The Nation Newspaper

Category: Sunday

  • LET’S DO THE SING-ALONG

    LET’S DO THE SING-ALONG

    Tere pampa tere pampa
    Tere minnan minnan tere

    Join me now
    As we tell a story
    Tell a story
    Tell a story
    Join me now
    As we tell a story

    Tere pampa tere pampa

    Story, story about a nation
    That lives by the river and dies of thirst
    About a nation
    About a nation
    Story, story about a nation
    That lives by the river and dies of thirst

    Tere pampa tere pampa

    This nation is awash with oil
    But its pumps are dry
    Dry, dry pumps
    Dry, dry pumps
    This nation is awash with oil
    But its pumps are dry

    Tere pampa tere pampa

    It knows not what to do
    With its copious crude
    It never knows
    It never knows
    It knows not what to do
    With its copious crude

    Tere pampa tere pampa

    A fool and its fortune
    Are soon separated
    Soon separated
    Soon separated
    A fool and his fortune
    Are soon separated

    Tere pampa tere pampa
    Tere minnan minnan tere

  • Darkness invisible

    Darkness invisible

    In September 11, 1974 as the General Yakubu Gowon’s administration began a swift and irreversible descent into infamy, the time bomb of tragedy also began ticking away. It was on this day that Daily Times of Nigeria, under the leadership of the patrician, courteous but highly patriotic Alhaji Babatunde Jose, published a landmark editorial titled: Darkness Visible.

    Magisterial and majestic and in the best tradition of the old Thunderer, its London ancestor and forebear, the editorial was unanswerable in most parts. It was a searing and penetrating rebuke of Gowon’s administration and its very notorious foibles. Bristling with candour and intransigent integrity, the editorial did not mince words in bemoaning the terrible plight of the country and the dark alley of despotism and intolerance it was headed under Gowon’s leadership. It concluded that darkness was quite visible.

    Besmirched with corruption and sleaze and with several federal commissioners embroiled in scandals and allegations of graft, it was obvious that the administration had reached the end of its tether. Worse still, it has resorted to equivocations and lazy tergiversations about the destiny of the nation.

    As if Daily Times was having a clairvoyant premonition, General Gowon,  in his Independence Day broadcast to the nation on October 1, 1974, promptly foreclosed the option of a honourable exit by reneging on his promise to hand over to a civilian administration by 1976. For those adept at reading the rustling tea leaves, it was the beginning of the end.

    Even then, it was a calculated risk by Daily Times. The paper had been having a running battle with the military authorities over the state of the nation. Alhaji Jose and his crew could not have been expecting a warm and royal welcome to Dodan Barracks from the normally affable and sunny-tempered General Gowon.

    The drama is memorably captured for posterity in Jose’s memoir titled, Walking A Tightrope: Power Play in Daily Times. Although like all insiders of power and substance, Jose cloaks his resistance in reticence and considerable punch-pulling, suffice it to add that barely a year after, Gowon was ousted in a palace coup by disaffected colleagues.

    That editorial was forty eight years ago. Today, darkness is no longer visible. Darkness has become part of our integral national condition and the current darkness is pervasive and all-encompassing in the postcolonial hell that Nigeria has since transited to. This is because all rational human societies have their safety valves, their acute and accurate barometers for measuring and gauging the mood of the nation and for sensing the approach of a historic blackout.

    Even traditional societies with their different cosmologies and modes of apprehending and making sense of their lived experience were not exempt from such social, economic and political instrumentalities. They simply took a different approach because of their different cultures and differing historical trajectories. And it worked for them until the colonial irruption which torpedoed their confidence and ability to believe in themselves.

    Forty eight years after the Daily Times editorial and forty seven years after the advent of Gowon, darkness has become invisible with the entire country crouching in historic darkness and with everybody trying to feel their way out of the millennial void. In the plague-like still and the deathlike clam, it is impossible to see beyond one’s nose. All cats appear black in the dark metaphysical hour of retribution.

    As it is said by Eugene Ionesco, the founding father of the Theatre of the Absurd, everybody must get on with it. It is your responsibility to lift yourself out of the serpentine pit of sightlessness by your own bootstraps. But this is impossible in the uterine darkness. Yet there appears to be no one in sight to beam a visionary searchlight to illuminate the passage of a confused and disoriented populace.

    Forty eight years ago, it would have been impossible to imagine the entire nation thrown into three days of continuous darkness as a result of the collapse of the national grid. Yet in the last one and a half decades, this has happened with such amazing regularity that it has become regularized as an integral part of the national condition. It is certainly rich for the Minister of Mines and Power to inform the nation that the collapsed national grid has been recovered. Where was he for three days?

    In civilized and rational countries, a national power outage of more than three minutes often provokes a state of emergency with widespread looting and rioting. In Nigeria it is so normal that it is protests against it that have become very abnormal. Yet it is impossible for acute observers not to feel that something is welling up which may eventuate in a nasty and totally unanticipated finale.

    All ruling classes that have not reached historic superannuation would have developed inherent capacity for maintaining and sustaining the order of illusion on which the illusion of order which guarantees their rule is based. Hence, the need for social, economic, political and spiritual whistle blowers who raise the cautionary alarms when things are going awry beyond obtuse violence and clueless minatory intimidation.

    The current Nigerian ruling class has not shown the capacity to maintain and sustain the order on which their suzerainty and hegemonic rule is anchored. Hence, the seething tensions and discontent gripping the entire country beyond the placid surface. But who will bell the cat in the torrid darkness and pervasive hopelessness?

    Forty eight years ago, it would have been unthinkable for the national body of the university teachers to proceed on a month-long industrial action without provoking a national outrage. Students and their parents alike would have been out on the streets. Now, the compulsory holiday amidst compulsory darkness has been extended for another two months. Yet nobody appears willing to take the bull by the horn. Ignorance of darkness is a perfect complement for darkness imposed by ignorance.

    While at home, the students will be doing their best without food on the table, without potable water and in an atmosphere of unremitting darkness compounded by escalating insecurity. The students will do well to evade the relentless traps laid by the barons of the novel industry of ritual killing for monetary purposes. Not even public transportation is safe anymore. Ritual killers and harvesters of human parts are on the prowl everywhere. They even murder their own parents.

    While one was growing up, ritual sacrifice for economic enhancement was part of a traditional folklore of fear and trembling with known practitioners given a wide berth no matter their wealth and unexplainable prosperity. The rumour alone was enough to invite popular aspersions and obloquy.

    That this scary development would have been unthinkable forty eight years ago is a grim reminder and a perplexing indication of the complete collapse of civilization as we know it. A new Dark Age, fashioned and franchised by arrogant people jinxed by an antediluvian worldview, has been slammed on the nation. The normal evolutionary process is for a grub to become a butterfly. But here, we are dealing with a butterfly that has turned into a grub. In the course of a traumatic transition to modernity, Nigeria has reverted to the status of a Stone Age society.

    This is what happens to a society where all the great whistle blowers have shouted themselves hoarse and have lapsed into slumberous repose or transited to greater glory beaten down by struggle-fatigue and sheer enervation of the spirit.

    Our great poets warned us ages ago about the dangers of toying with political earthquake; our great journalists like Jose cautioned us; Ayodele Awojobi screamed from the rooftop until he fatally collapsed and Gani Fawehinmi too before he succumbed to the cancer of perfidy and circuitous elimination.

    Simeon Adebo and Adeoye Lambo went to their maker bemoaning the fate of the nation. In the case of Lambo, he had advocated a psychiatric evaluation for our prospective leaders as a befitting Parthian to a nation set on the path of self-destruction. As far back as 1982, Awolowo warned about the inevitable collapse of the economy.

    The naira then was still a strong and competitive currency; its value backed by a strong productive base. Now, it is one of the weakest currencies on the continent. Yet many of those who put us in this mess are still beating their chest about in confounding self-justification and with a sense of entitlement to boot. Talk of a postcolonial culture without any sense of shame.

    But as it has been famously observed, a person can make for himself a throne of bayonets, whether he will be able to sit on it is another matter entirely.  A sovereign who invites the smallpox epidemic to his coronation just to instil fear in his subjects has brought a plague on his family and the entire community. Hell, like a plague, is an equal opportunity terminator which does not distinguish between sovereign and subject. The only hierarchy it recognizes is the hierarchy of the dead and the dying and the only stratification possible is one between the quick and the wounded.

    The ancient drum is only for the wise and the well-schooled to decode and decipher. Only the discerning can establish a nexus between the exit of our whistleblowing titans and the way and manner the EndSars upheaval crashed upon us seemingly without any warning or signal, just like the coronavirus pandemic and the on-going violent restructuring of the global order.

    All happy nations are the same, with the same level of expectations. It is only unhappy nations that are unhappy nations that are unhappy in their own way. Nigeria is a uniquely unhappy nation. Any nation so shrouded in darkness to the point that it has lost the dynamic capacity and the internal mechanism to recognise imminent danger to itself is not fit for purpose and is a drag on the emerging World Order.

    Consequently and in the light of what has been enumerated above, it should be obvious to all who can still see beyond their nose that we have gone beyond the point of mere palliatives and panel beating. This is a vehicle showing all the signs of metal fatigue.

    In the circumstances, nothing short of a strategic re-envisioning of the nation; a visionary re-imagining of an organic community of equal stakeholders which moves the country away from the ruins of a blighted and devastated landscape will do. Anything short of that is empty grandstanding and mere political tomfoolery. May our ancient whistle blowers find blissful rest.

