The Nation Newspaper

Category: Sunday

  • Reward for loyalty

    Reward for loyalty

    But Dayo Adeyeye’s resilience, patience, brilliance, etc. also count in his appointment as NPA chair

    It is only those who do not know Dayo Adeyeye that would be wondering what his mission was when on Tuesday, last week, he addressed the press on the achievements of the Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration in the last 26 months, at the Radisson Blu Hotel, G.R.A., Ikeja, Lagos. Those who know him know that he was only doing what he knows how to do best: put his imprimatur on anything Tinubu, especially as far as his performance so far as president is concerned. The press statement was appropriately titled: “You ain’t seen nothing yet! Swaga 2.0”.

    In listing a significant number of the achievements of the Tinubu administration in the last two years, and in his expression of optimism on the government’s direction, in spite of what some cynics say or feel about the administration, Adeyeye is only acting in line with his tradition. He came up with the South West Agenda for Asiwaju (SWAGA) at a time nobody gave the group a chance.

    Adeyeye is not a latter day Tinubu convert. The journey dates back to the days of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), when some prominent Nigerians teamed up to ensure that the military regimes in power before 1999 honoured their promise to quit the political scene on schedule.

    Adeyeye’s latest avowal of the faith in Tinubu presidency began with the founding of SWAGA that he leads, in 2020. That was three years before the 2023 General Election that eventually saw the emergence of Tinubu as the flag bearer of the All Progressive’s Congress (APC), and ultimately, President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

    Although Tinubu had many support groups, SWAGA was an early comer. It was not only an early comer, it is self-sustaining. Bosun Oladele, a former member of the House of Representatives and SWAGA’s national secretary, said: “Every money we have spent so far has been from our personal contributions without support from anyone, including Asiwaju himself. Till today, we have not gone to ask him for any financial support. It is a cause we believe in and are convinced about, and so our members have resolved to put in everything they can, both physical and material resources, to ensure it succeeds.” That was three years after founding the group.

    So, when Adeyeye was appointed chairman of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA) in July, last year, many saw it as an appointment well deserved. Not only from the angle of being compensated for believing so much in the man, Tinubu, but also because he is eminently qualified for the appointment. That his inauguration took so long in coming was the shocker.

    Opeyemi Bamidele, the Senate Leader noted this much at a reception in honour of Adeyeye last month, following his inauguration: “If anyone had told me it would take this long for Senator Adeyeye to be appointed, I would have said it’s impossible.” He was obviously referring to the one year interregnum within which Adeyeye was in limbo after his appointment as NPA chairman, as he was not inaugurated until about a year later.

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    “He (Adeyeye) was among the first to champion this movement and stuck with it through thick and thin. That’s why this moment is not just a personal victory for him—it’s symbolic of loyalty finally being rewarded,” Opeyemi said.

    Musiliu Obanikoro, former Minister of State for Defence and senator, also at the reception, praised Adeyeye’s political commitment, loyalty and early investment in Tinubu’s ambition.

    “You threw yourself into the SWAGA business when it wasn’t popular,” Obanikoro said. He added: “When Asiwaju was taken with reservations, you criss-crossed the entire south-west for him. The appointment you got is well deserved. I am happy you have been recognised. This is only the beginning.”

    Ayo Arise, a former Ekiti north senator, echoed similar sentiments when he noted that Adeyeye’s contributions to the Tinubu campaign and the APC in the south-west were both strategic and sacrificial. “The role Adeyeye played wasn’t just political—it was foundational. He took risks, built alliances, and never wavered,” Arise said.

    Ekiti State governor, Biodun Oyebanji, said the appointment was a significant honour not just for Adeyeye but for the entire state. “The president gave this position to Ekiti, and he could not have chosen better,” Oyebanji said.

    One significant thing at this reception was the presence of former governors Ayodele Fayose and Segun Oni at the event. Of course this also was not accidental. It tells a lot about Adeyeye’s personality as a bridge builder.

    Another important characteristic of Adeyeye is his resilience which manifested in his handling of his long delay in being inaugurated. He took things in their stride. In a situation where several other politicians would have lost their heads, he kept his cool.

    He said, in his remark at the reception: “He (the president) told me not to worry, that he had plans for me. And he kept that promise.”

    Of course this piece won’t be complete if I do not share part of my personal experiences about Adeyeye. Our paths crossed in 1985 when I went for an interview at The Punch. About 40-something of us had turned up for the interview and I remember the people in charge, including Adeyeye, who was then Features Editor of the newspaper, told us then they were after merit. Another person who played a prominent role during that process was Alhaji Nojeem Jimoh, the deputy to the then editor of the daily editor, Mr Nurudeen Alade Balogun, the one we popularly called ‘Uncle NAT’ (now of blessed memory).

    We had the tests in both newspaper production and feature article. I remember I based my feature article on Decree 4 promulgated by the Buhari/Idiagbon junta in 1984. I knew within me that I did very well in that article in which I relied substantially on a piece by the (then) Dr Olatunji Dare (now professor) in The Guardian which I read hours before the interview, as something kept telling me it was going to be useful to me.

    There is no doubt that Jimoh and Adeyeye kept to their promise to select based strictly on merit because if it had been based on ‘man know man’, I would have had no chance of being employed. Some of our colleagues that came for the interview happened to know Jimoh and may be ‘Uncle NAT’. They even went into their offices to take bottled water while those of us who knew nobody in the system were wondering if we were not just wasting our time coming for the interview.

    Surprisingly, they started releasing the results in batches of 10. One feature writer, Jide Kutelu (now of blessed memory too) was the one who came to announce the names of those that had been dropped in batches. In the end, only four of us that knew nobody in the place were the last men standing, and we eventually got the job. To the glory of God, I later became editor of the daily title of the newspaper, years later.

