the mob action against Sunday and his colleagues (that were later rushed to hospital over injuries they sustained during the fight) would agree that this new low was definitely one too many. It must not be allowed to become the new norm in cosmopolitan Lagos. It seemed the Lagos State government felt that much, too.

    Hence, barely six days after the gruesome murder, precisely on May 18, the state government responded by placing a fresh ban on ‘okada’, this time on the six LGAs and LCDAs, namely: Ikeja, Surulere, Eti-Osa, Lagos Mainland, Lagos Island and Apapa. Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu who announced the ban said  “After a critical review of our restriction on ‘okada’ activities in the first six LGAs where we restricted them on February 1, 2020, we have seen that the menace has not abated. We are now directing a total ban on ‘okada’ activities across the highways and bridges within these six local government and their local council development areas, effective from June 1, 2022.”

    Perhaps the state government is just doing what should have been done before: a phased ban on the activities of these hoodlums masquerading as commercial motorcyclists. Sanwo-Olu added: “This is a phased ban we are embarking on this period, and we expect that within the short while when this ban will be enforced, ‘okada’ riders in other places where their activities are yet to be banned can find something else to do.” For me, the most painful thing about these criminals is that most of them came to Lagos from far-flung places where their state governments have abandoned governance, making their people to leave in droves in search of greener pastures in Lagos. There is no problem with this. But at least they should learn to comport themselves in a civilised manner even if they are doing a not-too-civilised vocation. As a matter of fact, many of them came from places where their state governments have banned ‘okada’; they did not protest there. They did not ask their governments why they should not be sending people to untimely graves or render them invalid through the careless manner they ride their motorcycles. They just looked for the next available means of getting to Lagos where they hope to continue their business dangerously without consideration for other road users.

    I always mention the experience with a governor of a south-south state that a colleague and myself went to interview some years ago when writing about ‘okada’ riders. In the course of the interview, the governor told us how he just woke up one day and decided that enough was enough with the riders in the state capital. All he did was to give them a deadline which expired on December 31 of that year, within what could be considered a short notice. The order was unambiguous: he said he did not want to see any ‘okada’ in the state capital from January 1 of the following year. He said he himself was not sure the ban would be effective but that on the January 1 that the order took effect, he decided to drive round the city himself. No escort, no driver. Just himself, his aide de camp and may be one or two of his children. He was surprised that the clampdown was effective; the ‘okada’ riders simply evaporated into thin air. And that was it. Easy does it!

    By the following week, the operators in the state capital simply migrated to a neighbouring southeastern state where they also became their usual menace. Several other states, including northern states, have also banned ‘okada’ for security reasons and heaven did not fall. All these people simply shifted base to Lagos and again, soon became a nuisance to Lagosians.

    It was in order to curtail their excesses that the Babatunde Raji Fashola administration in Lagos decided to restrict their operations to certain parts of the state. In line with common sense, they were not to be seen on highways and expressways in the state. But because it is their usual mannerism to be lawless, they soon abused the state government’s magnanimity, plying places they were not supposed to ply, thus leading to a showdown with the no-nonsense Fashola administration which strengthened the state’s road traffic law to contain their menace and also whip other recalcitrant motorists into line on Lagos roads. By and large, that administration was able to contain the excesses of the ‘okada’ riders through an unrelenting enforcement of the traffic laws, and at least sanity prevailed. The heat turned on them in Lagos made many of them to shift base from Lagos to neighbouring Ogun State.

    However, all the gains of that era were eroded by the time the Akinwunmi Ambode government that succeeded Fashola took over. Because of that government’s permissiveness, obviously for political gains, ‘okada’ riders returned to Lagos roads with full force. Not that they completely disappeared at any time before; but they were at least conscious of the zero-tolerance the Fashola administration had for their excesses.

    It was this mess that the incumbent Sanwo-Olu government which also succeeded the Ambode government inherited in 2019. The government had made some attempts to remove the ‘okada’ riders from areas where they were not supposed to ply, to no avail. Enforcement of the law has been somewhat ineffectual. As a matter of fact, the riders became more daring in breaking all known laws. They hijacked the Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) corridor meant only for BRT buses. On the ever-busy Lagos-Abeokuta Expressway and other highways, they ride against traffic so as to make it difficult for task force men to arrest them, putting their lives and those of their passengers and other road users in danger. It got to a point when Lagosians were asking aloud if the state government had capitulated to the ‘okada’ operators. The answer to that question, which seems a capital no, came on May 18 with the fresh ban in the six LGAs.

    It is only unfortunate that it took someone’s life for that tough stance to come. But it is still better late than never. No government properly so-called would close its eyes and allow a band of lawless individuals seize power from it the way ‘okada’ riders want to do in Lagos as in other places where they are being barely tolerated. They were on the verge of making the state a jungle where brutality and disregard for the sanctity of human lives reign supreme. If not, how can human beings, with blood flowing in their veins, beat another human being to a pulp over N100 and thereafter set the person ablaze? Those who did that are brutes in human skin and they should be so treated, irrespective of where they came from. They are not fit to live in any decent society.

    The Lagos State government should not take this matter lightly. The point must be well made that no one has a right to take another person’s life, not to talk of setting the person ablaze. What point are such criminals trying to make? The other day, some people descended on a lady in Sokoto over what they called blasphemy and not only killed her but also set her ablaze. It’s high time the governments concerned took drastic measures against such murderers because that is what they are, before setting people ablaze also becomes a new normal in the country. Ignorance is no excuse in law.

    At any rate, nobody needs anyone to tell him or her that it is bad to kill a fellow human being for whatever reason. That is why we have government and the law. An aggrieved person should go to court rather than dispense jungle justice unilaterally.

    Even if we must admit that failure of governance over the years at all levels gave birth to ‘okada’, that cannot be a reason to let hoodlums set new low standards for us. They must never be allowed to entrench jungle justice as a way of life for us. While we agree that some places are better blessed than others, there is no doubt that the country would be a far better place for all if most other Nigerians insist on good governance in their own states rather than fleeing to Lagos to insist on having what they could not force their home governments to do.

    Meanwhile, however, the Lagos State government should expedite action on its multi-modal transportation programmes. It is a sure way to drastically reduce ‘okada’ presence in the state. There is no civilised country where ‘okada’ is celebrated as a commercial means of transportation. It should not be celebrated as indispensable in Lagos.

    All said, there must be justice for Sunday. It is only by visiting those who commit such grievous crimes with the appropriate punishment that the appropriate lesson can be taught and learnt, that no one has the right to visit jungle justice on another. This ban must not go the way of previous ones. It must be systematically enforced.

  • The leaders we need

    The leaders we need

    As the various political parties elect their candidates for the 2023 general elections, what should be the deciding factor in voting should be the capacity of the aspirants to effectively perform in the positions they are vying for.

    The delegates should be more interested in ensuring that voters in the general elections have good options to choose from on who should be entrusted with leadership at various levels in the country.

    Aspirants should not be voted for without hearing what their vision is and the programmes and policies they plan to implement or advocate for.

    Unfortunately, the above factors may not be the basis for voting in the ongoing primaries. Some candidates will be imposed by some godfathers without giving better aspirants to contest, while many will be elected based on how much they are able to offer the delegates.

    Even with the ridiculously high nomination fees for the various positions, many good candidates have been denied the opportunity of contesting. Only those with ‘deep pockets, some of whose sources of wealth are questionable can afford to pay their way through the nomination, primary and election process.

    For the delegates, the primaries are a time for them to ‘cash out’ from as many aspirants as possible. Top aspirants have been trying to outdo themselves to please the delegates and in the end, the highest bidder will have their votes.

    The screening of aspirants is also said to be a formality as party leaders know who they will endorse based on various factors that have nothing to do with merit. A  young aspirant went for screening and was said to be the best based on the articulation of his views, but he was told not to bother to contest by insiders who know the favourite aspirant who was not at the screening.

    If only party members ensure that only the best get elected as their party’s candidates, we will be sure of having the right persons as leaders, but that is not what we have. Even those who fail to live up to expectations in their first terms get re-elected at the expense of better candidates.

    More than ever before, we need good leaders to solve the various major problems confronting the country. Too many issues are begging for attention and not much has been done at the local, state and federal levels by both the executive and legislature.