  • And now the Anambra formula?

    And now the Anambra formula?

    Something new and innovatively daring seems to be in the offing in the old east. The old Imo Formula was an economic regimen straight out of the manual of malnutrition as perfected by the old Bretton Woods institutions. It recommended excruciating belt tightening for the poor and economically disadvantaged while not having the courage to recommend same to the privileged and well-heeled.

    That was almost forty years ago and the young Charles Chukwuma Soludo was still an exceptionally promising undergraduate student of Economics at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka. But with the installation of Soludo as the governor of Anambra State last week, a brand new formula more sterling and stirring than the Imo formula seems to be astir. Soludo has hit the ground running, and in such a fetching, business-like and admirable manner too.

    It has all been hoopla and much jubilation all over the state. With his stentorian baritone and the subdued fury of an Old Testament prophet, Soludo cut the figure of an avenging redeemer. This columnist has never been a fan of Soludo’s IMF and World Bank-inspired monetarist technocracy which has been particularly injurious to developing countries.

    Its insistence on rolling back state intervention, the removal of subsidies and the abolition of protectionist tariff as well as state hand out to the poor and needy are nothing but economic poison pills rammed through the throat of poor nations . Let those who cannot work not eat. And those whose parents cannot afford the fees let them not go to school. As it has been shown, this is a recipe for social upheaval and calamitous revolt.

    In fairness to Soludo, the monetarist dogma was the hegemonic doctrine in his graduate and undergraduate years, the Chicago School of monetarism having won a titanic struggle against Keynesian economics. It was not unusual to find its snooty zealots dismissing old Keynesians as mere economic illiterates. Led by the impressively cerebral Milton Friedman, who was arguably the greatest economic theoretician of the late twentieth century, monetarism carried all before it.

    But it does appear that in the best Hegelian tradition a new consensus is emerging which walks back some of the monetarist certitudes of old by taking on board minutely discriminated data about global inequality and the specific internal logic of metropolitan conspiracy against developing and non-western countries.

    This is how human societies evolve and develop from the clash of countervailing orthodoxies. Soludo would have had plenty of time to unlearn what he has learnt and to reflect on the possibility of an indigenous model of economic development for Nigeria in particular and African nations in general. He appears mentally and intellectually equipped to do so.

    Several things warm the heart about Soludo’s emergence from the bitter trenches of protracted political warfare and his landmark inauguration in Akwa last Thursday. First was his summary dispensation with prodigal frivolities and obscene display of wealth and opulence. It was a short and impressive ceremony without any gaudy frills or meretricious inanities so beloved of the regular political class.

    Second was his widely referenced speech which spoke to what he calls “the peculiar structure” which has impacted on sub-national administrations in the country. This was a barely oblique reference to the structural abnormalities that have weighed heavily on political and economic development in the country and the source of an epic gridlock for its constituting nationalities.

    Finally Soludo began walking his talk by unveiling a brand new INNOSON SUV as his official vehicle. This is the way to go. All sane and rational countries protect their local industry, particularly the vehicle manufacturing industry, by offering generous incentives, rebates, protectionist tariffs and massive patronage.

    When Pandit Nehru was confronted with the problems of producing an indigenous car, he told his compatriots that if they could not build their own vehicles, let everybody trek. The Chinese, the South Koreans and the doughty and hardy Vietnamese leadership adopted the same draconian measures to instil in their people the virtues of discipline and self-reliance.

    But there is some architecture in the ruins. In its nationalist phase, the Murtala-Obasanjo government was going in that direction with its national food sufficiency programme and adoption of locally assembled vehicles. The heart of the bureaucracy was not in it and as soon as the civilian government took over, the whole thing was jettisoned. A particular brand of Mercedes Benz became the norm. By the time Obasanjo himself returned as civilian president, a sybaritic self-indulgence had overtaken the landscape.

    As Chinua Achebe will put it, it is morning yet on creation day in Anambra state.

  • Churches and political directorates

    Churches and political directorates

    Even though the idea originally emanated from the Pentecostal Fellowship of Nigeria (PFN), the Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG) in February became the lightning rod of the controversial mix between religion and politics. In a memo to the church’s provincial headquarters dated February 28, the RCCG authorised the formation of the Office of Directorate of Politics to muster support for members with political ambitions. Once set up, a provincial headquarters would ensure the replication of the same political office at the zonal, area and parish levels. The idea for the directorate was first thought to have originated from the RCCG, thus making it to quickly become a hot-button issue evocative of the Christian era when state and religion were locked in a controversial and lethal mixture. After centuries of bloodshed and ruptures, state and religion parted ways, with each nevertheless still devising ingenious ways of influencing the other and unwittingly endangering the tentative, long-standing peace existing between them.

    The PFN has, however, waded into the controversy. The controversial idea, it confirmed, was its own, not the RCCG’s. It was meant as a harmless measure to help and encourage Christians to go into politics. If necessary, too, going by the RCCG’s memo to its members, the church could also mobilise support for such politically-inclined members. Commentators who denounced the measure and accused RCCG of treading dangerous grounds, believing the church originated the idea, thought the policy was designed to mobilise support for the unstated but unhidden presidential aspiration of one of its senior pastors and top member, Vice President Yemi Osinbajo. Despite the clarifications of the PFN spokesman, few are likely to concede that the idea is at bottom alien to the RCCG. They suspect Prof Osinbajo had a hand in all this, and they see many Pentecostal churches, the RCCG not excluded, as a bit discomfitingly militant. In all likelihood, however, the PFN may be telling the whole truth. The idea is likely theirs, they have no reason to lie; and it may take an awful long time and heated debate for them to acknowledge the shortsightedness of the policy.

    Both the PFN and RCCG may mean well, desiring to help guide their members in politics, probably to develop the ethics and morality necessary to navigate the treacherous rapids of realpolitik undermining governance and politicking everywhere. But there is no question that they gave the matter precious little thought than the subject deserves. And to lend the idea the weight of the umbrella Christian body and the might, if not ubiquitousness, of the RCCG itself is to expose and possibly or inadvertently return the church to the sanguinary years that blighted its history. The idea clearly fails a few obvious tests. Firstly, who tells the church that in a small parish, let alone a big branch or even national body, there could not be many members competing for the same positions who would be incensed to discover any hint of favouritism to other members? Why could the church, for instance, not produce two or more presidential or governorship or legislative aspirants?

    Secondly, when the church openly engages in biased mobilisation for its members, probably with a veneer of Christian and thus doctrinal triumphalism or Pentecostal fervour, do they expect other faiths to embrace the Christian candidates? Could candidates adopted, as it were, by the church expect votes from across all denominations, faiths and ideological persuasions, especially when those other ones have also produced their own candidates? And by extrapolation, would church be chagrined by the adoption of different candidates by opposing and equally militant and doctrinaire faiths? The church will be finding its way into a quicksand to begin immersing itself in politics after centuries of managing to extricate itself from it. If the church cannot influence its members from the pulpits to adopt a healthy and ethical perspective to all matters, including politics and governance, they could not hope to do it by directly adopting aspirants who are their members. They can pray for aspirants, counsel them, and even encourage them; but to make such efforts official by designating units or departments to oversee Christians in politics is unscriptural, shortsighted and counterproductive. That other faiths, particularly in the North, routinely and indefensibly do it does not justify the inanity.

    There are not many politicians who swim in the murky waters of politics and emerge unscathed. It is one of the continuing tragedies of modern Nigeria. The church would risk being bespattered by filth should their adopted and counseled aspirants and candidates fall dangerously below expectations, especially attitudinally and ethically. Christians can and should go into politics, just like any other Nigerian of other faiths. Hopefully, one of these days, should the right doctrines be preached from the pulpits – and this is not always guaranteed, especially as the church immerses itself in the world system – the Christian politician would justify and exemplify the tenets of his faith and impart positive values upon the society. And whether the church likes it or not, sometimes, even ethical politicians of all faiths have not always demonstrated as much competence, emotional stability and vision as a politician without a religion. Surely the church cannot pretend to be ignorant of how Nigeria is mocked all over the world for their raucous and sometimes riotous celebration of their faiths which have nevertheless failed to produce a great society comparable to nations without similar faiths.

     

    Just how was Osinbajo in charge?

    Moments before he departed Nigeria for a medical trip to the United Kingdom two Sundays ago, President Muhammadu Buhari told newsmen that Vice President Yemi Osinbajo would be in charge in his absence. Although he needlessly qualified that assertion by suggesting in addition that the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF) and his Chief of Staff (CoS) were also available to steady the ship of state in his absence, Nigerians ignored the latter qualifications and took the president’s word for it that his VP would hold the reins in his absence. The assurance turned out to be a ruse.

    Yes, Prof Osinbajo would go on to chair Federal Executive Council meetings and perform a few sinecure duties, but he was accustomed to doing these even with the president in town. There was nothing unusual that he did in those two weeks. Instead, the big issues of the day that concerned the ruling party, to which Prof Osinbajo as a professor of law could have offered expert views and even direct affairs, were scrupulously kept out of his reach. He was smart enough, having had his fingers burnt in the past, not to meddle in what was not brought before him. Indeed, it is doubtful whether the law alone was sufficient to manage the contentiousness of the political dispute that ravaged the party in the president’s absence, a part of which he unreflectively signed off on before his trip.