    For me, this is another plus for Adeyeye, a brilliant mind if you ask me. Fidelity. President Tinubu obviously took his eyes to the market in making him chairman of the NPA.

    Be that as it may, however, Adeyeye and I related again in 1998/1999) when he engaged me to do some media research job for Chief Olu Falae who was contesting for president, against General Olusegun Obasanjo in the 1999 General Election. Falae didn’t have the kind of war chest that Obasanjo had access to but this did not deter Adeyeye from sticking with him. So, when they say they funded SWAGA all by themselves without support, one should know where he is coming from.  

    Interestingly, while Alhaji Nojeem and I have never lost touch even though both of us left The Punch a long time ago, I think I only met Adeyeye at a function once when he was either senator or minister of state for works. Beyond wishing him well on both occasions, I never made any attempt to see him in either capacity again.

    But I got interested in his matter when he was appointed NPA chair and he was not inaugurated months after.

    Adeyeye is not only all about SWAGA. He is several things rolled into one. He has had a work experience spanning three major professional fields – teaching, journalism and legal practice. He is also a successful politician who has played major roles on Nigeria’s political stage for decades.

    Apart from being a member of NADECO, he was also Director of Publicity, Falae for President Campaign Organisation (1990-1992); Adviser on Policy and Press Matters, M.K.O. Abiola for President Campaign Organisation (1993).

    He was also the spokesperson for the Alliance for Democracy (AD) from 2004 to 2006; and a member of the South-West Delegation to the Nigerian leaders of Thought Conference, Abuja. Adeyeye was the youngest of the 21 leaders who represented the South Western zone of Nigeria at the Conference (2001). He was also the National Publicity Secretary of the Pan Yoruba Socio-political group, Afenifere, between 2001 and 2004.

    Adeyeye’s election as Senator for Ekiti South Senatorial District in 2019 was later upturned by the election tribunal in favour of his closest rival, Abiodun Olujimi, after the recalculation of the results. Since then, he has been playing one political role or the order, including national chairmanship of SWAGA ’23 since 2020.

    He contested twice as governorship aspirant in Ekiti State (2006 and 2018) and lost in controversial primaries. Adeyeye was also nominated twice for appointment as a minister; he lost the first under President Umaru Yar’Adua but was confirmed under Goodluck Jonathan as Minister of State for Works between 2014 and 2015.

    That is not all. Adeyeye is a former Executive Chairman of Ekiti State Universal Basic Education Board (SUBEB), during which he recorded several achievements and won the Universal Basic Education Commission (UBEC) award as the best chairman in the South-West of Nigeria in 2008. The award came along with a cash prize of N70million. He again won the same award in 2009. He used the funds derived from the awards to provide more infrastructures for schools across Ekiti State. That same year, Adeyeye was adjudged the most innovative SUBEB chairman in Nigeria by the Presidential Committee on Schools’ debate.

    Adeyeye, who was appointed Pro-Chancellor of Ekiti State University in June 2015, holds a bachelor’s degree in political science from the University of Ibadan (1978), and a master’s degree in political science (international relations) from the University of Lagos (1981). He also obtained a law degree from the University of Lagos in 1986 and was called to the Nigerian Bar in 1987.

    I need to go to this extent to tell who the man, Dayo Adeyeye is; so as to justify that he is eminently qualified for the appointment as NPA chairman.

    An Ise-Ekiti prince, Adeyeye was born on April 4, 1957, in Ise-Ekiti to the royal family of Oba David Opeyemi Adeyeye, Agunsoye II, the Arinjale of Ise Ekiti (who reigned between 1932 and 1976), and Olori Mary Ojulege Adeyeye, a princess of Are, Ikere-Ekiti.

    But Adeyeye must remember his promise:  “The president promised a quality board, and he delivered. We are ready to work together as a family and move the port authority forward.”

    NPA deserves nothing less. So, Adeyeye must justify the confidence reposed in him by the president.

  • Constitutional matters III

    Constitutional matters III

    That most countries of the world have adopted a written constitution is testament to the increasing sophistication of social interactions in human affairs. It is also a sign of the growth of human freedoms all round the world as dictatorships or oligarchies  are not in the habit of furnishing their rule with a constitution. To do so, is to hedge themselves around with rules and regulations that are not of their own design. Were they to do so, they would have limited their ability to rule at their pleasure. This is why the first announcement after a military coup is the suspension of, or the outright abrogation of any existing constitution. If the constitution were allowed to subsist, the members of the fledgling regime would automatically become instant outlaws, liable to be locked up or, in the worst case scenario, executed after a short trial. That shows the centrality of the constitution to a modern polity. This explains  why there are many Nigerians who are convinced that if we are able to fix our extant constitutional problems, we would be able to set our country on to the path of progress and development. This view is however open to challenge and there are many who are willing to pose that challenge. After all, the constitution we already have is more abused in its operation than acknowledged. It can also be argued on the other hand that, were the current constitution allowed to guide our affairs as it is supposed to, we would be much further down the road of development than we are now.

    Whilst it is desirable to have a balanced, respectable and indeed,  respected constitution, it is also important to note that the constitution is controlled by the people it is designed to serve as much as the constitution controls them. The constitution is only fit for purpose when the people accord it the respect it deserves.