    Law and order have broken down notwithstanding the claims by government officials that they are in charge of the situation. Terrorists and kidnappers are having free reign with many persons killed and held. It is no longer safe to travel to most parts of the country.

    Those who were kidnapped recently on the Abuja-Kaduna train are still being held by terrorists demanding ransom. Unknown gunmen keep overrunning many communities, killing innocent persons and burning down properties.

    There have been various strikes by workers making various demands, including that of university lecturers that have lasted for more than three months without the government addressing the matter with the seriousness it deserves.

    The state of the economy has left many in dire straits and it’s been hard for many to survive the economic hardship. Corruption at the highest level has continued unabated with the example of the Accountant General of the federation recently arrested over allegations of money he appropriated to himself.

    Instead of focusing on providing the right leadership, many officeholders have carried on as if they are not accountable to the people.

    The primaries and the coming election provide another opportunity to have the right persons in positions of leadership and this should not be lost on those who have the chance to make it possible. We would not have anyone to blame but ourselves if the right persons are not elected to lead us.

  • Toying with open  presidential tickets

    Toying with open presidential tickets

    Till he dropped out of the presidential race last week, few Nigerians were sure of the identities of those who encouraged African Development Bank (AfDB) president Akinwumi Adesina to enter the 2023 presidential race. He seemed acceptable to ex-president Olusegun Obasanjo, but Dr Adesina’s aspiration obviously went beyond the former president. The gaudy but awkward entry of ex-president Goodluck Jonathan was clearly the machination of a cabal in the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), a group of zealous plotters cockily pretending to have the ear of President Muhammadu Buhari. If Dr Adesina’s almost furtive entry was nevertheless like a bolt from the blue, that of Dr Jonathan came after months of ethical agonising on his part and importuning from an APC cabal led by former caretaker committee chairman, Mai Mala Buni, Governor of Yobe State. And finally, there was also the dramatic and puzzling entry of Senate President Ahmad Lawan into the race shortly before the curtains were drawn on nomination forms.

    What is not easily obvious is that the APC puppeteers had for months wrestled with their consciences to find acceptable aspirants other than Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the man who had helped them birth the party and imbued it with a zest for competition and victory. In their minds, they were resigned to rotational presidency, having zoned party offices in the expectation that the South, nay the Southwest, would produce the presidential candidate. They had first tried Dr Jonathan and found him a hard sell. Then they encouraged other Southwest aspirants, including ex-governors and serving governors, to enter the race and test the waters. But these ones too were even harder to sell to a geopolitical zone whose mind seemed made up. Breaking the enigma with the improbable candidacy of the AfDB president easily became a farcical duty. Exasperated and exhausted, the puppeteers decided to cut the Gordian knot by quietly throwing the presidential ticket open, thus their interminable waffling. Since the party has a little over one week to their presidential primary, assuming they can’t cajole the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) into rejigging the electoral timelines, expect them to be silent on their zoning decision on the almighty ticket. Their silence would of course be interpreted as endorsing open ticket.

    Having in effect thrown the ticket open, some northern APC aspirants belatedly began showing interest in the race. Controversial and hedonistic ex-governor Sani Ahmed of Zamfara State declared his aspiration, but was more or less a red herring. He knew he was headed to a political void. Jigawa State governor Mohammed Badaru Abubakar, a principal member of the troika recklessly moving pawns on the APC chessboard, also expressed his interest after tiring of instigating others into the race. Though an old acquaintance of Asiwaju Tinubu, his aspiration was dead on arrival. Kogi State governor Yahaya Bello, the ultimate contrarian and farcical politician, also threw his hat in the ring. He is too laden with frivolities to soar.

    Then the puppeteers developed a brain wave: why not drag the disinterested Sen Lawan into the race. He has the reach and contacts and name recognition, not to say a little political heft. Win or lose the nomination, it would not affect his senate presidency anyway. Thus, enter the dragon on the back of possibly the most curious sophistry ever. Justifying his entry, Sen Lawan reasoned: “The fact that (we) came out last speaks volumes, because I didn’t just wake up one morning and say I want to be President. It took a lot of time for those who believe in me to talk to me to also throw my hat in the ring. And after some time, I accepted…I am not running as a northern aspirant because the impression created is that I’m a northern aspirant or that northerners are saying they are not going to allow power to the South. I’m not running as a northern candidate. I’m running as a Nigerian Presidential aspirant and therefore I come with all my qualifications for that office and people should judge me on the basis of what I have to offer.”

    Two facts are incontrovertible. Contrary to his statement, it is in fact true that he ‘just woke up one morning and wants to be president’. It is also a fact that, thanks to Mr Buni’s unending manipulations and acrimonious politics, Sen Lawan is indeed a ‘northern aspirant’ encouraged to aspire in furtherance of a northern agenda. And finally, it is also a fact that having tasted power and became intoxicated, the core North is uninterested in power shifting southward. Indeed, they have served notice that they will do everything to ensure that a shift does not happen, even if it means enabling the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to claim the crown. Both leading parties are not only playing cat and mouse with themselves to produce two northern candidates, they are also determined to play ducks and drakes with the emotions of the country, fiddling while the country burnt, and indifferent to the conflagrating conditions years of incompetence, divisiveness, and ethnic and religious hubris had predisposed the country to.

    APC chairman Abdullahi Adamu has simply taken off from where his caretaker predecessor stopped. An irredentist himself, capable of fiery rhetoric, Mr Adamu has endorsed Mr Buni’s plots and embraced his rationalisations. This is why there will be nothing said definitively on zoning or rotation, and all efforts will be geared towards pushing an agenda that is clearly inimical to unity, peace and development. This column maintains that the APC unfortunately does not really have an inspiring philosophy and ideology. Not only has the party become indistinguishable from the PDP, it has also become destitute of imagination and all virtues as well as become inexorably northern to the exclusion of others. The immediate past and current leadership of the party ignore the fact that even in the party’s increasingly crass northernism, there is still a significant and powerful faction of the party that fears the impending backlash against the dangerous and inflammable insularity of the reigning faction. That other faction attempted to regain control of the party during the March coup, but failed because the president, who had initially consented to the drastic measure, developed cold feet. That other faction has endorsed the presidential ticket going South, specifically, for electoral and ethical reasons, Southwest.

    Under Mr Adamu, the APC is, however, leaning towards open presidential ticket. It will take President Buhari putting his foot down to realign the party to the path of probity. But that will depend on whether he sees and correctly gauges the precariousness of the country sundered by schisms, banditry, insurgency, economic woes, religious extremism, ethnic exceptionalism, and almost total and irredeemable alienation. The president sometimes gives the impression he is astigmatic, unable to define nationhood and identify and distinguish factors leading to state failure. If he somehow rises up to the occasion and miraculously begins to see Nigeria beyond one ethnic group, and his administration beyond the venal afflictions of cabals integrated into his government, he will cut short the madness overtaking his party, rise above the pedestrian by shoring up the noble objectives of his party, and dare rather than ape the PDP which has seemed to lose its soul.

    But if the president does not intervene on behalf of what is noble and lofty, and he leaves Messrs Buni, Adamu, Badaru, Abubakar Atiku Bagudu (Kebbi governor), and other ethnic supremacists pandering to base regional and religious agenda to run riot in the party and prostitute its soul, the APC, like the PDP, will likely plot the emergence of a northern candidate. Should that happen, should both leading parties engage in this endgame brinkmanship, there will of course be dire consequences. Firstly, the APC, as the ruling party, will lose whatever cohesion it has left, lose the next polls regardless of its bloated membership register, and fracture irreparably. Secondly, the South, perhaps too the Middle Belt, will lose confidence in the nation. The country already teeters on the brink, held together only by the tiniest of sinews, but if a few plotters manipulate and insinuate regional dominance into the body politic, there will be nothing left to hope for. The current restiveness all over the country, which has led to deep and profound cleavages, will gather speed and ultimately engender fragmentation. Thirdly, there will be nothing left to guarantee that elections will even hold. What is keeping the country together, despite minor political controversies among competing zones in the South, is the expectation that if power rotates South, perhaps the situation would not be as irredeemable as feared.