    What is even more intriguing to observers was how government and party officials embarked on pilgrimage to London to confer with the president, ignoring the eminent vice president back home. In short, the president took the throne with him to London, and neither he nor his aides would brook interference of any kind, no matter how subtle. Perhaps the president just gave a perfunctory answer to newsmen at his departure. He didn’t mean a word of it. Experience had thought him.

  • What changed Mallam Adamu Adamu’s position on Asuu – was it office?

    What changed Mallam Adamu Adamu’s position on Asuu – was it office?

    With its 129 universities, 100-odd polytechnics and 85 colleges of education and a very I-don’t-care attitude to higher education, Nigeria spends less than 1 percent of its Gross National Income [0.85% to be precise]; while four of its smaller English-speaking African compatriot-states spend multiples of that: Ghana [2.85%], Egypt [3.9%], Zimbabwe [5.4%] and South Africa [7%]

    And while the percentage of education expenditure to total national expenditure in Nigeria is a paltry 8.4%, South Africa spends 20%, Morocco spends 26.4%, Botswana 25.6%, and French-speaking Guinea and Cote d’Ivoire spend 25.6% and 21.5% respectively. In spite of this, how Nigeria still dreams of joining the big league remains the biggest mystery. In what must now be seen by some as a joke, especially in view of its attitude to education, Nigeria has been saying it wants to be among the world’s top 20 economies by 2020. But after laughing at this joke, we should remind policymakers that those nations that are in, or truly wish and look poised to join, the ranks of those top economies have a particular attitude to education that Nigeria doesn’t seem to share. While Nigerians are always very good at mimicking educated global discourse as if they were the ones who invented it— corporate governance, information and communication technology, ICT, globalisation, climate change, the ozone layer, and the knowledge economy—their government has in fact been busy laying solid foundations for an ignorance economy”.

    That was Nigeria’s current Minister of Education, Mallam Adamu Adamu, in his brilliant article: “ Why ASUU Is Always On Strike” of 15 November, 2013; a piece this article will significantly rely on.

    Well rounded and highly educated, Mallam Adamu Adamu, Accountant, Journalist, polyglot and Nigeria’s Minister of Education, requires no introduction on these pages. Mallam has much more than his rounded education going for him. He is that well connected to President Muhammadu Buhari that he is believed to have narrowly missed being appointed  his Chief of Staff in 2015 and, as recently as only the past week, his name was mentioned as one of those close Aides/Advisers of the President who rushed to meet him in London to help sort out the self – inflicted quagmire  the APC found itself in. Therefore, much more than on the panegyrics  he sang to ASUU in his  article under reference, this piece will look at  how, despite his closeness to the President, as well as his being the minister with direct responsibility for higher education, he  still has failed to lift a finger to lighten ASUU’s burden which, incidentally, is Nigerians’ burden. He has, therefore, been unable to appreciably impact the Buhari government’s policy on Education generally, and the funding of higher education in particular. Even after President Buhari promised, at an international forum that allocation to Education would be increased by at least 50 per cent in the next few years and by about 100 per cent by 2025, as recently captured in an article in this newspaper, allocation to the sector in the 2022 budget was a mere 7.9 per cent. Not surprisingly, and following on the President’s example, not an additional Naira was added to Education when the National Assembly increased the budget from N16.4T  to N17.1T, thus confirming how low the government rates Education.

    President Buhari’s allocation to Education has never exceeded 10 per cent and you would naturally expect that a minister of Education who appreciates the value of Education, and knows what the civilised world is doing in that regard, would since have worked his bones out towards a substantial increase. Quoting from The Nation article: “of the N55.3 trillion budgeted by the Buhari government in the last six years, only N3.5 trillion was allocated to education, representing less than 10 per cent”. In 2016 it was 6.7 per cent, in 2017, it was 7.38; in 2018,  7.04 per cent was given to education out of  a N9.2 trillion budget while in 2019 it was 7.05 per cent of N8.92 trillion; in 2020,  6.7 per cent  5.6 per cent in 2021.

    “Owing to these miserable allocations to Education, Nigeria has the highest number of out-of-school children in the world, fueling banditry, kidnapping etc and as Dr Adesina, President, African Development Bank, elsewhere described it, populating the insurgency supermarket where they eagerly await recruitment. Mallam Adamu Adamu, even when he was not the minister of Education, could not have pleaded ignorance of what is happening concerning Education in the civilised world.

    And how do I know this?

    We go to Adamu’s  2013 article where,  among other things, he wrote: “A comparison with China and India, two countries of the BRIC(BRIC is a grouping acronym which refers to the countries of Brazil, Russia, India and China deemed to be developing countries at a similar stage of newly advanced economic development, on their way to becoming developed countries – Wikipedia)

    whose rank Nigeria wishes to join, will quickly put Nigeria in its place. The Nigerian university system is, indeed, paralysed by a strike caused by government refusal to make the kind of investment the BRIC’s have been making.

    Within a decade and a half, for instance, China invested in a massive expansion of its education sector, nearly tripling the share of GDP devoted to it, such that the number of higher- education institutions grew and more than doubled from 1,022 to 2,263 within a single decade; and within the same period, it was able to increase the population of its bachelor’s degree students from 3 million to 12 million. At the moment, it has more than 20 million students studying in those institutions of higher learning. This is typically representative of what was happening in almost all of the BRIC’s, in which the total population of undergraduate students increased from about 19 million in 2000 to more than 40 million students in 2010.

    And because China really means to develop its society and economy, the total number of its computer science and engineering graduates from its elite universities is more than the total number of such graduates from the United States. That is why in the race where it matters, China has over 1,200,000 IT professionals and is adding 400,000 technical graduates each year. China ranks first in the world, followed by India and the US. IT professionals are so pitifully few in Nigeria; and, what’s more, the country is so inefficient, it doesn’t keep this kind of record”. And what is our minister of Education doing to correct this pitiful state of affairs when institutions of higher learning can go several months on strike simply because an insensitive, and obdurate government would just not care?

    “At the lower end, India has 373 universities with 16,000 affiliated degree-awarding colleges functioning under them and, like China, the emphasis in the tertiary level of education is on science and technology. India has some 3495 degree- granting colleges with an annual student intake capacity of over 1.76 million with actual enrolment crossing 1.2 million in engineering alone. Total enrolment in science, medicine, agriculture and engineering crossed the 6.5 million limits in 2010, as expenditure on education grosses 4.1 per cent of GDP and surpasses the 12.7 per cent mark of total government expenditure”.

    Don’t these figures tug at Malam’s conscience given that Nigeria, a country of over 200 million people, does not lack requisite resources? Doesn’t it seem to him that Nigeria has had the ill luck of being governed, ritually, by its tenth eleven?

    Concluding, Mallam Adamu contended that the struggle by ASUU is to force the Nigerian government to make the type of investments detailed above, and I say, No Mallam, knowing Nigerian government, as it very well does, ASUU is not asking for anything that grandiose, or gargantuan. Rather, all that ASUU is saying can be briefly summarised as follows:  It cites the failure of the Federal Government to implement the Memorandum of Action it signed with it in December 2020. Points attention to government’s refusal to fulfil some of the other agreements inked as far back as 2009 which speaks to the revitalization of public universities through consistent funding. Others are payment of earned academic allowances; acceptance and implementation of the University Transparency Accountability Solution developed by the union in place of the IPPIS currently in use, settlement of promotion arrears, and renegotiation of the 2009 ASUU-FGN agreement.

    What then has held Malam back from positively synegising with ASUU, and ensuring that these incessant, and thoroughly disruptive strikes become history? Why is he sitting idly by when our University system becomes like permanently disrupted, leading our young undergraduates to all the marauding vicissitudes in this unhappy land: insecurity, vehicular accidents, as well as financial incommodation?

    Why is Mallam not doing much more to positively impact Education in Nigeria? According to Peter Hawkins, the UNICEF Representative in Nigeria in a statement commemorating International Day of Education 2022, Nigeria has the highest number of out-of-school children in the world. Ten and a half million Nigerian children who ought to be in school are out of it. That he said is more than the population of some West African countries. These kids, who are mostly from Malam’s part of the country, are wasting away and are, potentially, tomorrow’s insurgents, armed robbers and kidnappers, not forgetting prostitutes.

    In what way has the minister reduced this number since he took office?

    Are our educational challenges cultural, a subset of feudalism? Any affinity with the mindset that western education is evil?

    How come Mallam Adamu completely forgot all the eulogies he heaped on ASUU in 2013 or were they intended to make the then incumbent Goodluck Jonathan government look worse than it really was? Aren’t there some confidants of President Buhari who can make him change those positions he has wrongly cast in stone, like restructuring, when they know that such change would redound to Nigeria’s better interest?

    Which, office – that is, political appointment – or culture changed Mallam Adamu’s alluring 2013 views on ASUU, especially its demand for proper funding of universities?

     

  • Obasanjo: Feat and falter (Part 2)

    Obasanjo: Feat and falter (Part 2)

    “Former president Olusegun Obasanjo yesterday admitted that his generation has failed Nigeria in their efforts at taking it to the ‘Promised Land.’ He, however, quickly added that what they missed out in growing the nation economically, they have been able to deliver in a united and stable country under a democratic dispensation.” – The Guardian, 28th February, 2017.