    The relationship between countries and the constitution that is supposed to govern them varies over a broad spectrum of governmental forms. In the United States for example, you are not allowed to show any signs of disrespect to the to the almighty constitution, unless of course you are a jumped up reality show star, what does that even mean, who lacks all gumption and decorum in the first place but has jumped up high enough to become the president. All the same, the world owes the USA, a mountain of gratitude for showing that her constitution, the   same one which gun owners have cloaked in garments of invincibility to protect their rights to carry arms, is a sacrament. It is now apparent that the  constitution can be raped by presidents who for one reason or the other, are determined to do so. It is not difficult to imagine what eventually happens when a breech, however small, is allowed to disturb the integrity of a dam. It is well worth pointing out however that the wall around the dam that is the US constitution, has withstood serious challenges in the past. This being the case, it is likely that the current MAGA storm will pass and the wall that is the constitution will survive the buffeting that it is being subjected to. This is the essence of a working constitution, the type of which is worth having even here in Nigeria.

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    Just as you have a president who is determined to take a wrecking ball to the constitution of the USA, you have others who have built up their career and extensive reputation on using the constitution in the course of the establishment of justice within their community. There are many Americans, living or dead who are in this category. But, the one I choose to call on in this respect is Thurgood Marshall, the first African-American to sit on the bench of The Supreme Court of the United States. One story that is often told about him is that, he got close up and personal with the constitution as a result of serving a punishment in school. He was sentenced to read the constitution after a misdemeanour and in the course of serving that punishment became immersed in this document. This was to the extent that he was able to mine it both extensively and intensively for the gems which he used to convince the Supreme Court to grant justice and civil rights to the black people who were born at any time in his country. He did this  as a lawyer for the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Coloured People). It was his familiarity with the constitution that gave him the authority to do this. He knew the strengths and weaknesses of the constitution under which non-whites in America were being wilfully oppressed. He knew about these to such an extent that he could describe the constitution itself as being seriously flawed in many respects. And yet, he was able to use this knowlege to fight for justice on behalf of his people who were outside the scope of consideration by the framers of the constitution. His career at the bar and following that, the bench of the Supreme Court is eloquent testimony to both the power and the limitation of the much vaunted authority of the first written constitution to be used in the management of a modern country. For this reason if no other, we must not expect a perfect constitution to be developed in Nigeria. The availability of such a document can only mark the beginning of our journey towards justice and societal development. It’s absence must not be allowed to bar our way to progress. In other words we are not to use the constitution as an excuse to throw up our hands in despair at the challenge of building up our nation.

    The greatest stumbling block in the path of drafting a new Nigerian constitution is that one exists already. We are probably all agreed that what we have now is defective, perhaps seriously so, but it cannot be wished away. What can be achieved at best is to find a way around it and that is not likely to be an easy task. It is a challenge which we as humans must take on in the interest of posterity.

    There are times when the serious commentator must come down off his high horse and for whatever it is worth, give an honest opinion about the object of his discourse. In this case, my first suggestion is that we do away with the presidential system of government for several reasons; first, it is far too expensive to manage, concentrates too much power in the presidency, at least the way we run it and rather prone to mind bending corruption. There is therefore some support for the Westminster model with a Prime minister,  leader of opposition of prime-minister in waiting and a guaranteed five year tenure in office. In addition, it carries a lighter ministerial load. When we operated this system, long ago before our lights went off, our parliamentarians could attended Parliament on a more or less part time basis. All these and more suggest that the parliamentary system of government will give us more value for the money spent to keep it running.

    Even as we speak, there is a great deal of money  being spent on the states most of which are hollow structures. They make no returns on expenditure and are cash cows for governors and their lackeys. It is therefore surprising that even now, the agitation for the creation of more of these non-viable entities is gathering pace all over the country. People agitating for more states are not catching even a whiff of the cofee and on this matter, a return to regional governments is preferable to the unwieldy thirty-six state structure we are pretending to run. The six geographical state structure we have been referring to for many years is suggested to be made official with the thirty-six existing states demoted to administrative provinces as the majority of them were in colonial times. These are to be regarded as the bases for a new constitution that will give Nigeria a chance for sustained development of not only the country, but of the many different institutions that give her life.

  • My scintillating book of two forewords

    My scintillating book of two forewords

    I simply could not have been more privileged than having two distinguished intellectual giants, both of them eminent historians, write the Foreword to my book: ‘Simply a Citizen Journalist’.

    These two eminent personalities, reputed experts in their respective fields are:Amb Oladapo Fafowora OON, Hon FNAL, former Commonwealth Scholar at Trinity College, Oxford,

    a former Ambassador and Deputy permanent representative of Nigeria at the UN, New York, as well as the Foundation National President of the Association of Retired Career Ambassadors of Nigeria (ARCAN) and the other, my inimitable teacher,  the Georgetown University -trained, Professor Richard Adeboye Olaniyan, Fellow, Nigerian Academy of Letters.

    These are distinguished icons who have known me for years and were, therefore, able to write succinctly on my personna in the process of introducing the book – a socio- political history of Nigeria -in – motion (in the past 20 years, 2006 – 2025).

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    I have great pleasure in presenting both Forewords below as the book gets set to be unveiled, by His grace, during my 80th Birthday Celebration at the  Oranmiyan Hall,   Lagos Airport Hotel,  Ikeja, Lagos on 25 October, 2025.

    Happy reading.

    Professor Olaniyan

    This delightful book, titled ‘Simply a Citizen Journalist’, is a compilation of the author’s column articles in The Nation  from 2006 to the present.