    Having badly botched government’s response to the egregious murder of Deborah Samuel, a 200-level student of the Shehu Shagari College of Education in Sokoto, flunked many national policy initiatives, and failed to tackle the country’s costly, unwieldy and untenable political system, President Buhari’s last chance to secure any legacy would be if he manages to deliver a peaceful and transparent transition to the next administration. He has so far kept inexplicably mute on the chicaneries tearing his party apart. He has not set, through persuasion, an inspiring course for his party, perhaps preferring by default to ape the PDP, and he has not even galvanised the country behind noble and unifying causes. To compound these failings with the plot to keep power in the North after his eight years in office would be unforgivable.

     

    How Buhari should handle feckless ministers

    Last week, this column applauded President Muhammadu Buhari for his prompt decision to disengage cabinet members pursuing political ambitions. While the public rightly condemned the immorality and illegality of the ministers holding down cabinet positions and simultaneously pursing presidential, governorship and legislative positions, many more Nigerians wondered why the president initially seemed indifferent to the undisciplined and unethical use of federal privileges to advance clearly personal and political ambitions. When the president finally moved against the ministers on May 11 and drove the knife deeper into their backs on May 13 by quickly organising a valedictory session in their honour, it appeared to signpost a new and decisive presidency. It would have been far better had the president never countenanced the abuse in the first instance; but for a presidency long regarded as lethargic, the belated move against the undiscriminating ministers was a promising change the public hoped would be sustained till next May.

    Presidential spokesmen have not disclosed why the president organised a valedictory session for the ambitious ministers on May 13 despite giving them a May 16 deadline to resign their positions to pursue their political goals. The effect, however, was to put the president in a quandary over what to do with ministers who developed cold feet. By giving them a deadline, it was assumed that those who failed to resign by that date had opted to stay back in government. Information minister Lai Mohammed has consequently struggled with the peculiar mess created by the presidency’s haste, particularly in finding sensible and convincing explanations that help the public to make sense of the actions of the ministers hosted to a valedictory but who had opted to forego their political ambitions. If the fecund Mr Mohammed finds the mid-May events too recondite for his fertile imagination to grapple with, it is not obvious how the president would frame and resolve it.

    It does no credit to the Buhari administration that some of his ministers have shown so much fecklessness. Their political ambitions are perfectly legitimate, and in fact honourable; and some of them are eminently qualified to seek other and higher political pursuits. Labour minister Chris Ngige has an expansive sense of humour, and is curiously charismatic. But the manner he recanted and the spin he put on his aborted ambition, not to say his eager readiness to forfeit N100m nomination fee, expose him as an extremely devious and cowardly man. Powerful Justice minister Abubakar Malami was too shell-shocked by the president’s readiness to dispense with his services that for much of the week after the mid-May events he was too numbed to say a word. He never thought such a far-reaching decision could be taken outside his purview. Like a worm on a hot stove, he shrunk from his governorship ambition after distributing car largess of monumental proportions and directing scathing and cynical comments at his critics.

    No less fickleness was expected from the duo of Minister of State for Petroleum Timipre Sylva and Women Affairs minister Pauline Tallen. It was inconceivable that Mr Sylva could ever win the All Progressives Congress (APC) presidential nomination which he coveted, not even by the appalling default mode through which he took the governorship of Bayelsa State in 2007. But lightning never strikes the same place twice in his opportunistic politics, especially when his governorship and ministerial records have been undistinguished. Mrs Tallen was more modest in seeking a senatorial seat, but by also quitting the race and burying her ambition so quickly, it became clear that she and the rest of her retreating and disingenuous colleagues, including Mr Malami and Dr Ngige, knew something more about the benefits of ministerial office than the rest of the country or even the trusting President Buhari.

    There have been some legal interpretations of what it means to ‘resign’ from the cabinet. Does it become effective only after a ‘resignation letter’ has been submitted or after the approving authority, in this case the president, has sent forth his appointees? Whatever the case, the president has little room to indulge his customary dither. When he returns from his UAE trip, he will have to determine whether his hastiness in organising a valedictory session for his politically ambitious appointees was presidential or naïve and untidy. Transport minister Rotimi Amaechi and Education minister (State) Emeka Nwajiuba made the president’s work enormously easy. But neither of them stands a remote possibility of clinching the presidential nomination, of course, not even Mr Amaechi who expects a coronation of a sort; but at least they behaved courageously, responsibly and honourably.

    How the president eventually grapple with the whirligig of his departing and returning ministers will reflect on the image of his administration. For almost seven years, the administration has been shambolic, insular and often misdirected, particularly after the laconic and seemingly self-effacing Abba Kyari, the president’s former chief of staff, died. And whether the president likes to hear it or not, many Nigerians think the administration has complicated and aggravated the problems of the country instead of healing divisions and propelling the country forward. There is, therefore, little confidence that the messy ministerial ‘resignations’ will be resolved in a way that burnishes the reputation of the administration.

    The best option for the president is to stand his ground and let the ministers go, whether they want to or not. Had the president stopped at merely given a May 16 deadline for the ministers to resign, it would have been okay for Messrs Malami et al to retrace their steps and hang on to their plum offices. But by organising a valedictory session for the ministers, it would be untidy for the president to succumb to pressures to let them return. No one is indispensable, and in any case none of the pussyfooting ministers had recorded sterling performance in office. In the best of times, President Buhari has evinced deep vulnerability; in the worst of times, he has been ineffectual. How he handles this little storm in a teacup will ironically – as if seven years were not enough to do that – define the remainder of his controversial presidency.

  • Dozens of lawyers to the defence of Sokoto killers

    Dozens of lawyers to the defence of Sokoto killers

    It is one of the galling realities of Northern Nigeria that it was not difficult to find lawyers to defend two men suspected of involvement in the lynching of Deborah Samuel, a 200-level student of Shehu Shagari College of Education, Sokoto. Not only was it easy to assemble lawyers almost spontaneously, it was also easy to find nearly three dozens of them led by a law lecturer at the Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto, Mansur Ibrahim, a professor. The two suspects, Bilyaminu Aliyu and Aminu Hukunci, need defence lawyers; but to find nearly three dozen lawyers eager to defend the suspected killers is a reflection of the ethical and moral miasma the region is enveloped in. The two accused were among dozens involved in the lynching of Miss Samuel, a lynching depressingly inspired and orchestrated by her fellow students over unsubstantiated allegations of blasphemy.

    The murder has shockingly become a barometer of the mindset of northern elites. Apart from the high calibre defence team, some of them learned in the principles of law, other key northern officials ranging from serving bureaucrats to former government officials have shamelessly jumped to the defence of the killers. State commissioners, serving or retired, waffling former Nigerian leaders, Deputy Chief Imam of the Abuja Central Mosque, Ibrahim Maqari, a professor, and a host of notable individuals whom the society respected have joined the fray on the side of the killers. It became clear last week that the core North has vacillated very badly on the murder, cannot be persuaded to condemn the lynching, and prefers to quibble over the alleged blasphemy.

    It is unclear why there is so much ambiguity on the lynching of the young student, or why there seems to be near unanimity of opinion in the North on the supposed guilt of Miss Samuel. Despite that confusion, what is even more important is why the supporters of the killers side with the extra-legal measures taken by the lynchers. First there was no consensus on the issue of blasphemy or the guilt of Miss Samuel. Yet, without recourse to the law or even the principles of Islamic jurisprudence, lynchers carried out an execution. The lynching and the complicity of a significant section of the Northern elite expose the ugly underbelly of the core North. It is an ugliness that has been long in maturing, but is now in full bloom. The lynchers and their supporting regional elite displayed ignorance of the law, not to say a visceral hatred of minorities, whether ethnic or religious. The consequent bifurcation of the core North and the religious and ethnic dichotomies which are its byproducts may eventually become the fuel that will conflagrate the region swarming with hordes of bitter, uneducated and unemployed youths.

    It is inconceivable that only two people were involved in the murder of Miss Samuel. Dozens and dozens of gleeful and bloodthirsty rioters participated. To forestall their arrest and to cripple a possible police dragnet to haul the fleeing murderers before the law, a riot of indescribable proportion was organised to foil the attempt and prevent societal retribution. Such murder and lack of retribution are not without precedent in the region. If the madness is to end, the Sokoto State government, Nigerian Justice ministry, presidential aspirant and governor of the state Aminu Tambuwal, not to say the president himself, Muhammadu Buhari, have a chance to prove that such bloodthirstiness would not be tolerated on their watch. There are doubts that their denunciations of the crime committed on May 12 by the Sokoto mob were genuine and sever enough. But as tame as some thought the denunciations were, the relevant officials must have had time to reflect on the international disgrace the murder has brought upon Nigeria, not to say the ham-fisted and desultory manner the crime has been handled.