    One of the few Africans, globally celebrated author, scholar, writer and public critic, the iconic Professor Chinua Achebe, of blessed memory, enjoys interlacing and interspersing writings with words of wisdom otherwise daubed as proverbs. To the quintessential and cerebral Achebe, “proverbs are the palm oil with which words are eaten.” It is on this note that the “Followership Challenge” will commence the second part of this article on the elder statesman, erstwhile President Olusegun Obasanjo, who recently celebrated his 85th birthday. He, to the graciousness and glory of God Almighty, is still physically active like the Biblical Caleb who at the same age was still demanding for a mountain of inheritance from Joshua. The display of strength and skill served to spectators at a much-publicised novelty match as part of the programmes to mark the birthday was a sign that Baba Obasanjo is apparently ready for any national or international assignment compared to some weary and weakened politicians who are younger in age. There is no gainsaying the obvious graciousness of the Almighty exemplified and amplified in the life of Baba Obasanjo who was favoured to head Nigeria for 11 years – 3 years as a military head of state and 8 years as a civilian president. It is then apt to concur with a seeming inherent, albeit covert, thought of the elder statesman which is in sync and symphony with the popular proverb ascribed to Achebe in his popular treatise, “Things Fall Apart”: “the lizard that jumped from a high Iroko tree to the ground said he would praise himself if no-one else did.” It is against this backdrop, that the stand and stake of Chief Obasanjo as reported in the Guardian newspaper publication of 28th February 2017 would still be recalled and revisited in the light of his speech at the symposium marking his 85th birthday. To this columnist, Baba Obasanjo had tried his best in the economic development of our dear country than all past and present men in the saddle. However, asserting in his own words that he and others in his team, “have been able to deliver a united and stable country under a democratic dispensation (sic)” is suspect. Is this the case when the critiquing lens of a scholar is perspicuously placed over Obasanjo years in the saddle? Follow me as a follower fixating on a few instances that human frailties may want to forget.

     

    Human Rights Record

    This was appalling as well as awkward in a nascent democracy that Chief Obasanjo was gleefully and glamorously promoting as a legacy. In his era, the outcomes of some court cases were mere paper tigers. The militician masquerading as a democrat in Obasanjo was adamant to jettisoning court injunctions. One sore case in point that was roundly condemned which the erstwhile helmsman had not addressed publicly as he might have his reason(s) of refusal (which he needs to make known as old age depicts wisdom) was his renegading reluctance and refusal of access to fund meant for the running of the local government of Lagos State despite an extant court injunction to do so. What a demonstration and depiction of insidious impunity cum impudence! Was this a good legacy of a democrat or autocrat or militician? It is left to the discerning mind to draw a line to this seeming absurdity that was untenable then and now. It was not until the incumbency of President Shehu Musa Yar’Adua that the accumulated fund of Lagos illegally withheld by the government of Chief Obasanjo was finally released to the relief of aggrieved stakeholders.

     

    Transformation in Telecommunication Should have extended to the Power Sector

    In the first part of this write up, a little reference was made to the feat in the banking sector as well as the telecommunication sector. The truth is: much that was recorded in the banking reforms was reinforced and sustained by the humongous transformational steps taken against all odds in the atavistic and archaic ways of running our telecoms pre – Obasanjo era. However, Obasanjo floundered and faltered in not using the seemingly same template in transforming the apparent ambiguous and abstruse power sector. The same way that Nigerian Telecommunications Limited (NITEL) was made to compete with other mobile telecommunication companies, the National Electric Power Authority (NEPA) (Nigerians dubbed it: Never Expect Power Always) should have been subjected to the same treatment. In the manner that mobile telephone operations started from our major cities and now spread all over Nigeria, the same way our power transmission, distribution and generation should have evolved gradually till the whole geographical space of Nigeria is covered with uninterrupted power supply. We missed that golden era. A single stroke of policy would have fixed that while we were all revelling in ecstasy and euphoria of the Global System of Mobile Communication (GSM).  Even though the government of Obasanjo carried out some reforms in the power sector. However, the efforts were not effective as there was no overt success in comparison to the telecommunication sector as the power sector was seemingly enmeshed in corruption.

    The much – peddled transgression of the Obasanjo era was centred around the issue of power plants even though many critics could not empirically prove their grouse.  It was alleged that the power stations he started to build were not completed as the litany of projects was entangled in a seeming unbridled corruption. In a 5,000-word response to the House Representatives’ panel probing the power plants, as captured in a BBC report, Obasanjo defended the actions of his government as a patriotic intervention that rather raised the bar as his government met the power sector almost at a comatose. The erstwhile Minister of Education, one-time Special Assistant to the President and Head of the Budget Monitoring and Price Intelligence Unit (BMPIU) Mrs. Oby Ezekwesili, rose stoutly in defense of his one-time boss. In her perspective, it was the timely incursion and intervention of Obasanjo that brought sanity into the power sector at that time.

     

    Obasanjo Wealth and His War Against Corruption

    In the concluding part of last week’s article, it was pinpointed that he who stays in a glass house should refrain from throwing stones. Nigerians knew the status and state of Chief Obasanjo when he was released from prison by the military government of General Abdusalam Abubakar. Dr. Olusegun Obasanjo could not be referred to as pecunious. However, in and out office, the erstwhile president has acquired and accumulated humongous wealth. Saliently and succinctly stated in the treatise, first published in 2007 and recently released online by TheNEWS, on Chief Obasanjo’s birthday of 5th March, 2022 are detailed worth of Chief Obasanjo encompassing stakes in Bells University (though denied by Obasanjo), Presidential Library, Transcorp and litany of farm holdings cutting across the nooks and crannies of Nigeria. It will be good that as Baba Obasanjo is out of office, he stands a good chance to defend all these ascriptions or attributions to his personality and firm. The magazine titled the treatise: “Flashback: The Amazing Wealth of Obasanjo Who Turns 85 Today.” This is the link: https://thenewsnigeria.com.ng/2022/03/05/flashback-the-amazing-wealth-of-obasanjo-who-turns-85-today/ (as retrieved on: 16th March 2022). The duo of legal luminaries: Femi Falana, SAN, and Gani Fawehinmi, SAN, took Chief Olusegun Obasanjo to court to checkmate the excesses of his government. Falana alleged that the government of Obasanjo from 1999 to 2007 tacitly withdrew over N1 trillion from the NNPC and Federation Accounts in an unauthorized and unappropriated fashion without due recourse to the National Assembly as specified in the 1999 Constitution (as amended). In his own case before the Code of Conduct Bureau, the late enigmatic Fawehinmi opinionated that Obasanjo should be tried for his illegal and covert dealings in Transcorp pinpointing Obasanjo’s hands in shareholding situating him, his cronies and Obasanjo’s Holdings in the mischievous dealings. The matter came up in the hearing of the House of Representatives when Fawehinmi saliently stated that the then Director-General of the Nigerian Stock Exchange, NSE, and Chairman of Transcorp, Dr. Ndi Okereke- Onyiuke, admitted that the former president is a subscriber to Transcorp through Obasanjo Holdings Limited which ran contrary to section 18(2) of the Code of Conduct for public officers. As it is said: “he that comes to equity must come with clean hands.”

     

    Obasanjo’s unwarranted incursion into the democratic process

    It is incongruent to the claim of the erstwhile president to deepening or developing the country’s nascent democracy. There were clear cases of illegal incursions and invading of democratic space in certain instances within his party. For instance, in Ekiti State, he truncated the democratic process, first within his party, the People Democratic Party (PDP), when he was instrumental to putting Segun Oni’s name forward in the primary election as against Yinka Akerele who came first in the election. The former, Oni, came third in the primary election. However, Obasanjo, had his way, though the people had their say contrary to democratic tenets.   In similar vein in Ekiti and Oyo States, the one – man army of the retired general with impunity orchestrated the impeachment of Governors Ayodele Fayose and Rasheed Adedoja. In Rivers State, the primary election that should usher in Rotimi Amaechi as the gubernatorial candidate of PDP was truncated and the ticket was tossed to his cousin Celestine Omehia. It was the judiciary that made a mess of some of these absurdities and abnormalities. Any legacy bequeathed in these unwarranted interventions?

     

    Third Term Disaster

    Vehemently and vociferously, Chief Obasanjo denied his involvement in the 3rd term saga. This was expressly stated in his Channels TV interview in 2007. However, the track could not be easily obliterated. It would be better for Baba Obasanjo to admit his blunder and error, apologize and move on than resulting in buck passing it to some ambitious and nebulous parliamentarians. Even though it was initiated and authored by the latter, he took the bait hook, line and sinker! It was unfortunate!! The former Senate President, Dr. Ken Nnamani, succinctly stated: “Immediately, I became Senate President, he told me of his intentions and told me how he wanted to achieve it. I initially did not take him seriously until the events began to unfold.” Nnamani went further to state in his own words: “How can someone talk like this that he didn’t know about it, yet money, both in local and foreign currencies, exchanged hands,”.The incumbent Speaker of the House of Representatives, Femi Gbajabiamila, in concurrence with Nnamani simply stated: “The money totalled over N10 billion. How could N10bn be taken out of the national treasury for a project when you were the sitting President, yet that project was not your idea? Where did the money come from (sic)?” However, to put paid to any fallacious version on the ignominious 3rd Term Agenda of the Obasanjo era, Condoleezza Rice, the erstwhile United States of America (USA) Secretary of State, in her autobiography, between pages 628 and 638, recalled a meeting between the then President of USA, Bush, and Obasanjo where the latter opened up on his bid to amend the constitution to allow him run for the 3rd term. Bush retorted by telling Obasanjo to his face to be patriotic and leave office honourably on 29th May 2007. Moreover, the duo of Chidi Odinkalu and Ayisha Osori, human rights activists, published a book accusing Obasanjo and cronies of utilizing a whopping sum of money to influence amendment of the constitution in order to enable him run for the 3rd term. Odinkalu, a former head of the Nigerian Human Rights Council; and Osori was the CEO of the Nigerian Women’s Trust Fund. In their treatise titled: “Too Good to Die: Third Term and the Myth of the Indispensable Man in Africa”, pontificated egregious absurdities surrounding the 3rd term saga. Eventually, the then National Assembly triumphantly threw out the bill.