    Each article carries a brief introduction, and speaks for itself. The fact that his articles come out in the Sunday editions explains why we have a voluminous tome to wade through. These articles deal with a wide variety of issues representing different contexts. Together, they represent his thoughts and views on different political and governance styles, institutional, socio-cultural and regional peculiarities and challenges, poverty, youth alienation, and sustainable development, among others. It is in these contexts that the reader can appreciate the complex web of issues that this perceptive citizen journalist has had to cover while still not ignoring the ever ubiquitous strain of the push-and-pull relationship between regional identities and the quest for national unity in an imperfect federal edifice. I read him regularly. I dare say that the author has been up to the task intrepidly expressing his candid opinions in good and effective language on pertinent local, national and international issues. You can never be in doubt as to which side of any argument his loyalty lies.

    Femi Orebe, the author of this book, and I have known each other for over five decades. We first met when he was a final year honors student in 1971 in the Department of History at the University of Ife, now Obafemi Awolowo University and I, his dashing young lecturer with a freshly-minted doctorate in diplomatic history from Georgetown University. Endowed with an analytical and critical cast of mind, Femi Orebe appeared always sure of himself.

    An avid reader, he bought books and borrowed books. He was a regular visitor in my office. Restless and inquisitive, he was an engaging conversationalist. He always had a question to ask!

    I recall vividly that for the final year June examination in 1971, Professor J.D. Hargreaves, the distinguished professor of history at the University of Aberdeen, Scotland, was the external examiner. One of the students’ answers to the question on the causes of the Belgian independence and the high grade of an “A” my senior colleague Dr. Segun Osoba and I had given the candidate caught the attention of the external examiner. Femi Orebe was the candidate. He had argued that although factors of political grievances, linguistic and religious differences, influence of the July Revolution in France, economic crisis, popular uprising and the international recognition of Belgium by France and the United Kingdom at the London Conference in 1830-1831 were no doubt significant, the factor of economic disparities however ought to be given greater emphasis. He argued further that the southern provinces of the Republic of Netherlands, particularly Brussels and Antwerp, were economically more developed and prosperous compared to the northern provinces. The people in the south felt that their economic contributions were not being adequately recognized and compensated. Furthermore, the poor harvest in Europe in 1830 created additional economic hardship which heightened the discontent and provided fertile ground for revolutionary ferment.

    Our admiration of Femi Orebe’s intellectual deftness was not so much in the simplicity and logic of the explanation but in the courage and sophistication, the surprising sagacity, and the creative intelligence he demonstrated. Professor Hargreaves agreed with our assessment.

    Femi Orebe’s educational foundation was firmly laid at the famous Christ’s School, Ado-Ekiti, where he obtained his West African School Certificate in 1963. His record at the University of Ife was so impressive that he only narrowly missed obtaining a first class, which would have been the first ever in the Department of History. His outstanding academic record earned him the Faculty of Arts prize for the best overall performance. The revered scholar and Vice-Chancellor, Professor H.A. Oluwasanmi, was glad, following a successful interview, to recruit him to join the corps of bright young administrators he was building for Ife. As the saying goes, goldfish has no hiding place. Femi had barely settled down when, only eighteen months later, the University of Ibadan, on a headhunt, attracted him to organize its 25th anniversary celebration in 1973. And again, a year or so later when the chairman of the anniversary organizing committee, Professor Ladipo Akinkugbe, was appointed the founding Principal of the University College which later became the University of Ilorin, he saw to it that Femi Orebe was appointed one of his pioneer staff, and following a competitive interview, as the first Senior Assistant Registrar in that institution.

    Femi rose rapidly in university administration enjoying the confidence and appreciation of Vice-Chancellors and Registrars.

    Series of appointments in the private and public sectors at senior management levels widened his work experience in the megacity of Lagos. His foray into Bible studies attracted the Zoe Life Theological College of Philadelphia which honoured him with an honorary Doctor of Divinity in 2009. But Femi Orebe is more widely known as an influential columnist with The Nation,

    Nigeria is a political and cultural amalgam; leadership deficit, endemic insecurity, crippling corruption, public policy summersaults, and pervasive underdevelopment are some of its albatrosses. These features and others present a complex tapestry and an environment in which a talented writer with an incisive mind can thrive and flourish. Looking back at his intellectual endowments, it is surprising that he was allowed to be snatched by the administrative establishments instead of being nurtured to take his rightful place among the eggheads in academia. Admittedly, without being fulsome, in many respects, Femi Orebe is uniquely equipped for the role he has chosen for himself for these past years as a newspaper columnist and public affairs commentator, lending his voice to the society’s common concerns for innovative governance, social justice, poverty alleviation, human rights and true federalism as an effective pathway to national rejuvenation. I wish this handy collection well in the many uses it is likely to serve.

    Ambassador Dapo Fafowora

    I consider it a compliment and a privilege to have been asked by Dr. Femi Orebe to write a foreword to his book. It is  a collection of his articles over a period of some twenty years in The Comet (now defunct) and  The Nation on Sunday, still very much alive and thriving.

    As I have no personal relationship with the author my views of him are based largely on my impressions of him as a highly respected, gifted and widely admired columnist in the two newspapers to which I made a reference.

    Basically, my relationship with Dr. Orebe has been mainly intellectual.

    It was when he started writing for The Comet that my attention was first drawn to his remarkable writing skills. At the time I was both a columnist for the paper and a member of its editorial board. My diplomatic career had ended. Writing for a newspaper at a time of great political turmoil in our country provided me with some emotional and intellectual relief. As Dr. Orebe was not on the editorial board of the paper we never met.

    Later, the paper collapsed and was replaced by The Nation. Again, our intellectual paths crossed.

    He was appointed a columnist for the new paper while I was both a columnist and a member of its editorial board as well. I had previously been a columnust with The Guardian newspaper and a member of its editorial board.

    It was this situation and experience that brought me into direct contact with such great writers as Tunji Dare, Jide Osuntokun and more recently Sam Omatseye, who is currently the chairman of the editorial board of The Nation.