    The murder was committed virtually in the presence of social media. Many of the faces seen on camera have not been arrested. It is not clear, given the riots that followed the arrest of two suspects, that the police will be eager to find the fleeing murderers. It would, however, be unwise to leave the assignment to local police. The crime calls for the deployment of federal police investigators, crack detectives who would brook no opposition. In addition, the trial of the arrested suspects should require the involvement of the Nigerian Justice ministry. This is the ministry’s opportunity to prove that the Nigerian constitution is above any religion, region or ethnic group. Given what is on the ground, local prosecutors are likely to make heavy weather of the trial, and will in view of local hostility find it difficult to prove the involvement of the two suspects. They will need external help. Indeed, defence lawyers will focus more on trying to prove a lack of evidence tying the suspects to the crime. But whether by incompetent investigations and prosecution or by clever defence by smart lawyers, exculpating the suspects will be interpreted as official connivance. That would be truly tragic.

    Whether Sokoto State officials, northern elites and the federal government realise it or not, Miss Samuel’s lynching is capable of making ethnic and religious divisions in the country widen into a chasm as hate preachers and extremists begin to entrench themselves in state and federal governments. If decisive steps are not taken to find Miss Samuel’s killers and investigate and successfully prosecute a crime committed openly to the shame of the country and streamed live, more and more Nigerians may begin to lose hope in the unity and stability of Nigeria. Too many northern elites have demonstrated irresponsibility and shamelessness in this murder case, which they hide under the cover of blasphemy. Hopefully, Sokoto State and the federal government are sensitive enough to realise that sweeping this case under the carpet or handling it shoddily will have consequences.

    Hafsat Abiola-Costello on Yahaya Bello

    The Director-General of the Yahaya Bello Presidential Campaign Orgnisation, Hafsat Abiola-Costello, needs no introduction. Nor, going by the huge price her parents paid in their fight for democracy, does she need introduction to politics. She was born into it; and now, as DG of a campaign organisation, has the chance to prove her mettle. Whether Mr Bello, Governor of Kogi State, wins the nomination or not, Mrs Abiola-Costello has now cut her teeth in politics and will likely continue in it for a long time. It is ironic that she is doing it, as she observed, in North Central, not her native Southwest.

    But addressing journalists in Lagos last Monday, she said a few things out of sync with her brilliance and altruism. Defending her role as DG of the Yahaya Bello campaign, not to say her optimism about the relevance and qualification of the aspirant, she declared: “I am proud of GYB because of his development records in Kogi. This is a governor that is always looking for progress and the development of lives of his people. This is me, a Yoruba, supporting someone from North Central. There is no progress without demands; I lost my parents, though unfortunately, because Nigerians believed in them. I’ve been working with GYB for a while and I have seen that he has the courage and intelligence to deliver Nigeria.”

    No, madam, GYB does not have the courage and intelligence to deliver anything, not himself, not Kogi, let alone Nigeria. And as to GYB looking for the progress and development of the lives of his people, nothing could be further from the truth. Mrs Abiola-Costello said a few more glamorous things about the aspirant, including his economic record. She exaggerated his credentials and capacity. The aspirant she described is completely alien to Kogi people. They would like to meet such a man, real or fictional. Having ruled the state for about six years, GYB has proved nothing near what the director-general painted. She painted a myth; Kogites know a monstrous failure.

  • Reparation and repatriation revisited

    Reparation and repatriation revisited

    The struggle for reparation which drove some important ideological and intellectual debates in the closing phase of military rule now has to be revisited in the light of post-military developments in Nigeria as well as emergent realities of the post-Covid-19 world. But since no one can step into the same river twice, we can only return to the issue in a conceptually modified form.

    The case for economic reparation from our former colonial masters for the subsisting damage done to the African psyche, the disruption of its spiritual and political order and the devastation of its economy, is so clear and cogent that only fringe right-wing White Supremacist organizations can remain in denial.

    That being the case, the crucial objection of many even on the continent remains. While they do not object to the idea of compensation in its broadest outlines, they chafe at the idea of Africa’s profligate and debauched political elites being the recipients and beneficiaries of such manna from heaven, if earlier experiences are anything to go by. The propensity of the African ruling class, particularly its Nigerian franchise, for mindboggling thievery is legendary.

    But this does not obviate the need for some form of compensation. Ever since the advent of International Slavery and colonization, Africa, and Latin America to a lesser extent, have been at the receiving end of an unjust and unfair global economic order with the North of the globe cornering about four-fifth of the resources while the South could only make do with whatever remains.

    The advent of Covid-19 and its aftermath have shown the immense capacity of leading western nations to overcome economic adversity. Despite the fact that most western nations took a pounding from the malign virus, their recovery has been a tad short of the miraculous. The stockpiling of arms and fearsome nuclear arsenal also proved ineffective as a mere virus upended the entire world.

    It is argued that if only an infinitesimal fraction of the money expended on an unproductive arms race and economic hostilities against weaker nations is freed up for humanitarian purpose, the world would be a more equitable and hospitable place. This is where reparation for the slavery and colonization which enabled the economic and political ascendancy of the west over Africa and the Black person takes the front burner once again.

    The case for reparation is an old one in Nigeria. It erupted famously at the turn of the nineties of the last century when MKO Abiola mounted a fierce, well-oiled lobby for it. Yours sincerely was one of the naysayers. In a riposte, titled Reparation or Repatriation, we argued that the campaign for reparation was a red herring designed to cover or obscure the massive state larceny going on at that point in time under Abiola’s friends in uniform.

    While the argument for reparation was not untenable, it was already overtaken by more pressing matters as a result of military venality. If only a fraction of the national patrimony being salted away abroad in the vaults of western nations could be repatriated, Nigeria would be on the way to becoming an African El Dorado.

    This argument drew the ire of the intellectual lobby that Abiola had pressed into service. At an International Conference on Reparation held in Abuja to which yours sincerely had been invited and with Abiola himself as the presiding deity, one could swear that from a distance Abiola eyed yours sincerely with a hostile glare to which one responded appropriately with a baleful stare in his direction.  The reparation lobby unravelled with Abiola’s incarceration and subsequent death in captivity.

    If that was the grim reality of state looting in Nigeria about thirty years ago under draconian military rule, a more gruesome actuality of official malfeasance now subsists twenty three years into post-military civilian rule. The scale and scope of the current fiscal heists will make the much derided soldiers look like secular saints. If misapplication of funds was the euphemism for misappropriation of resources then, one is at a loss to find a word to capture what is going on at the moment.

    This past week alone, the Accountant General of the federation and the Director General of the Niger Delta Development Commission were both apprehended for misappropriating funds totalling a humongous 127 billion Naira. An exasperated reader on a forum observed that if the outlandish figures continue to turn in in this manner, the nation may soon play host to a bloody revolution.

    A social reality this besieged and violated can be forgiven for clinging to any straw. Under the influence of political hallucination, many can even think they can glimpse a messiah in the horizon. Yet compounding the contradictions and the welter of ironies is the fact that in the intervening period, there have also been more incontrovertible exposures of colonial atrocities in Africa and elsewhere which make the case for some form of reparation even more compelling.

    There are already some pointers to future developments in this regard. In an attempt to sidestep unwieldy and protracted legal entanglement over its documented genocide against the people of Namibia and particularly the Herero nationality, the German government has agreed to give substantial aid over a period of time to the Namibians. Although both sides avoid using culturally charged expressions, there can be no doubt that what is going on approximates the concept of historical restitution.

    The same combination of moral suasion and legal entanglement should now be extended to other nations guilty of unspeakable colonial crimes in Africa, particularly in the old Congo, Cameroons, East Africa and along the West Africa corridor. This is not to exempt Brazil and an Argentina where the local Black populace is known to have been systematically eliminated by deliberate state policy.

    It can be argued that the history of humanity is replete with the brutal decimation and elimination of weaker people by stronger societies that have developed cutting edge technologies of warfare. But nowhere in human history has the ascendancy of a world order, in this case the triumph of western modernism and the nation-state paradigm, occasioned a deliberate and systematic intellectual, economic, political and spiritual decimation of other people and their way of life.