     

    Infrastructural development or deficit?

    The Obasanjo era spanning 8 uninterrupted years could not successfully fix some major arterial roads such as Lagos – Ibadan Expressway, Sagamu – Ore – Benin Expressway, Abuja – Lokoja Highway, etc. Painfully, the Lagos – Abeokuta Highway enroute Sango – Ota and Ifo towns that should be dear to Chief Obasanjo’s heart as this highway link with Bells University, Obasanjo Farms Nigeria (OFN) Limited, Presidential Library and his hometown, Ibogun – Olaogun, after all, it is said that charity begins at home, even though it should not end there, was initiated but uncompleted by his administration. The highway is presently in a parlous state.

    In concluding, Chief Obasanjo should know he has contributed his bit and best to Nigeria’s development having held sway intermittently for 11 years and should not denigrate or demonize any political aspirant under any guise as this could tantamount to the kettle calling the pot black. This is my stand and stake as a follower.

    John Ekundayo, Ph.D. – Harvard-Certified Organizational Strategist, and also a Leadership Development Consultant, can be reached via 08155262360 (SMS only) and drjmoekundayo@hotmail.com

  • Twice too many

    Twice too many

    NIGERIANS need to pray for the Muhammadu Buhari administration to end well. And the reason is simple: if it does not, they are the ones that would suffer. The ruling class would always find a way to continue to enjoy their insensitive privileges, even if it means piling up more yoke on the poor. At least that is what is likely to continue until their cup is full. I can see the pains getting worse for the poor in the next few months unless the God of miracles decides to do the miraculous. In the physical realm, the outlook is frightening.

    In one of my angry moments about the bundle of disappointment that the Buhari government was fast becoming some months back, I had pointedly alluded to something akin to spiritual challenge as being behind the government’s lacklustre performance in several sectors. For a government that is being roundly pummelled as clueless and incompetent, one would expect it at least to maintain a firm grip on the few areas it has posted some achievements. But, no. Even in those few areas, something is always happening to negate those achievements.

    Let’s take agriculture for example. The Buhari government has spent billions trying to put food on the table for Nigerians. This, ordinarily, should have translated into cheaper food, but it has not. Indeed, food prices, like other prices, seem to be soaring so unprecedentedly. Buhari would seem the architect of this negative result in the agricultural sector as I have always said, with his initial lukewarm response to the herders’/farmers’ crisis. So, as the government was pumping billions into the Anchor Borrowers Scheme and other agricultural initiatives with one hand, the herders were busy destroying the farm produce and killing farmers with the other. Thus, some weeks ago, we saw the president commission rice pyramids but it has so far been all pyramids, no rice. Rice is still an expensive commodity.

    Then take fuel supply, another area where the government has been fairly successful, even if on its unsustainable importation template. But see what happened last month. Nigerians were again treated to another spectre of fuel scarcity because those in charge imported the wrong fuel specification. We are still struggling to completely get over that one month after.

    And now, railways. Many Nigerians who have been making use of the rail services resuscitated by the Buhari government after several years of abandonment have been giving testimonies about it being a credible alternative to the chaotic road transportation. They have been commending the relative comfort and predictability of departure and arrival times, etc. Again, see what has happened in that sector in just one month.

    On Monday, January 31, passengers travelling from Kano to Lagos on the Nigerian Railway Corporation’s (NRC) train service got stranded after the train conveying them broke down due to mechanical failure. According to reports, the train left Kano, Kano State, on January 31 at about 9.00a.m. It however developed a mechanical problem a few kilometres to Zaria in Kaduna State. Due to this development, the passengers spent over 48 hours in the bush before help finally came. One of the passengers simply identified as @YomiCriminal on Twitter posted his experience around 10:25pm on Tuesday: “Nigerian railway corporation, we boarded since yesterday 31st January at exactly 9, o clock from Kano heading to Lagos and till now we haven’t reached Zaria, they’ve abandoned us inside the bush for almost 18 hours, imagine who is afraid of travelling through road because of kidnapping.

    “Now we are still stuck in the middle of nowhere, we really need your help.”

    The agony being far from over, he again wrote: “Still stuck”, in an update at about 11.30 a.m. on Wednesday.

    We had barely got over this when the train plying the Lagos-Ibadan route also got stuck in the bush, again, to use the now becoming popular cliche, in another ‘middle of nowhere’. That was on February 10. The initial report was that the train “ran out of diesel”. But the managing director of the NRC, Fidet Okhiria, reportedly told the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) that the train stopped midway as a result of fuel gauge failure. “The train gauge had an issue while the engineers thought the diesel in the train tank would take them to Lagos.

    “The train gauge was not reading correctly, so by the time they started moving, the driver discovered that there is no sufficient diesel in the train.

    “Immediately they discovered the challenge, they responded quickly, and under an hour, they were able to get a drum of diesel to fill the tank and continued the journey back to Lagos.” Apparently the NRC boss did not consider the passengers stranded because the issue was “resolved within an hour”. One thing is clear, even from Okhiria’s reaction, and that is the fact that the corporation was aware that the fuel gauge was faulty even before taking off from Ibadan. But, in the usual Nigerian manner, they decided to ‘manage’. See the embarrassment that singular indiscretion has caused the NRC and even the government. We should thank God we were only embarrassed; lives were not lost in the process. The fact is; one hour of breakdown on such a journey and ‘in the middle of nowhere’ is too long a time for all manner of marauding criminals in the land – bandits, kidnappers, herdsmen, ritualists etc., to exploit, given our volatile security situation.

    It was because no one is perfect that I refused to comment on the Kano-Lagos train breakdown. The excuse of a mechanical fault getting the train passengers stranded was somewhat pardonable. Not a few people would agree that even if one bought a brand new vehicle, it could break down on one’s way home because mechanical faults may occur at any time, that is without giving any notice. But the main reason one may reject even the excuse of mechanical fault is because of what we have come to reckon with as the ‘Nigerian factor’. We have a poor maintenance culture. And this oft-talked-about Nigerian factor carries with it a negative connotation. For me, it is probably the bane of our perpetual underdevelopment.

    It is all about inventing lower or no standards for virtually everything under the sun in Nigeria. Just two weeks ago, I wrote on what I called “The new normal”, in which I cited examples of some absurdities (including the return of fuel queues) in the country as part of what is now becoming our new way of life. There is need for those managing the rail services to see their sector as a possible legacy project of the Buhari administration. It is difficult to build but very easy to destroy. We know the efforts put in by the government to get the coaches back on track. It requires probably less than five percent of such efforts to bring the sector down.

    Without doubt, the aforementioned train breakdowns are too close for comfort. NRC and its managers have to be told that this would not be a welcome ‘new normal’ in its operations. Passenger traffic would be adversely affected and the whole essence of reviving the rail sector by the government would have been defeated if passengers cannot see disruptions as exceptions but as the normal trend in the rail operations.

    It is disgusting seeing people fuelling Nigerian train from a drum. It is a gradual descent to the ‘Danfo’ and ‘Molue’ style whereby the drivers know their fuel gauges are not working but would nonetheless not fix them; rather, they would be buying petrol in trickles and when the tank suddenly becomes empty, the conductor would jump down and perch precariously on the door of another bus, a keg in one hand, searching for the nearest petrol station. And when he finally returns with fuel, he picks a hose from wherever and begins to siphon the petrol into his vehicle with the hose. A fuel gauge is an important component of any vehicle. NRC ought to have fixed the bad gauge since the corporation detected it was faulty before take-off. Apparently, the economic imperative trounced other rational considerations. It was too much of a risk using rule of thumb to determine the fuel requirement of a train to be deployed for service because, as we have seen, the chances of guessing right are slim. Not only that, it could also be costly. We are only lucky that stories that touch the heart did not emanate from that experience. We know the government is the chief culprit in incompetence and cluelessness, hence fuel scarcity, but that is not a sufficient reason for its offspring to toe the same line. Some of the offspring could prove they are bastards by not resembling their father. Nigeria needs such bastard ministries, departments and agencies (MDAs) to make meaningful progress.

    As a matter of fact, when I saw the video of a train being ‘fed’ from a drum, I could not immediately link it to our railway until the story left the social media space and eventually found its way to the traditional media. At a point I was forced to ask if really the Chinese are still in charge of the rail services because I know they would not ‘manage’ a faulty fuel gauge in a train in China. The only reason they could have done that is because they are in Nigeria, where anything goes. Apparently, they have been ‘Nigerianised’. That is, they have imbibed the ‘Nigerian factor’. After all, as a saying goes, a leaf that has stayed long in soap eventually becomes soap too.