    As a historian and a retired career ambassador I have always been fascinated by great writers both here and abroad. It was in this context that my intellectual relationship and friendship with Femi Orebe began and grew strongly over the years.

    I have read most of his articles being published now some of which he would send me in advance of its publication.

    I admire his great writing skills, particularly his detached, objective and passionate style of writing, attributes that I admire as a writer myself.

     Ideologically, I would place him slightly left of centre with a humanist touch and passion in support of the poor and down trodden.

    He is a great patriot and writes elegantly with the perspective of a nationalist rooted in the culture and aspirations of the Yoruba, his own people.

    He may be a little partisan in his articles but this is usually in support of the right causes such as his unrelenting fight against public corruption, tribalism and religious bigotry in our country, all of which have prevented Nigeria from realising its true potential as a great nation.

    As far as I know, he is not a card carrying member of any political party in Nigeria. This is why he is able to write with such detachment and objectivity for which his paper The Nation should also be commended. Until I stepped down from this paper in 2017 as a columnist since its inception it was a privilege that I also enjoyed as it makes the writing of your column easier.

    For those who enjoy reading good essays on great public issues in our national politics, economics and history I have no hesitation in recommending this publication as a reminder of the huge contribution of this remarkable columnist to public debates on a variety of public issues in the  media of our country.

    Dr  Femi Orebe has a good and solid academic background adequately reflected in these essays. After the famous Christ School, Ado Ekiti, he read history at the University of Ife where he obtained his first degree narrowly missing a first by a whisker.

    At the University, late Professor Oluwasanmi, the distinguished Vice Chancellor, spotted his brilliance and dragged him into University administration. Later, he served as  Assistant Registrar at the University of Ibadan, and later as the first Senior Assistant Registrar at the University College,  Ilorin, where the late Professor Akinkugbe had just been appointed the Principal.

    He was awarded an honorary  doctorate by a religious  seminary in the US  He had a short stint in the private sector as the Chairman of the Nigerite Board (a member of Odua company) as well as served on the Management board of the Federal Medical Centre, Bida, Niger state.

    He has had a varied public career. But he will be better remembered as one of our best newspaper columnists ever.

  • Tinubu’s Silent Week of Impact: Reforming Insurance, Securing Retirees

    Tinubu’s Silent Week of Impact: Reforming Insurance, Securing Retirees

    In an era where political relevance often seems tied to media optics and dramatic public appearances, last week reminded Nigerians that true leadership isn’t always loud or conspicuous. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, though notably less visible over the course of the past week, orchestrated one of the most profoundly impactful spells of governance in his administration thus far—proof that substance often outshines spectacle.

    Within just two days, President Tinubu signed into law the Nigerian Insurance Industry Reform Act (NIIRA) 2025 and directed the immediate rollout of free healthcare for low-income retirees under the Contributory Pension Scheme (CPS). These landmark interventions signal a deep recalibration of the nation’s social and economic architecture, and they collectively underscore the President’s silent resolve to live Nigeria daily—structurally, economically, and humanely.

    The Nigerian Insurance Industry Reform Act (NIIRA) 2025, signed into law on Tuesday, is no ordinary legislation. It is, by all measures, a strategic move designed to revitalize the country’s underperforming insurance sector and integrate it more deeply into Nigeria’s economic engine. The act repeals several outdated insurance laws, replacing them with a modern framework that aligns with global best practices. It mandates comprehensive regulation of all insurance and reinsurance businesses and introduces stringent capital requirements to ensure financial soundness.

    Critically, the Act ushers in an era of greater transparency, customer protection, and digital inclusion. The digitisation of the insurance market promises to bridge long-standing access gaps, while compulsory insurance policies and policyholder protection funds will give Nigerians greater confidence in a sector historically plagued by mistrust and inefficiency.

    Proving the woeful performance of the sector, StatiSense on Thursday evening reeled out the figures for Nigerians, from age 16 years and above, with insurance cover as at 2023. Breaking it down to regional zones, the Southwest with only 5.17% has the highest number. This was followed by the South-South with 4.50%, followed by the North-Central with 3.71%, Northeast with 2017%, Northwest with 2.06% and Southeast with 1.60%.

    But the symbolism of NIIRA 2025 goes even deeper: it is a linchpin in the broader Renewed Hope Agenda aimed at achieving a $1 trillion economy. With insurance penetration still alarmingly low, this reform is expected to unlock billions in domestic and foreign investment, expand job opportunities, and strengthen Nigeria’s claim to being Africa’s most dynamic economic force. The National Insurance Commission (NAICOM) is now tasked with giving life to this law—a responsibility that could very well redefine the landscape of financial services in Nigeria.

    Barely 24 hours after signing NIIRA 2025, President Tinubu turned his attention to a demographic that often suffers in silence—retirees. His directive on Wednesday to immediately roll out free healthcare services for low-income retirees under the CPS is another chapter in his administration’s human-centred governance playbook.

    For far too long, retirees—particularly those without substantial pensions—have struggled with the cost of healthcare in their twilight years. By launching this initiative, Tinubu’s government is not only providing comfort to Nigeria’s aging population but also reaffirming its commitment to social dignity and economic justice.

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    This healthcare rollout, coupled with the President’s instruction to implement overdue pension increases and establish a minimum pension guarantee, reflects a comprehensive reordering of national priorities. Pensioners, especially retired police officers whose pension woes are now being directly addressed, can begin to feel seen and heard in ways that matter. These steps are not just bureaucratic fixes—they are restorative acts that align closely with the President’s broader vision of a socially inclusive Nigeria.