    Having suffered this fundamental disruption to their psyche and the normal pattern of evolution, most Africans have forcibly reverted to the hunter-gatherer phase of human existence in their psychological formation. Hence, and except in the most fortuitous cases of exceptional circumstances combined with human resilience and fortitude, they are no longer capable of building durable and enduring societies or institutions of nation-growing for that matter.

    This is why their elites behave with predatory malice and economic malediction, ruining and wrecking anything across their path, acquiring what they do not need for survival and cornering resources that ought to be freed up for the betterment and qualitative improvement of their environment.

    This is why the imposition of the nation-state paradigm on a psychically battered and psychologically deflated people is perhaps the most brutal assault on a people’s humanity ever witnessed in the history of humankind and the evolution of the higher species. It has left in its trail in Africa, a history of millennial misery and unspeakable carnage.

    The deplorable and miserable state and appalling history of murder and mayhem of most postcolonial African nations speak to this horror of history. They were not altruistically designed in the first instance as sisterly nations to help humanity reach its telos and self-actualization but as overseas outlets for metropolitan merchandise, dumping sites for expired goods and veritable testing grounds for the latest munitions from the western military industrial complex.

    Whenever a distraught African country  manages to throw up talented and promising leaders in such distressing and deeply and unpromising circumstances, they were either incarcerated, thrown out of office, murdered or thwarted at the finishing line as a result of international conspiracy. The list is endless and bone-chilling:  Patrice Lumumba, Eduardo Mondlane, Samora Machel, Amilcar Cabral, Kwame Nkrumah, Thomas Sankara, Muammar Ghadaffy, Obafemi Awolowo etc.

    When Obafemi Awolowo was asked on a campaign trail whether he would nationalize Nigeria’s oil industry upon coming to power, the wily titan from Ikenne had enough lucidity and acute presence of mind to respond that he did not want to become Nigeria’s Mosaddegh. Mohammad Mosaddegh was the Iranian prime minister who tried that and was promptly dethroned in a military putsch. Awolowo was reading the tea leaves correctly. But this classic instance of political pragmatism was not enough to appease his metropolitan tormentors.

    On the other hand, the west has always been willing to promote a long line of African marauders who were willing to devastate their land for as long as they allowed them to remain in power. At a point, Joseph Mobutu Sese Seko, aka the cock that leaps from hen to hen in the open barn, was richer than his own country.

    Blaise Compaore after murdering Sankara did his stuff for almost twenty eight years until he ran out of luck leaving his country in an anarchic roil which has culminated in a military coup. So did Gnassingbe Eyadema after murdering Sylvanus Olympio in 1963. A western official was known to have famously declared that Mobutu might be a thug, but he was their thug.

    All that mattered was keeping the African emporium safe for brutal expropriation. Similar shenanigans were to cost the French the life of their ambassador to Kinshasa as the Mobutu misadventure finally reached the last bend of the Congo River. This deliberate derailment of progressive forces in postcolonial Africa is worse in terms of opportunity cost than the centuries-long economic depredation of the continent.

    But common sense ought to suggest that even a cash cow should be kept in a fairly decent condition for it to able to continue to supply milk. And an overseas market must not be left in a condition where it is overwhelmed by weeds and poisonous creep. The open festering sore of Nigeria has reached a point where its suppurating pus is about to infect the entire environment.

    The covid-19 tragedy ought to be a learning curve and a teachable moment for the west and our metropolitan overlords. The new wave of globalization consequent upon the radical restructuring of the modus operandi of global capitalism has demonstrated emphatically that what infects even the most remote corner of the world is bound to find its way to its most advanced part. The plight of Africa can no longer be ignored as it will be fatal to do so.

    Enlightened self-interest is the most rational motivation for a new western doctrine in Africa. It must be a comprehensive package which includes massive aid, a modified form of debt forgiveness, the prompt repatriation of stolen funds originating from the continent, the promotion of transparency and good governance and above all the identification and solidarity with our talented eleven who will work to restructure and reconfigure the obviously misaligned and malign nation-state paradigm that has been imposed on many African countries particularly in Nigeria by western capitalism in its malignant phase.

    This is why the west cannot afford to turn a blind eye on events unfolding in Nigeria. If Nigeria were to go under as the current auguries suggest, it will be a sorry and apocalyptic mess which will afflict the entire continent and the globe. After almost six hundred years of malignant capitalism which has decimated and dehumanized an entire continent, it is time for the west to turn a new leaf in Africa.

  • Mama Igosun resumes the offensive

    Mama Igosun resumes the offensive

    A day after Jide Sanwo-Olu, the urbane, even-tempered and level-headed governor of Lagos State, announced a total ban on Okada motorcycle drivers, yours sincerely woke up to a fearsome din of cheers and applause coming from the street below.

    Bleary-eyed, Snooper frantically pulled the curtains. The whole scene was hazy and blurry at first. In the distance and amidst the total confusion, one could only make out the half-crazed dustbin woman of Sierra-Leonean ancestry screaming on top of her voice in wild excitement.

    “Oga, oga!!! You still dey sleep? Something done dey happening oo. Mama done do am again. He come finis dem Okada boy who come run like Saro wayo man”, she screamed on top of her voice.

    At that point the outlandish spectacle became discernible. It was the irrepressible and indefatigable Mama Igosun. Dressed in her husband’s ancient PWD uniform which had become her default mode for hell-raising, she had dismounted from a motor cycle and was dragging the poor machine towards the house heaving and panting as the crowd cheered and hailed.

    At this point, the mad dustbin woman of Saro extraction burst into an old, naughty Sierra-Leonean ditty.

    Woman dey pantap

     Man dey bottom

      Come see something wey happen ooo

    Mama had been in a quiet surly mood of late ever since her latest request to return to her Igosun homestead was firmly rejected. She had become mildly disruptive in the house often urging Gbabi-Magbabe, the driver and former NNDP thug, to finish off Okon by slamming him with an amulet from his deadly repertoire of charms. One blow and Okon would fold in convulsive spasms like a stung millipede.

    The previous day after a fearsome altercation with Okon over Sukuniyan, an ancient delicacy made from  unhatched eggs, the ancient amazon barged into snooper’s room.

    “ Wo, Akanbi, I say I wan go home. I wan reach Igosun. I don tire for this yeye Lagos people. Na so so grammar, no action. All dem Yoruba leader dem don chop dodo(plantain) and dem no fit talk ododo (truth) again,” the old woman screamed in choleric rage.

    “Mama, you cannot go to Igosun. There is nobody there for you”, snooper replied.

    “Akanbi, na becos I dey respect you. I sabi my way well well. Na Akanran road I for take. So if you say make I no go home, go bring my shrine make I dey worship Orisha Oko”, the fiery contrarian sulked.

    “Mama you can’t do that here. I am a born again Christian”, snooper objected.

    “And who born you again? I sabi when dem born you for Seven Day Hospital and my sister come dey cry like dem Agege fowl”, the feisty warrior screamed, resuming ancient sororal feuds. At this point, snooper walked out on her in mock anger.

    But this morning as one beheld the old woman beaming over the motorcycle with great pride and satisfaction it was obvious that a public relation fiasco was unfolding.

    “Mama what is all this about?” snooper asked pointing at the motorcycle.

    “Ha Akanbi, I seize am from dem yeye Godogodo boy. As I dey lawyer am why him still dey ride dem okada, he wan stab me. Him don forget say person no dey stab dead wood. Naim I come whack him head with them wheel spanner and as he come dey run, him come fall and I come carry him okada come home”, the old woman noted breathlessly.

    “No mama you can’t do that. It is against the law”, snooper shouted.

    “Which law again after dem don ban them? You see na law, law, law go kill Yoruba people. I say I wan go home, abi na by force? Kilode gan gan?”, the old woman screamed and stormed out on snooper.

  • Too much money

    Too much money

    Last week alone, at least two personalities in the country were arrested by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) over suspected frauds involving about N127billion. This, by whatever standard is a lot of money, and to think that such is suspected to have been stolen or misappropriated by just two persons is mind-boggling. But such is the case of frauds in the country. Our big people no longer find it fashionable to steal in millions. The fad now is stealing, not just in billions, but staggering billions, such that one begins to wonder whether stealing is going out of fashion; hence the need to quickly mop up whatever is available before it is exhausted. Or whether they would need whatever they stole for their upkeep in the life hereafter.