    All said, notwithstanding whatever reservations we have about the Chinese, Nigerians still have a lot to learn from their business model. At least in their own country. They know you don’t mess up their system, otherwise the system will mess you up. The Chinese are not bothered about any debate on the propriety or otherwise of death penalty. In their country, the wages of corruption is death. And the way they scrupulously dispense the death verdict, you would think it was corruption that killed them when they first came into the world. So, most Chinese have learnt to do business shorn of corruption in China. The Chinese can only attempt to cut corners outside of China, especially if they see a fertile environment for corrupt practices. Like Nigeria. The country where petty thieves who steal because they are hungry bag long jail terms whereas their high profile colleagues get light sentences even if they stole the entire country.

    For our rail services it is too early to look the other way when we see the kind of lapses we have seen in recent times. Indeed, these two major breakdowns are making many people to ask whether the trains brought to .Nigeria are brand new or refurbished. Such a question cannot be said to be misplaced given our experiences in procurement and contract awards.

  • S3x beyond the ordinary

    S3x beyond the ordinary

    We have come to an era when married couples can boldly discuss their s3xual desires, fantasies, and needs with no iota of shame or fear. Most times, couples open their hearts to the wrong people about their secret s3xual desires simply because they are not courageous enough to face their partners. They do not want to feel embarrassed or be branded as neophytes. This is quite understandable. The nature of our society has placed so much restriction on s3xual discourse

    For instance, there is the avowed belief that the husband should always take the lead in s3xual affairs. But in an actual sense, both partners need to give each other a helping hand for better s3x life.

    For instance, when it comes to pleasing their wives, many men do not have the clue as to when their wives want s3x, simply because most women shut their mouths while burning for s3xual desire inside. And the average husband would want the wife to, at least, drop some hints.

    Women, tell your husbands the exact way you want it because what most men do is more or less trial and error. Point him towards your hot spots, and do so, using positive reinforcement. For instance, every woman can experience a breathtaking and ‘oh my God’ orgasm just by locating and caressing the ‘G’ spot; even when some of them have undergone female genital mutilation. After all, the ‘G’ spot is not mutilated. Husbands love it when their wives are able to guide them without giving them the typical dirty look, snarl at them, or push them away scornfully, behaving like a sacrificial lamb about to be slaughtered. No! Tell him how good it feels when he does something right, or erotically remind him of a performance that leaves you panting for more. This boosts his ego. For instance, wives love it when their husbands use their fingers to caress the inner part of their vagina. Every man wants to hear and know he is the best in bed, at least, from his wife. If he is not giving you enough foreplay, go ahead and tell him where you want to feel his hand or mouth (please, make sure you are clean inside out) and tell him that you want the moment to be a long one. Through guidance, a wife will surely get the maximum pleasure from every session of a s3xual affair with her husband.

    As much as wives want to be turned on, husbands also want their wives to turn them on. It is no joke. Real hard work requires that a man should always sacrificially help to get the wife in the mood for s3x, recognising that it takes a long time for a woman to get aroused. Though most loving men are more than willing to get their wives fired up, husbands would appreciate it if their wives give themselves a head start occasionally. Try to get yourself into a s3xual state of mind. Reminding yourself about the last best s3xual encounter between you and your husband definitely turns you on, on sighting your husband. You can also remember the time he was so affectionate towards you. Create loving and sensual feelings by just fantasising about that alone.

    I am sure you can still remember the article which dwelt on some daring, wild, erotic, exhilarating, and sensational positions. Except you experiment with it, you will not experience the bliss of sensation.

    I always drum it into the ears of married women that our husbands care much about what we do. Even when their eyelids appear closed, we shouldn’t be deceived, men can see between the lines.

    The taste is not only in the touch but also in the look. Their eyes are focused on every detail and this is being recorded in the subconscious mind. Often, they cast their minds back to their wives when they are tempted outside. If they get the best from their wives, they won’t go into extra-marital affairs. So, wives, be wise. This is not the time to postpone s3x till midnight when the children are asleep; you can have it at any time of the day.

    Don’t bother about your saggy breast or shape. I can assure you, a high percentage of husbands are not so bothered about your shape or size, the moment they are ready. But they are very concerned about their wives ‘delivery.’ So, ‘deliver’ and leave the rest to the body. Your husband wants to watch you in your full glory and how your body reacts to their advances and how much you enjoy what they do to you. This is what gives a man the conquering satisfactory look. Some husbands want their wives to put on s3xy and seductive clothes.

    Wives should never underestimate the profound power of new, nice, and scented s3xy lingerie which can produce an instant erection in men. I always encourage wives not to be afraid of getting naughty once in a while with their husbands. There is this feel of not wanting to shatter the ‘good girl’ image he has of you or the fact that you are weird. But the honest truth is that these husbands are not just sure of your reaction and they don’t want to offend you by asking for it. Of course, the real couple’s life s3x may not be as perfect as the ones being portrayed in movies, but you can still be a little wild by doing things that let him know how much you enjoy having s3x with him. Ironically, this will also give the wife the confidence to ask for what they want.

    There is no point denying that an average spouse wants something new and exciting in bed.

    No married partner wants ordinary s3x when they can swim in the ocean of the extraordinary.

    So, every married couple needs to pull a move that either of the partners would not be able to stop thinking about weeks after. Therefore, married lovers should master some particular and peculiar s3xual tricks that are really out of this world. type can make the same wonderful s3x fall below average and even turn sour. So, there is no harm in opening up to variations. Don’t let your spouse easily predict your moves. The average human being loves surprises. Give them the best and see a changed person in your spouse.

    Newness in speed, look, pressure, position, and place will definitely make for more interesting and explosive s3x life. Variety keeps s3x partners in a heightened state of arousal because neither of them is aware of what to expect next. Women love surprises.

    It is bad when couples cannot remember the last time either of them surprised each other; s3x has become so habitual, thus making you an auto-pilot.

    Re-ignite the old passion; plan a hot evening full of surprises. Create erotic anticipation; you can even phone and give a hint, but keep the detail.

    Remember, curiosity, they say, kills the cat. But this time around, it kills boredom.

     

    Question

    My wife does not have s3xual feeling

    I need your advice. My wife does not have any s3xual feeling. Is there any medication for this?

     

    Answer

    There is no woman without s3xual feelings. It is either not expressed or well expressed. Most times, societal values and family upbringing or early childhood trauma may affect the libido and s3xual expression of some women. But I can assure you, if you treat her with careful understanding and love, she will change.

     

    Question

    I have lost my s3xual power

    We are a couple in our late 30s. Before our marriage, my wife used to talk of my s3xual prowess. I was still able to maintain this after our marriage. Suddenly, I noticed that I usually become soft anytime I want to have s3x with my wife, and it is not so whenever I come close to other ladies.

    I am faithful to my wife, though she doubts me. What can I do? This is a serious issue. I have been managing the shame in silence. Can you give me a lasting solution? If one’s wife is not satisfied, she will definitely get satisfaction elsewhere.

     

    Answer

    I am sure that if you go the extra mile in making sure that you bring new innovations into your s3x life, you will enjoy your wife. It is possible for your wife to doubt your faithfulness if you do not satisfy her and you cannot get the best out of such a relationship.

     

    Question

    I have low sperm count

    I’m married and I have a five-year-old daughter. Since the child was born, my wife has not been able to get pregnant and we have conducted a series of tests. I was diagnosed with a low sperm count. To compound the problem, I now have fewer s3xual feelings. Is it possible for me to impregnate my wife in this situation? We have spent a fortune on this without any improvement. Is there any known traditional treatment or any piece of advice that will make my wife conceive? What are the possible causes of this low sperm count?

     

    Answer

    Low sperm count could be due to poor dietary intake, stress, and other medical conditions. Since you have consulted your doctor, I will advise you to relax and do all you can to take your mind off the situation. We all know that nothing is impossible with God.

     

    Question

    I can’t go beyond one round

    I usually find it difficult to go beyond one round with my wife. What could be responsible for that?

     

    Answer

    You may need to change your diet and do something to reduce the stress you go through every day. Except you are in your mid-40s, you should not be experiencing such. If this persists, consult a medical doctor.

     

    Question

    How can I retain the firmness of my vaginal walls?

    I am a young lady in my mid-thirties and I am blessed with a loving man, who is the only man I ever had s3x with. According to him, making love with me is like taking a walk around the garden of Eden. He confesses this at every opportunity.

    My major concern is, I am currently two months pregnant and I heard that women tend to lose the firmness of their vaginal walls after childbirth. How true is this? Can I opt for a CS instead of the normal delivery method? I am afraid of the pains of labour.

     

    Answer

    You have the right to choose the one you want. But, be aware that C/S and normal vaginal delivery have both their advantages and disadvantages. Actually, most African ladies opt for normal vaginal delivery because of its advantages over C/S. If you ever consider changing your mind, you can practice KEGEL exercise after delivery. The point of emphasis here is that with or without C/S, you may lose the tightness of your virginal wall.