    While structural reforms defined the policy front, the week also served as a moment of national celebration—and reaffirmation of Tinubu’s values—as D’Tigresses, Nigeria’s female basketball team, were honoured for clinching their fifth consecutive AfroBasket title. At a well-organised presidential reception on Monday, Vice President Kashim Shettima, standing in for President Tinubu, announced that each player would receive $100,000 and a flat. The coaching and technical crew were also rewarded, and the entire team was conferred with the Officer of the Order of the Niger (OON).

    This gesture came just a week after the Super Falcons, fresh off their 10th WAFCON triumph, were similarly honoured. The consistent and structured nature of these rewards is no coincidence. It signals a presidential culture that appreciates excellence—whether on the field, in classrooms, or in offices.

    Critics may attempt to trivialise these gestures as mere optics or fiscal imprudence, but they miss the larger point. Recognition is a form of national investment. In inspiring a new generation of girls and boys to dream bigger, President Tinubu is expanding the national psyche beyond survival to aspiration.

    Indeed, the President’s praise is not reserved only for athletic feats. On Wednesday, President Tinubu celebrated three Nigerian teenagers—Nafisa Abdullahi Aminu, Rukayya Muhammad Fema, and Hadiza Kashim Kalli—who dazzled at the TeenEagle Global Competition in London. Their victories in English language skills and debate brought pride to the nation and reaffirmed what the President has always stated: that Nigeria’s greatest resource lies in the intellect and ambition of its youth.

    While some have loudly demanded cash rewards for these academic stars—led notably by former Minister of Communications and Digital Economy, Professor Ali Pantami—the President’s more measured approach is worth deeper reflection. Education is a lifelong journey, and its rewards must be calibrated to encourage growth, discipline, and long-term vision. Tinubu, who has consistently identified education as a cornerstone of national rebirth, understands this well.

    The Tinubu administration has not only praised these teens but has also continued to plough resources into the educational system, exemplified by the establishment of the Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND). These are systemic interventions meant to outlast the headlines, and unlike instant cash awards, they guarantee structural change.

    What is more, there’s nothing to suggest that the government has concluded its plans for the girls. Support may yet come through mentorships, scholarships, or private sector collaboration—all of which often happen quietly, and for good reason. Not all encouragement has to be noisy.

    The week wrapped up with another quietly symbolic but loudly strategic decision: the nomination of 39-year-old Engr. Abdullahi Garba Ramat as the new Chairman and CEO of the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC). This is no token appointment. NERC is one of the country’s most powerful regulatory agencies, and the choice of Ramat—a young, accomplished electrical engineer with a PhD in Strategic Management—sends a clear message.

    This administration is not just talking about youth inclusion; it is executing it with deliberateness. In a country where the median age is 18 and where the youth population makes up more than half the electorate, such appointments are not just politically correct—they are practically necessary.

    Ramat’s acting assumption of office, pending Senate confirmation, ensures continuity at the helm of Nigeria’s electricity reforms. Alongside his nominated colleagues—Mr. Abubakar Yusuf and Dr. Fouad Olayinka Animashun—Ramat is expected to help drive Tinubu’s ambitious plan for a sustainable and efficient power sector. This reform strategy includes deeper private sector participation, regulatory independence, and, most crucially, consumer protection.

    By placing a youthful, technically competent leader at the helm, Tinubu is investing not only in capacity but also in credibility—showing young Nigerians that they are not only the leaders of tomorrow but also of today.

    A President’s Steady Hand in Leadership, Memory, and Nation-Building

    Meanwhile, in a week marked by solemn reflection and steady affirmations of partnership, the President once again demonstrated his unwavering commitment to honouring excellence, leadership, and service—values at the heart of his vision for a renewed Nigeria. Though the week lacked the spectacle of sweeping reforms or state visits, it was defined by a quiet but dignified sense of purpose, underscoring the President’s role not just as a chief executive but as a custodian of national memory and moral leadership.

    President Tinubu began the week by paying tribute to Abdul Samad Rabiu, Chairman of BUA Group, on the occasion of his 65th birthday. In a statement laced with admiration, the President described the industrialist and philanthropist as “a builder in every sense,” and more notably, “a trusted partner in nationhood.” These are not hollow praises. Rabiu’s quiet excellence in business and his continued reinvestment in Nigeria’s future place him in the President’s orbit of patriotic entrepreneurs—those who choose nation over noise.

    The message also served as a reaffirmation of Tinubu’s belief in homegrown enterprise as a pillar of national development. In a time when private sector leaders are often viewed with cynicism, Tinubu’s public praise signaled a call for synergy—between industry and governance, wealth and public good.

    From business to diplomacy, Monday saw the President celebrate the 85th birthday of Ambassador Patrick Dele Cole, a veteran journalist and public intellectual. Personally signing the message, President Tinubu honoured Cole’s exceptional contribution to Nigeria’s democratic and journalistic heritage.

    By spotlighting Cole’s legacy as Managing Director of the Daily Times in the 1970s—a time when the paper regained its glory—the President reemphasised his own long-held respect for a free and ethical press. It was not just a birthday wish; it was a nod to the power of the media in shaping public life and sustaining democracy.

    Wednesday brought a double dose of solemnity. First, the President issued a poignant tribute to the late Dr. Doyin Abiola, revered media matriarch and democracy advocate. Hailing her as a woman of “integrity, tenacity, hard work,” Tinubu’s words were weighted with respect for her role in the June 12 democratic struggle—a history he himself is closely tied to.

    Later that day, the President reached across borders to condole with Ghana following a tragic helicopter crash that claimed two cabinet ministers and six others. In extending Nigeria’s solidarity with President John Mahama and the Ghanaian people, Tinubu reaffirmed his pan-African statesmanship and commitment to regional unity in times of sorrow.