    No one could have missed the news: ‘’EFCC arrests Accountant-General over N80bn suspected fraud’’. It was not palatable news, especially coming on a Monday, when many people were still wondering what ministers who had attended their valedictory session with the president after obtaining party nomination forms for various offices were still doing on their seats. But, talking about palatable news, when last did we hear one from Nigeria? Indeed, it would seem the question of whether anything good can still come out of Nigeria is perhaps more apt than something good coming from Nazareth. Just that those of us who are Christians have to keep hope alive.

    Wilson Uwujaren, EFCC’s spokesman, claimed that: “Operatives of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC, on Monday, May 16, 2022, arrested serving Accountant -General of the Federation, Mr Ahmed Idris, in connection with diversion of funds and money laundering activities to the tune of N80 billion. The commission’s verified intelligence showed that the AGF raked off the funds through bogus consultancies and other illegal activities using proxies, family members and close associates. The funds were laundered through real estate investments in Kano and Abuja.’’ The accountant-general worsened his case with his alleged failure to honour invitations by the commission.

    The second person in the EFCC net is the former Managing Director of Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), Nsima Ekere. We were yet to fully digest the alleged N80billion fraud by the accountant-general when that of Ekere also broke. According to Channels Television, Ekere was arrested over alleged diversion of about N47 billion through registered contractors of the agency. Ekere is not just the former NDDC boss; he was also the All Progressives Congress (APC)’s Akwa Ibom State  candidate for the 2019 governorship election. In case we have forgotten, the NDDC has not been significantly different from its predecessors: it is also a cesspit of corruption.

    Read Also: From grace to grass… AGF Idris’ alleged N80bn fraud

    Remember, in July 2020, the acting Managing Director of the commission, Prof Kemebradikumo Pondei, collapsed at the Conference Room 231 of the House, during a House of Representatives Committee hearing, while he was being grilled by lawmakers investigating mismanagement of funds to the tune of N81.5 billion in the NDDC. The incident led to a brief suspension of the hearing as the acting managing director was rushed out of the hall. In the NDDC, people talk of billions!

    It is good that the Minister of Finance, Budget and National Planning, Mrs. Zainab Ahmed, has promptly suspended, Mr. Idris, to allow unfettered investigations into the alleged fraud.

    Although the two cases are still in the realm of allegations, and, in the eye of our judicial system, an accused is adjudged innocent until he or she is pronounced guilty by a competent court of law, the fact is that the amounts in question are too staggering to ignore. That such fraudulent activities are still possible more than seven years into the eight-year tenure of an administration that rode into power on the change mantra and zero tolerance for corruption, is indication that the anti-corruption war has achieved far less than proportionate returns. And the reason for this is simple: whatever the administration gains with the right hand, it throws away with the left. Public servants and politically exposed persons would have learnt big lessons if the war has had any serious bite in the system.

    Even if we agree that what the government deems to be corruption is stealing, as in brazing pilfering of national resources, particularly money, that aspect of the success of the war has been tainted by the presidential pardon granted former Governors Joshua Dariye of Plateau State and Jolly Nyame of Taraba State, who were convicted for stealing resources belonging to their state governments and were only a few years into their jail terms when the pardon came. Apparently, it did not occur to President Buhari that that pardon in itself was an act of corruption. Or, maybe he just could not care. Whichever, it is pertinent to point out that no one can win corruption war with this kind of system. Political thieves can only determine to steal enough, knowing full well that after a few years into their jail terms, they would be left off the hook to steal again, if given the opportunity.

    We may be tempted to argue that, at least, the suspects and the thieves are being arrested and perhaps being prosecuted these days more than ever before. This may be true. But then, that is only for those that have been discovered. We do not know how many billions have been stolen undetected, and which may never be discovered because of the imperfections in the system. This is where the problem lies. Unfortunately, every kobo that is stolen has implications for provision of good roads, education, healthcare, housing, taxes, etc.  So, the goal should not necessarily be about catching thieves after the act. It should be about strengthening the processes such that humongous stealing would be nigh impossible if not eliminated.

    Without prejudice to whether the two men are guilty or not, we need to look seriously into our system which allows people such unfettered access to our purse and enable those in charge to bolt away with huge sums of money before we shut the barn door. Something is definitely wrong with our accounting processes. There is no system that is theft-proof though; but in many other places, hardly could public funds be stolen so brazenly because of the control measures in place. Even when such frauds occur, it does not take long for the system to detect and ensure that offenders are promptly punished.

    It would appear that there is such massive stealing, especially at the centre, because the place is awash with so much idle cash which the system does not have a strong mechanism to track. This is one point that many of those clamouring for federalism hardly remember to advance to buttress their point. Those who are stealing the funds are very much aware of this and are taking full advantage of it. We often hear of ministries or other public agencies that should render their accounts annually not having those accounts audited for years. This is not just about incompetence on the part of the government auditors (even if the possibility of this is there), but more about inadequate personnel, funds and modern tools to facilitate the process of checks and balances. Whether this is deliberate or just part of our ways as a people I do not know. The lopsided revenue formula that put so much money at the centre was bequeathed to us by the military in their bid to impose a unitary system that is not working on us. We have got to the stage where the central government has to shed weight financially. It is carrying responsibilities, some of which are supposed to be carried by the states and local governments. This is the excuse for its retaining a lion’s share of the country’s revenue.

    It is disheartening stories such as these that strengthen the hands of people like the university lecturers who are asking for better deal from the government, as well as asking the government to make the citadels of learning more conducive. If there is insufficient cash in its hands, or barely enough cash, the government would be able to keep track of its income and expenditure profiles and even ensure that we get value for every kobo spent.

    We can say the cases of Idris and Ekere are yet to be proved in court, but what of the several others who had been caught with various staggering sums stolen from the nation’s coffers? Just a fraction of public funds in private hands would go a long way in making life more meaningful in our universities. Indeed, our lives would no longer be the same as Nigerians if some of these amounts are spent to better our lot.

  • 2023: Preempting presidential powers?

    2023: Preempting presidential powers?

    The All Progressives Congress (APC) against the naysayers’ expectations, finally held their much-publicised national convention at the Eagle Square, Abuja on Saturday, 26th March 2022. It was televised live and was full of camaraderie, colour but less of candour expected of a party, birthed in 2013, brimming then with hope which many Nigerians could bank on as the only chance to curry change, thus checkmating and crippling the seeming clueless and rudderless leadership associated with the power-drunken ruling party of that time, the People Democratic Party (PDP). The latter, once pompously posited that the party would remain in power for 60 years! How are the mighty fallen?  Today, PDP is struggling for survival in the opposition with chances of climbing into the saddle of power ebbing due to lack of coordination, cohesion and coherence. Will the ruling party, APC, learn from PDP before it is too late? Who says that APC cannot somersault from the saddle and be struggling even as PDP is doing now? An African proverb succinctly and squarely states: the fall of a dead leaf is a warning to the green ones. It is less than two weeks to the APC presidential primary election. There is so much uncertainty about the direction the primary election could go with avalanche of aspirants numbering up to 25 submitting the nomination forms.

    Buhari: In love with options?

    In opening the year 2022 tagged as the year of primaries by this columnist, the incumbent President, Muhammadu Buhari on 5th of January, availed Channels TV duo of Seun Okinbaloye and Maupe Ogun-Yusuf to interview him on salient national issues. In the course of the interview, he opined inter alia: “All I said is that there should be options, we must not insist that it has to be direct … it should be consensus and indirect … you can’t tell (dictate) to people you are doing democracy, allow them other options so they can make a choice …” Seemingly, it is like the President is a man who posits for options which is a hallmark or trademark of a democrat. To President Buhari, primary elections could either be direct, indirect and consensus. Three options. However, in the conduct of the APC national convention of 26th March, 2022, the President wielded the enormous power of his office when out of the blues he made it known that he preferred Senator Abdullahi Adamu who was not even among the contenders for the office of the Chairman of the ruling party! In his own words, the anointed candidate that eventually emerged as the Chairman, albeit clandestinely conducted, stated that, about a month to the convention, he was oblivious that he would be the Chairman of APC!! In essence, this is another case of an accidental chairman of a party!!! What vision will an accidental Chairman has for his party? Surmising it, the APC Convention was only about consensus by force or fiat. Mr. President, there was no other option on the table, candidly speaking even as some were loudly grumbling and complaining aftermath of the apparent consensus contraption. Will the APC presidential primary go this awkward route? This is a salient question to ask as there is seemingly no perceived presidential positing or preference or postulation with less than two weeks to the presidential primary in the guesstimated largest political party in Africa!