  • With Mai Mala Buni’s ouster a dilly-dallying APC must now show its capacity and inner resilience

    With Mai Mala Buni’s ouster a dilly-dallying APC must now show its capacity and inner resilience

    In a statement on 21 February, 2022 Salihu Lukman pointedly accused Governor Mai Mala Buni of working to stall the holding of  the national convention so that he (Buni) could preside over the Presidential primary and, ostensibly, work for his emergence as Presidential running mate. The former Director –General  disclosed that three other state governors, namely, Yahaya Bello, Hope Uzodimma and Dapo Abiodun, were working in cahoots with him on the hidden agenda of postponing the convention till it holds alongside the Presidential primary. While noting that as a result of their machinations, “other members of  the CECPC had been reduced to observers because meetings hardly take place, and even when they hold, decisions are seldom implemented.” – Dr Salihu Lukman was former  Director – General, Progressive Governors Forum.

    Any keen follower of this column, especially in the last two months, must have been at his or her wits end, wondering if this writer has not tanked out mentally, the way he has been writing on almost nothing besides the shenanigans of the Buni – led CECPC which  had merely sat  pretty on its buttocks, doing nothing in preparation for the party’s severally postponed convention but instead, in a serpentine move, allegedly inspired a court decision banning the holding of the convention.  The court decision, according to Governor Sani Bello of Niger state, and the new CECPC Acting Chairman, was to have been dropped on the party like an atomic bomb, a few days before the scheduled date when it would have been practically impossible to have it vacated.

    One of these days, somebody will have the temerity to tell Nigerians how the governor of a state, being daily traumatised by an unremitting insurgency, was considered the right person to rebuild a party riven down the middle as a result of the consequences of  the sack of its erstwhile Chairman, Adam Oshiomhole, though in far less ignominious circumstances than Buni’s, whose name, and that of  his lickspittle, John James Akpanudoedehe, have  allegedly been swept clean off everything concerning the party’s convention which they had hitherto treated like it was their personal property.

    In a rapid fire fashion between the short period spanning January 16 – 20 February 2022, I  wrote the following articles, highlighting  how Governor Mai Mala Buni and his cabal, both within, and without the CECPC, had upturned its prescribed responsibilities and, instead, went on a frolic of their own, adding extraneous tasks  just so they can sit tight in office.  Not even  INEC’s release of the  2023 election cycle, and other programmes, was sufficient  to rouse them from their self – inflicted lethargy.

    Governor Buni was, no doubt, enjoying his holiday away from a tormented Yobe state even  though the elected governor, even as his colleague, Governor Zulum of nearby  Sokoto state, was busy, daily confronting  the ravages of insecurity.

    Had Governor Buni’s self- centered activities gone unchecked, they could, very well, have eventuated in grave consequences for the APC ahead of the coming elections.

    And he would not have had to re- invent the wheel.  After all, according to Ex-Governor Babangida Aliyu of Niger State, some Northern PDP governors – and this is believed to have included a Chairman – were alleged to have worked against the interests of the PDP during the 2015 election. And should care not be taken even now, the same thing could happen in the APC in 2023, if a Southern candidate emerges who the North is not comfortable with, since the overriding concern of some people has always been that power must remain permanently in the North.

    Vigilance, therefore, is a sine qua non, if internal treachery within the APC is to be nipped in the bud.

    The articles referred to above are, in their order of publication, as follows:

     

    Enroute 2023 APC Must Try Everything Not To Self-Immolate (16  January, 2022)

    At Long Last President Buhari Aborts CECPC’S Chicanery

    (23 January, 2022)

    Is APC Unravelling? (6 February, 2022) and

    APC:  Is CECPC Working Towards an Inconclusive Convention? (20 February, 2022)

    They all detailed how Governor Buni was inexorably, and perhaps deliberately, working towards the party’s unravelling once his group saw the futility of  all their efforts to retain the presidency in the North, which appears to be CECPC’s primary raison detre; or why choose a Northerner to replace Oshiomhole when the party’s chairman has always, (traditionally) come from the South – Chiefs Bisi Akande,  Odigie Oyegun, and Comrade Adam Oshiomhole.

    Those using the CECPC for their own ends, especially its acting Chairman, merely took undue advantage of the fact that all the members have elective or  political appointments and, unlike Buni did not consider it a joke abandoning their jobs to come and sit down permanently in Abuja. Of the 12 or so members, it was only the full time governor of a state  under siege, and his Secretary, who could afford  such luxury now for over 20 months.

    The result was that the chairman torpedoed the critical primary functions of the CECPC which were to conduct the convention within 6 months, as well as settle the bickering in many of the party’s state chapters. While Governor Buni did practically nothing to advance conduct of the convention, he did everything to further splinter relationship within the branches.

    What they did first was to add unnecessary tasks to the CECPC’s prescribed agenda.

    That done, they began to pair some Northern politicians, as presidential candidates, with their putative Vice Presidents from the Southwest. This went on for a considerable length of time until they saw that the idea of a Vice President did not resonate with people in the Southwest who, as co and equal founders of APC, bringing into it the highest number of state governors through the ACN, believed that after 8 years of President Muhammadu Buhari, the presidency should, for purposes of equity,  go to the south.

    Buni and co, therefore, balked and began to hawk the presidency to opposition politicians  all over the Southeast and the Southsouth.  There they succeeded beyond their wildest imagination, and today, as promised, the two PDP state governors they succeeded in prising away from their party have since declared interest in contesting the presidency in 2023.

    Governor Buni’s selfish interests, for which he went to all this trouble went on apace and after three term extensions by the President, WhatsApp aficionados, like me, must have seen several posts of Governor Buni being paired, either as Presidential candidate, or Vice, not just with the incumbent VP, Professor Yemi Osinbajo, but also with former President Goodluck Jonathan and CBN Governor Godwin Emefiele.

    Governor Mai Mala Buni has deployed several feints and decoys, just to remain in office to conduct the APC Presidential primaries. Among them are creating additional problems in troubled states like Kano to which the CECPC sent two different teams to monitor the state Congress and in Zamfara where, given how the state lost all in 2019, any rational party leader should have realised that you can only mess up either of former Governor  AbubakarYari or Senator Kabir Marafa to the detriment of the party.

    That is a state to which Governor Buni ran to start wooing a thoroughly unsettled Governor Mata wale who has not been able to effectively handle the insurgency which has made the state its  very bastion in the country.

    Left to Governor Buni, he would turn settlement of differences in the state chapters to such an elastic programme that, to his advantage, should even outlive the Buhari administration.

    His multi- pronged personal schemes are those things that has led him to try to outsmart  even the President who, once he was out of the country, not only Buni, but the CECPC Secretary, simply refused to do those things the President  had ordered done to ensure that the convention holds on 26 March as now scheduled. They were, instead, printing different copies of the President’s approved zoning agreement with one, indeed, not only altering where the Party Secretary should go to, but insultingly gifting it to Akpanudoedehe.

    Such effrontery.

    As things stand today, Governor Mai Mala Buni can be likened to a tsetse fly perching delicately on APC’s scrotum. The party must, therefore, know exactly how to handle his case lest it goes down with him.

    Some powerful APC lords sowed the wind, we can only hope, and pray, that the party itself does not reap the whirlwind. The party may have to be reminded that opposition parties are waiting, and watching with bated breath.

     

  • APC in the throes of collapse

    APC in the throes of collapse

    IT is remarkable that what looked like a successful palace coup last week to oust the All Progressives Congress (APC) caretaker chairman, Mai Mala Buni, has collapsed spectacularly. Indeed the party dominated the headlines almost completely last week. Niger State governor Abubakar Sani-Bello, citing the approbation of President Muhammadu Buhari, took control of the party, swore in elected state chairman over which Mr Buni had shuffled his feet endlessly, rejigged the sub-committees to superintend the convention, reaffirmed and issued the party’s zoning formula for party offices, and recommitted the party to the March 26 date for the national convention. It was a few days of purposefulness the like of which the party had not known or even seen for more than a year under the vacillating and scheming Mr Buni, Yobe State governor. The APC boasts 23 governors, some 19, or at least well more than a dozen, of whom supported and craved Mr Sani-Bello’s dynamism, according to some estimates.

    Kaduna State governor Nasir el-Rufai, a principal and unapologetic participant in the putsch, was dramatic on television when he applauded the move against Mr Buni, insisting that the president had signed off on the takeover. He alluded to subterranean plots by the Buni crowd to rubbish the party and entangle it in dangerous adventures certain to thwart its purpose and electoral chances in 2023. He accused Mr Buni and his supporters of political subterfuges involving procuring illicit court injunctions against the party’s March 26 national convention. That date, he complained bitterly, had been rendered doubtful by the plots and schemes of the party’s caretaker committee at the behest of Mr Buni and the caretaker committee secretary, James Akpanudoedehe.

    Mallam el-Rufai was not the only one who visibly stuck out his neck in the putsch. Ondo State governor Rotimi Akeredolu, who is not known for equivocation, was unsparing in likening the Buni leadership of the caretaker committee to a group of men obtaining by false pretence. His supporting governors were yahoo-yahoo politicians who had hijacked the party and were leading it into perdition, he wailed. Even the Niger State governor himself quibbled profusely when reporters asked him to clarify his position as the new leader of the party. All he knew, he claimed without any substantiation, was that the president was in the know regarding the changes. He was loth to describe his position as acting chairman. That seemed obviously infra dig. He preferred to be seen as the new man in charge, though he struggled to couch his status in the right terminologies.