    The week closed with President Tinubu celebrating Governor Nasir Idris of Kebbi State on his 60th birthday. The President’s remarks praised Idris’s “purposeful leadership” and his role in driving socio-economic progress in the state. The message was not just about a birthday; it was a statement of support for a subnational leader whose work aligns with Tinubu’s larger developmental goals.

    All these developments—structural, celebratory, intellectual, and strategic—occurred in what many would describe as a “quiet” week. But therein lies the deeper story. The President does not need flashing cameras to lead, nor does he need to grandstand to reform institutions. In one week, through intentional actions and well-calibrated decisions, Bola Ahmed Tinubu reinforced that his governance is anchored on results, not rhetoric.

    From overhauling an entire financial sub-sector to easing the lives of retirees, from honouring champions to elevating new leaders, Tinubu is demonstrating that governance, at its best, is a continuous act of thinking Nigeria and living Nigeria—even when the world isn’t watching.

    And perhaps that’s the true definition of leadership: not being everywhere at once, but making sure your imprint is felt everywhere—where it matters most.

    Taken together, President Tinubu’s engagements this past week reveal the depth of his statesmanship. Whether honouring icons, consoling allies, or encouraging public servants, he continues to lead with a steady hand—reminding us that sometimes, the power of a presidency lies not in loud proclamations, but in the quiet, consistent work of nation-building.

  • Extreme politics and its consequences

    Extreme politics and its consequences

    We want a great Russia, but they want a great bang, Pyotr Stolypin— the last democratically elected premier of Russia just before he was assassinated

    Extreme politics always has its consequences.  Perhaps it should be added as a caveat right away that instances of extreme politics also occur in homogenous nations with entrenched liberal democracy. This happens whenever there is a breakdown of the grand unified vision that holds the nation together as a result of the collapse of elite consensus.  It is however in fractious, multi-ethnic and religiously fissured societies of colonial Africa, Middle East, Asia and Latin America that extreme politics is the norm rather than the aberration. Rather than being an arbiter and astute arbitrator of competing elite demands, the state itself is a theatre of war and violent contentions as the conflicting and often mutually exclusive claims of constituent nationalities while they jostle for scarce resources lead to a collision of altars. 

       In postcolonial Africa, extreme politics has led to civil wars, revolutions, catastrophic break-ups of nations, genocides, periodic pogroms, civil uprisings, religious upheavals, military coups, violent annulments of popular elections and ethnic nationalities programmed by their devious elites to be on permanent collision course. In the light of the above, it should be obvious that any nation afflicted by any or a combination of these social albatrosses is permanently in the emergency department or a regular patient in the Trauma ward. Depending on which part of the ideological spectrum one can be located, Nigeria should count itself lucky that due to the global de-marketing of revolution and what has been called the ongoing process of de-marxification of the entire world there are no strong, vibrant and viable leftwing movements or organizations left in the country ready to capitalize on and exploit the massive social contradictions.

       If this development is particularly true of Nigeria, it is also very true of the rest of Africa. For almost five decades, leading up to the first decade of the twenty first century, Latin America was the hotbed of these revolutionary but sectarian upheavals with countries such Chile, Argentina, Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Peru, Colombia, Bolivia, Nicaragua, Mexico and Uruguay coming under the terroristic  thrall of charismatic insurgents.  The continent even birthed the phenomenon of Liberation Theology, a band of Jesuit priests who believed that paradise was possible on earth as a heroic human construct. If all is quiet on that front now, it is because the idea of a supreme, all-conquering Caudillo has also suffered irreversible attenuation.

       Looking back now in sober retrospect the whole idea of The Second International, with its flawed but humanitarian heroism, feels like a fictional reprise of a world about to disappear forever. The world, in the main, appears to be moving relentlessly in the direction of a rightwing authoritarian populism peppered by xenophobic nationalism. In Britain, Jeremy Corbyn, the leftwing hell-raiser, had to be dismissed as Labour Party leader before his party became electable again. As Prime minister, Keith Starmer is learning to master the ropes of deep-seated national ambiguities and political fudging. In France, only a desperate last minute alliance between the old left and the new Macronite centre prevented the rampart from disappearing in a far right tsunami. America has just executed a swing to the far right with potentially perilous consequences. Russia has transited to a hyper-Slavic redoubt ready to defend the interest of the larger Slavic sub-race despite the nuclear harrumphing of Donald Trump. The world seems to be tired of revolutions while revolutions are themselves tired of the world.

    Read Also: Buhari’s demise and implications for national politics

      But what is extreme politics?  Extreme politics is the politicization of the process of allocation of resources and the procedure of who gets what and at what time in a way and manner that imperils national progress and renders economic development practically impossible. It is marked by a subordination of the political process to the crude partisanship of ethnic, religious and regional muscle flexing in a way which makes the conciliation, compromise and consensus-building critical to elite harmony and national cohesion impossible. It is unfortunate, even tragic, that beyond what one can dismiss as occasional instances of individual eccentricities and opportunistic haymaking, extreme politics is on the rampage once again in Nigeria.

     The democratic and national fabric weakens whenever the wisdom, judgment and capacity to take fair decisions on behalf of the entire nation by those saddled with the responsibility is subjected to a daily barrage of criticism by disaffected elite groups driven by fear, anxiety and sheer phobia. Anybody who has been reading some national dailies and watching prime time television in the past week would have noticed a sustained barrage of attacks on the Tinubu administration as if the bugle of war had sounded somewhere. It is not only the tone and tenor of these attacks that are regrettable but their nature and content. One of them with lordly disapproval insisted that Tinubu must leave immediately. Another noted without any recourse to any data or statistics whatsoever that his rule has been a categorical disaster for the north of the nation while a third only marginally more sanguine than the first two insisted that an electoral catastrophe awaits the president should he dare to put himself forward for reelection in 2027.