    Presidential powers @ primary

    Whilst some analysts are of the view that the incumbent governors and president could influence the way the primary elections go, it should be saliently and succinctly stated that sagacity needs be engaged not only on the part of the governors or president concerned, but top leaders of the party need to reach unanimity in an open and frank discourse. In the aforementioned interview with the Channels TV, it is interesting and intriguing reading the lips and mind of President Buhari as the duo of Maupe Ogun-Yusuf and Seun Okinbaloye were rounding up the interview:

    Channels TV: You are not interested in who succeeds you?

    President Buhari: “No. Let him come whoever he is.”

    Channels TV: “You don’t have favourite for 2023 … in your party?”

    President Buhari: “No, I wouldn’t because he would be eliminated if I mention, I better keep it secret.”

    In essence, can it be inferred that Mr. President would mention his preferred candidate, though may not be as popular, possibly within the week of the presidential primary election in APC following the fashion of the APC Convention of 26th March that resulted in the election or selection of the incumbent Chairman of APC? Definitely, there is an anointed candidate that the President is holding close to his chest, possibly with some of his close confidants in the know. Meanwhile, many of the presidential aspirants are over the fields canvassing for votes from delegates from other zones. There are possible scenarios that the National Working Committee (NWC) of APC may throw out melodramatically: firstly, there may be no election at all; secondly, there might be election with the proviso, already concurred to, before submitting the nomination form, by the presidential aspirants, for any of them to give away his or her victory in case the party so demands!

    Courting consensus, crippling cohesion?

    As an analyst, this essayist believes the incumbent has the advantage to project or present a candidate in the gubernatorial or presidential primary. However, there should be striking a balance in choosing consensus that may cripple cohesion aftermath of the party’s primary. The timing for the adoption or adaptation of consensus option in a presidential race is too close for comfort for the ruling party. The interview with the Channels TV seemingly gave the President away as having a preferred candidate. It was amazing that jerking up the nomination fee to One Hundred million Naira (N100m) did not deter or dissuade many from throwing their hats into the ring. Not pre-empting the wielding of presidential power of last-minute preference for a candidate, what will happen to major contenders in the party who have invested much resources? Will cohesion not be cut off in the aftermath of the primary election? How will the party guide or guard against implosion going into a major election with the main opposition, PDP, ready to capitalize or take advantage of any blunder of APC going forward?

    Fayemi’s Future Framework

    In concluding, it would be instructive to point out for posterity the events heading up to the primary elections of APC in Ekiti State. Prior to the primary, according to an informed source, the incumbent Governor, Dr. John Kayode Fayemi, contracted an independent consulting firm. There were names of possible contenders or aspirants given to this firm. The personnel of the firm engaged Ekiti people of various strata and the outcome was on one man of the pack. According to inside sources, the man was not even the seeming preferred candidate of the Governor. He decided to heed the firm’s finding while jettisoning his own preference for the betterment of Ekiti, now and in the future. The man is Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji (BAO) who served in the government of erstwhile Otunba Adeniyi Adebayo, first and second term of the incumbent, Governor Fayemi. The President cannot go this route as time is no longer on his side. However, will the President, as a way of courting cohesion within the constituents of the party, allow the party to conduct an indirect primary like it was done in 2015 when he was elected as APC candidate in Lagos, Nigeria? All eyes are on President Buhari. Back to the Ekiti APC gubernatorial candidacy, up till now Governor Fayemi has not said or stated at any time that Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji (BAO) was his anointed candidate. However, to the politically discerning in Ekiti APC, it is crystal clear that BAO is a chip off the old block. It is amazing that up till now Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji has not been publicly seen with Fayemi, even during the unveiling of his manifesto, his wife, Erelu Bisi Fayemi showed up. The last time they were publicly seen together was in Abuja when BAO was presented to the President.

    Conclusively, and conversely, which way will the presidential primary of APC go, according to the APC amended time table, happening seven days’ from now by the time this article is published? All eyes are on President Muhammadu Buhari. Will he, in these dying days, wield his powerful president power to foist a candidate on APC? Will things not fall apart? Will the centre be able to cohesively hold the party’s structure and system together? We are watching and waiting for the aftermath of the primary election slated for 29th – 30th May 2022 at Eagle Square, Abuja. Until then, all fingers are crossed!

    • John Ekundayo, can be reached via 08155262360 (SMS only) and drjmoekundayo@hotmail.com

  • Unemployable graduates

    Unemployable graduates

    The unemployment rate in Nigeria is projected to reach 33 percent this year based on the 32.5 percent figure for last year. Over the years, the rate of unemployment in the country has steadily grown with lots of concern about how to ensure that the increasing number of graduates of various institutions are able to find jobs.

    Many measures are being taken by the governments, organizations and individuals to address the problem, but the number of available jobs is far fewer than what is required. Many young graduates are getting frustrated by the day and their parents are justifiably worried that their children on whom they spent a lot for their education can find commensurate jobs for their knowledge and skills.

    However, while solving the unemployment should be a priority of the government and all concerned, there is need to address the worrisome indication of many of the unemployed graduates not being employable.

    I have always been aware of this issue, but my recent experience in helping an organisation to employ some staff in Lagos confirmed that many of those seeking employment need to have necessary skills for the jobs they are seeking.

    For almost two months now it has been hard for me to find enough suitable candidates for the positions fresh graduates should easily fit in to despite many graduates of the profession who I know are jobless.

    The problem starts from some not knowing how to apply for jobs. They are unable to articulate why they are the right candidates for the vacancy. Some don’t even write any opening page application, they just forward their curriculum vitae and expect me to download and read through to decide if I want them or not.

    Some apply without attaching some requirements like story ideas or links to past publications which is the only way I can have an idea if they can do the job. Some who get employed do not understand what work ethics is all about and just behave in ways that suggest they are not ready to meet the obligations required of them.

    They don’t understand how they need to support the organisations they work for by doing their work well for it to earn enough revenue. Their focus is how much they want to be paid and don’t care enough where the money comes from. Some of them have high salary expectations and desire to work in top organisations, yet they don’t have what it takes.

    Who do we blame for many of the graduates not being able to justify the certificates they have?

    They sure have their share of the blame as there are others who are very excellent and have given a good account of themselves. If many of them will be more concerned about understanding the various courses they took in school than just graduating, they will have the required skills.

    More than what they are taught in school, they will avail themselves of many other learning opportunities available now for learning many basic skills required for various job positions.

    The quality of teaching in many institutions based on not too contemporary curriculum is also a factor that needs to be addressed. Lecturers themselves need to be aware of the developments in the various sectors they are graduating students for and prepare their students for the world beyond the classrooms.

    Lecturers cannot be teaching students based on dated knowledge some of them have and need to access current resources and opportunities to enhance their knowledge.

    Someone once said that one of the solutions to unemployment in the country is the creation of new jobs that didn’t exist before. That will be possible when the graduates are well trained and can come up with new approach handling various tasks.

    While waiting to find jobs, new graduates should audit their skills and know what they need to know and will be required to get employed for the limited vacancies available.

  • Buhari’s thunderbolt

    Buhari’s thunderbolt

    • Asking Honourable Ministers who didn’t act honourably to do the honourable is good for the polity

    President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration seemed to have woken up from slumber with last Wednesday’s presidential directive to cabinet members who have political ambition to resign, latest tomorrow. The President dropped the bombshell at the Federal Executive Council (FEC) meeting. For some of the ministers, that definitely was the last FEC meeting they would attend while even for others, they may never have access to the seat of power again. Such is the transient nature of power. Yet, this is a fact of life that is lost on most of our political leaders who behave, once appointed, as if they were indigenes of the seats of power.