    Were Mr Buni’s opponents right in ‘usurping’ authority? Yes, absolutely. The caretaker chairman had given more than enough indication that he was uninterested in holding the convention. Last February, the first assigned date for the convention which the president assented, came and went, with the chairman taking no step whatsoever in conducting the party fiesta, preferring that by acts of omission the party and the president would be faced with a fait accompli or, worse, probably declare a force majeure. They didn’t. But pretending not to know what Mr Buni was up to, they again tamely fixed another date, March 26, for the fiesta. Even that too was embroiled in Mr Buni’s relentless shenanigans, prompting the putsch by the party cognoscenti. The putschists recognised too late that for strictly private reasons, a part of which was Mr Buni’s presidential ambition, the caretaker chairman was averse to any convention. He preferred to superintend the party’s primaries and possibly hold the convention simultaneously. How he intended to walk that tightrope is impossible to fathom. But needs must when the devil drives. He had obtained the trust of the president, and he sees exploiting it for private goals as anything but a betrayal.

    The Nigerian media deserve credit in covering the APC putsch. They not only continued to hedge their bets in reporting the goings-on in the party, they kept casting wary eyes at what was happening in the Buni camp. The caretaker chairman’s man Friday, Mr Akpanudoedehe, they keenly observed, had embarked on a political merry-go-round when Mr Sani-Bello took the reins of the party. Something was afoot; something did not quite sit right. And when the Justice minister, Abubakar Malami – who continues to see himself as the party’s omniscient legal adviser in the face of the anonymity of the party’s official legal adviser – offered a view in tandem with the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Boss Mustapha, the media smelt a rat. There was need for caution, both the Justice minister and SGF chorused. Consternated, some newspapers began reporting with even more caution, wondering whether, contrary to what the Niger and Kaduna States governors said, the often indecisive President Buhari was actually in the know of the coup against Mr Buni. But there is no question the president knew everything going on in his party. The problem was that, as usual, he could not make up his mind whom to side.

    After one crazy week of jousting, Mr Buni has seemed to reclaim his precarious office. Mallam el-Rufai, Mr Sani-Bello, Mr Akeredolu, and their coterie of supporters, including the silent 16 other governors, now have eggs on their faces. As one of the caretaker committee officials whispered last week, the 19 anti-Buni governors – if indeed they were so many – will have their ranks depleted in the days ahead. There are seven governors clearly siding with Mr Buni; but that number will swell as the caretaker chairman consolidates his tremulous grip over the party all over again. Where does that leave the anti-Buni forces? In the doldrums? They would be feckless to remain incognito or demoralised. They have a superior cause; they must stay true to that cause. There is of course the suggestion that the anti-Buni forces are themselves nursing their own private agenda, including running for the presidency, but the damage being done by Mr Buni and his cohorts is so immense that he deserves not only to be opposed, but to be kicked out.

    The anti-Buni forces have signaled their intention to litigate Mr Buni’s unedifying leadership. They stand on shaky ground. Surely they can’t have forgotten how their coup failed in the first instance because the Independent National Electoral Commission threw a spanner in the works by refusing to recognise the changes wrought by Mallam el-Rufai and company and exemplified by Mr Sani-Bello. With the ubiquitous Mr Malami hovering in legal corners everywhere, interloping and offering gratuitous legal opinions as his whims and personal undertakings and interests demand, the anti-Buni forces will always come to grief if they try the legal perspective. Their best bet is to regroup their foot soldiers, including the shy governors they had numbered among their ranks, and launch another fierce onslaught. They had hoped the president would side with them and stick to their cause when they launched their first preemptive strike. How could they misjudge the president so badly? Whatever they do next, the president must rank least among their jokers.

    What is not in dispute in all the drama enveloping the APC is that Mr Buni and a few others have taken the party for a ride. They simply ignore the party’s larger and wider interests and objectives, and have embarked on cold, calculating manoeuvres using party organs and goodwill to plot unusual and shortsighted goals. Like Ali Modu Sheriff when he acted as national chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in 2016, Mr Buni desires to run for the presidency either as the candidate or running mate. It is not only immoral, it is also a slap in the face of the president himself. If the president is unable to decipher Mr Buni’s secret intentions, it may have to do with the version of events Mr Malami and others close to the president are giving him. Mr Buni’s machinations are an open secret. For the president to pretend not to see or understand the plots indicates that rather than offer the party and country the leadership they deserve, he is also in on the covert game, probably bought over by the plotters’ chicaneries to restrict the presidency and subordinate it to undisclosed interests.

    If the anti-Buni forces chicken out quickly, the caretaker chairman may begin to consolidate his noxious grip over the party and take solace in the private objectives he and his supporters have insinuated into the party policy framework and objectives. The forces against Mr Buni should not give up. The fate of the party is now more uncertain than ever. Had the president been neutral, and had he possessed a vision of the kind of party he would like to bequeath the country, he would have long ensured Mr Buni’s exit. The caretaker chairman is not altruistic; he is compromised, tainted, ambitious and egocentric. The PDP smartly deposed Mr Modu Sheriff as their acting national chairman in May 2016 when he developed ambition. The onslaught against him was led by a group of eminent party leaders who could read the signs of the times. The APC clearly has many men and leaders smart and sensible enough to deal with the Buni aberration. If they do not stand up to be counted now, they will rue the day they allowed their cowardice to undermine the party and bring it to grief.

    They have two options to choose from. Either they work on the president, despite his constant vacillation and despite the notoriety of the few powerful men who have his ear, or they use political tools to mobilise like-minded men to fight within the party to overthrow the discredited regime blighting their party. The first outcome is not guaranteed, but the president may pull a surprise; while the second seems more realistic but difficult. Either way, the putschists have their work cut out for them. Without the decisiveness Mr Sani-Bello brought to bear on the party in the past few days, Mr Buni will probably make a hash of the convention. Indeed, it is hard to see him organising the fiesta without hitches and all the encumbrances and booby traps he had himself spun. The anti-Buni forces struck for the first time last week, but their blow was not fatal. Mr Buni is not a capable administrator and his mind is a seething cauldron of plots and schemes; he will present them another opportunity. This time, they should be more lethal. The alternative is to watch the party disintegrate, as it sadly seemed fated to do when it imposed an uninspiring rule on the country in 2015 and accentuated the decay in 2020 by brusquely sacking their vibrant but flawed former chairman.

     

    Obasanjo on jailing of presidential aspirants

     

    Speaking at a symposium to mark his 85th birthday, ex-president Olusegun Obasanjo made a number of strident political statements, chief among which was his memorable liner that should EFCC and ICPC function well, many presidential aspirants would be in jail. Since leaving office, he has cultivated the habit of making inflammatory and self-indicting statements, without any hint that he is troubled by the paradoxes that accompany his remarks. Quoting him substantially, Chief Obasanjo said: “Since 1999, we have changed from one political party or another we have manoeuvred and manipulated to the point that election results are no longer reflections of the will of the people. And we seem to be progressively going back rather than going forward politically, economically and socially. We have activities without requisite actions and personnel to move us forward. If we continue in the same pattern of recycling, sweet-word campaigning, manoeuvring without the substance of integrity, honesty, patriotism, commitment, outreach, courage, understanding of what makes a nation and what makes for development, we will soon have to say goodbye to Nigeria as a nation.”

    Then this scathing part: “I cast a cursory look at some of the people running around and those for whom people are running around. If EFCC and ICPC had done their jobs properly, supported adequately by the judiciary, most of them would be in jail. Any person who has no integrity in small things cannot have integrity in big things. Fixing Nigeria must begin on the principles of nation building, not necessarily on emotions, sentiments, euphoria, ignorance, incompetence, ethnicity, nepotism, bigotry, sectionalism, regionalism, religion or class.” The trouble with Chief Obasanjo’s perspectives is not that his remarks are often mendacious, but that he sanctimoniously seems to always exclude himself from his indictments. Others are flawed; he is blameless. Others are thieves; he is squeaky clean. Others should be in jail for what they have done, whether proven or not; he should walk free despite his frequent subversion of public service rules and ethics. The offensiveness of his claims and self-righteousness, not to say his many untruths, is truly numbing.

    Is it worth anyone taking the trouble of reminding him what he did in office? No one is sure anymore. Because if you did, he remains as impervious as ever to whatever of his failings is waved under his nose. He raised funds for his retirement, even blackmailing corporate organisations and state governments for that purpose; he became famously anti-democratic going by the way he dethroned PDP chairmen and presidential aspirants, to the point of even scheming the illegal impeachment of a few governors; and despite his remonstrations, he openly schemed for a third term. The gravamen of all the counts and indictments against him – and there are scores of examples of how he abused and subverted the constitution – is that he abhors integrity. And yet he demands from others integrity in small and big things.

    It is a national paradox worthy of further studies or dissertations by enterprising graduate students to explain how despite bursting on the national scene as Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters, during the Murtala Mohammed military regime in 1975 with no special gifts or exceptional behavior, he has continued till today to attract attention and regard. Many people still confer with him, political aspirants visit him for a blessing of some sort, and even corporate organisations and book launchers entreat him to grace their activities. Till he translates, it seems he will continue to be a cynosure of attention, perhaps diminished as he mummifies into his late 80s and possibly 90s. But there would be no question just what damage he had occasioned to the body politic, first as a military head of state, and later as elected president. No man in Nigeria had been so gifted with the opportunity to write his name in gold, and no man had been so adept at frittering away and trivialising his chances by choosing lead pencil to do the writing.