    Minister of Information, Lai Mohammed, who disclosed the president’s directive at the end of the meeting said the Vice President, Prof Yemi Osinbajo, was not affected by the order because he is an elected member of the cabinet. He added that he did not have the mandate to comment on the fate of non-cabinet members like the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Godwin Emefiele, who had all the while been hiding behind one finger, until he instituted a court action against the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), over his anticipated disqualification from a race he had said everything about even without opening his mouth.

    Mohammed, however, disclosed the names of the cabinet members who had paid for, and collected nomination forms. These are: Ministers of Transportation, Rotimi Amaechi; Niger Delta Affairs, Godswill Akpabio; Labour and Employment, Chris Ngige; Science, Technology and Innovation, Ogbonnaya Onu, as well as Ministers of State for Education, Emeka Nwajiuba, and Petroleum, Timipre Sylva, who have all joined the presidential race on the platform of the All Progressives Congress (APC).

    Others are the Minister of Justice and Attorney General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, who is vying for the Kebbi State governorship seat; Minister of State for Mines and Steel, Uche Ogar, who is running for the governorship position in Abia State, and the Minister of Women Affairs, Pauline Tallen, who declared her ambition to contest for a senatorial seat in Plateau State. Of the lot, only Nwajiuba did what a man does: he resigned well ahead of the presidential directive, citing conflict of interest and the need to concentrate on his political campaign. Talk of honour. The others wanted to eat their cake and at the same time, have it. Tayo Alasoadura, Minister of State for Niger Delta Affairs also resigned following the president’s directive.

    This newspaper put President Buhari’s mood at the FEC meeting succinctly: “Speaking calmly, the President did not mince words. He showed a bit of anger. What followed was pin-drop silence before Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF) Boss Mustapha rounded off the meeting.” For once, we saw a president who had been ruling taciturnly, (a thing exploited by many of his ministers and others to behave like tin gods, with the lack of synergy in government becoming so glaring), getting visibly angry. Everybody was doing as he or she pleased. This has made many observers ask at several critical junctures: “so, where is the president in all of these”? “It’s not their (ministers’) fault; it’s the president we have to blame.” These were Nigerians’ comments even when the debate on the impropriety or otherwise of the ministers’ decision to stay put, contrary to common sense and fairness, raged.

    But the presidential directive eventually came like thunderbolt. It jolted not only Nigerians who were wondering where the president kept this kind of sweet wine these past seven years, serving them sour wine instead; but the ministers as well. Indeed, before now, not a few Nigerians had felt most of these cabinet members really got the original of whatever spell they had cast on the president, making him to still be keeping them in spite of their incompetence and cluelessness that have been so visible to the blind and audible even to the deaf, leading to the sorry state that the country has been largely, especially under this administration.

    As a matter of fact, one of them, Ngige, was so thrown off balance after the announcement that he could not believe the honeymoon was over. He reportedly told Vanguard that he was not in a hurry to resign and that he would have to consult with the president and his constituents before resigning. “I have no reaction for now because the president said if anyone wants clarifications, the person should meet him. So I have to consult him and consult my constituents, Anambra State because I am holding the office for the government and my constituents”, he said. His reaction reminded me of one of my bosses at the then Kingsway Stores on Marina, Lagos, where I worked briefly after my school cert. The woman, one Mrs Dina, was such a funny fellow that there was never a dull moment with her. One of her popular jokes then was to tell anyone who ran afoul of the company’s rules and regulations that Kingsway “a koko le e lo, ki won to fi’we da e duro” (meaning Kingsway would first send you away before following it up with your sack letter).

    I had wanted to advise the Minister Ngige to honourably drop his resignation letter so that Mrs. Dina’s expensive joke would not be invoked on him, when I learnt the President had hosted all the cabinet members concerned to a valedictory meeting on Friday. It should be obvious to the minister by now that the time of consultations is over. Moreover, it is in times of distress like this that our political leaders remember their constituents. As my people say, “b’aja ba f’ori ko’mi, a m’ona ile olowo e” (when a dog runs into trouble, he knows the way to its owner’s house). It is now that they are no longer in office that many of them will know how little they are. Many of them cannot even return to those constituents without police protection.

    But then, most of these ministers in Buhari’s cabinet must count themselves lucky. Many other presidents would have fired them a long time ago. But Nigeria it is that has paid for the Buhari permissiveness that has kept many of them thus far. As a matter of fact, Ngige would have been rendered jobless the day he said we have enough doctors and that their exodus to other countries was a blessing to Nigeria. The same way Sylva would have been made to join the unemployment queues the day he said Nigerians should be happy the country was importing fuel from Niger Republic and not from some far countries. With a Minister of State for Petroleum with this mindset, what further proof do we need for why our refineries are not working? Please don’t remind me that the president is the principal manager of this vital sector. That is a different kettle of fish, altogether. How does importing fuel from wherever help our economy when we are a major crude oil producer?

    For these careless statements alone, in saner climes, both Ngige and Sylva would have been checked out of the cabinet since.

    Or, is it the all-powerful Malami that we want to talk about? The cat with nine lives and the president’s begotten son? The one we all thought to be invincible and beyond reproach? Despite the many sins he had allegedly committed, he still sat pretty in office, dishing the government personal or parochial opinions as legal positions. But what do you expect when a toddler wears the shoes meant for adults? His predecessors of yore must be wondering what an eaglet lawyer is doing on a seat meant for legal luminaries!

    And Emefiele, the one who oversaw policies that saw our currency fell from the worst scenario of N198 to a dollar when he took over in 2015 to its present ridiculous and unprecedented rate of over N550 to one dollar. Is that what commends him for promotion to office of president? Emefiele, from what we now know is more politician than our professional politicians. This, apparently, was what had sustained him for long, not his professional handling of the apex bank’s affairs.

    The refusal of President Buhari’s ministers interested in contesting elections to resign was probably the height of the impunity, shenanigans and corruption that define the government. It was so bad that they turned the highest office in the land to a wall clock joke, with many of them wanting to succeed their boss. There is no harm in this; except that governance suffers while these people exalt the wild goose chase they are after beyond the ministerial appointments already in their kitty. This shows that the ministers did not know or chose not to care that their government was barely being tolerated due to non-performance. What are they going to offer at the presidential level when they already failed as ministers?

    This matter should not end with the officials’ resignation; their tenures should be probed. A friend usually cracks a joke that a man who ate stockfish without picking his teeth would most likely not pay his debt (eni to je panla ti ko ta’yin; to ba je gbese, ko ni san). We need to be sure that people like these without a moral compass have not tampered with our purse violently. By their action, the affected persons have proved to be the typical Nigerian politician that they are: all they see is their political ambition, nothing else. Even if the law permits their indulgence, what of the morality of it? What of the unfair advantage that such political offices confer on the public officials?

    That reminds me; how do those of them who paid the N100million nomination fee want to convince the rest of us that it was not our money they used to get the form? Many Nigerians have also said that they thought N100million was a lot of money until the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) started selling its presidential nomination form for that amount. Also, as some people have argued on several platforms, the official salary of even the president in four years is about N120million. How then can someone buy ordinary form for that position with N100million? How many annual salaries of  a professor would that pay?

    Meanwhile, university lecturers are on strike and government is saying it has no money to meet their demands. Meanwhile, our legislators who are asking the rest of us to patronise made-in-Nigeria products cruise about in the best of imported exotic cars that their counterparts in countries where those vehicles are produced can never use, not even in their dreams. Meanwhile, we are asking those countries that we are heavily indebted to for debt forgiveness. Even if they are ‘compound fools’, it is unlikely they would want to continue picking the bills of our unproductive conspicuous consumption. What are our politicians producing and selling that they have such money to literally set ablaze?

    In spite of everything, it is still gratifying that the scales seem to have finally fallen from the eyes of President Buhari such that he could clearly see the true colours of some of his cabinet members. He could see them for the opportunists and sycophants that they are. He could see the lack or absence of moral compass in their actions.

    Whatever the President’s motive, this singular action is likely to have some positive effect on his administration in the remaining part of its lame duck period, as not a few public officials would henceforth think twice before acting.

    But can President Buhari sustain this, or is the action only a flash in the pan? The answer is not just in the wombs of time, especially with the president’s own legendary inadequacies, but in his choice of replacements for the former ministers. This is a golden opportunity for the administration to redeem its image. If governors ensured their aides with political ambition resign, nothing should make those at the federal level sacrosanct. If it means amending the constitution, so be it.