       What is worrisome about all these threats and maledictions is that they are coming barely two years into the Tinubu administration when it has barely passed the halfway benchmark in what is supposed to be a two-term tenure for a president of southern extraction in accordance to an unwritten clause of power-sharing arrangement on which the stability and cohesion of the Fourth Republic rests. The potentially catastrophic disruptions which are bound to follow the premature termination of this delicate rotation of power do not seem to disturb the peace and cheery equanimity of the proponents. Far more worrisome is the fact that this caterwauling is coming almost entirely from people who were until recently active collaborators and fully fledged members and appointees of the ruling party, unlike the peace and quietude that obtained during the eight years of General Buhari’s rule. They have not even spent two years out of the power loop before they have begun to gasp for breath and to threaten the peace and foundation of the nation. How are they going to survive eight years in a strange land?

    The conclusion is inescapable that these are, in the main, spoilt children of unearned and unmerited privileges; prodigal brats of the feudal oligarchy without a second address and without any means of livelihood beyond feeding off politics. With their state diapers and feeding bottles removed they cannot contemplate a life of hard work and thrift outside the feeding frenzy of the postcolonial pabulum. But there is a big problem here. You cannot step into the same river twice. After the June 12 fiasco, Abacha’s inquisition and the mismanagement of the ethnic diversities of the nation, the National Question has been exacerbated and the mood has darkened. The framing temperament of the country can no longer tolerate the toxic effluence of extreme politics such as annulments, assassinations of key political figures of a particular region and electoral shenanigans ending in messy stalemates. No section of the country can any longer impose its narrow, circumscribed and antediluvian vision of human order on the entire nation. It is either we embrace political and economic modernity or we damn the consequences.

        The auguries are dire. This is not a question of scaremongering. After the June 12 imbroglio, the Yoruba people seem to have had it to the hilt with the Nigerian nation. There are many of them who are not Tinubu’s supporters but who will take umbrage at any attempt to prematurely or unfairly terminate his tenure either by electoral skullduggery or by more devious and invidious means of state incapacitation. This will bring them circling the wagons all over again, this time around in a more decisive manner. With the core east up in arms against the hegemonic coalition, it may well signal the unleashing of some irreversible forces of implosion. Those who are testing the water and probing for the soft underbelly of the current administration ought to put their talent for regime destabilization into more productive use.

       The immediate tragic consequence of extreme politics is that it often forces a vulnerable government to concentrate more on unproductive politicking and deal-making rather than focusing its talents on productive governance which conduces to accelerated development and increasing national prosperity. More dangerous is the fact that feeling the pressure and the heat of the unrelenting attempts to wrong foot and destabilize it, a weak government without a full mandate or overarching national legitimacy might be forced by exigencies to ignore or look away from the quest for social justice and egalitarian distribution of resources so as to placate or mollify already over-pampered elite groups who undermine national cohesion and the equilibrium of the polity by their greed and avarice. The irony is that it leads to that which the authorities fear most: the widespread collapse of order and authority that open the backdoor to unimaginable social and political catastrophe.

    We have witnessed the horrific consequences of extreme politics at critical phases in the chequered history of this country. In the First Republic, the unjust take-over of opposition stronghold, the imprisonment of opposition leaders, the pacification of weaker nationalities and widespread rigging of elections led to a breakdown of law and order, the termination of democratic rule and civil war. The same scenario repeated itself in The Second Republic with very much the same outcome. In the aborted Third Republic the recourse to politics in extremity following the mismanagement of the nation’s ethnic and cultural diversity by a military junta opened the backdoor to another military dictatorship of unparalleled brutality and venality. After twenty six years of uninterrupted civil rule, we should be able to resist the temptations of ancestral infirmities that will return us to the limbo of liminal existence.

  • Two female soccer epics (The Mundials of Wundia)

    Two female soccer epics (The Mundials of Wundia)

    In Yoruba parlance, a wundia is a woman in her prime, full of zest, guts and gutsiness. Like many other things, the term is probably borrowed from Arabic and Islamic culture. It is said that in some traditional societies the male folks were known to have fled governance after they had fouled things up leaving the women to clear the mess. Yours sincerely has always been an unapologetic advocate of women taking over the reins of leadership in postcolonial Africa. Of course, there have been a few female backsliders who seem to outdo their male counterparts as predatory piranhas preying on their own societies. But overall, the numbers are negligible and few and far between.                                                                    

       Last weekend, and only a day apart, two epic soccer matches took place which reminded us of the self-surpassing capacity of our female soccer divas and their ability to show focus, discipline and vision when and where it mattered most. In faraway Switzerland, an impressive, solidly deployed and well-organized English team of defending champions survived a first half scare when they fell behind to trump a vastly more talented and enterprising Spanish team of World Champions. A day earlier on Saturday, it was the final of the Women Africa Cup of Nations (WAFCON) tournament. The Nigerian female football team, the Super Falcons, came back from the dead, two goals down after twenty seven minutes, to defeat a Moroccan team that was an absolute marvel to watch as they ran the Nigerian team ragged.

    Read Also: Ajibade testifies in church after WAFCON win

    But the Nigerian heroines rallied and showed grit and determination where and when it mattered most. So certain and so convinced was the Voice of Nigeria reporter on the scene that he went away to file his report that Nigeria had suffered a colossal and irreparable loss to the Atlas Lionesses. He would have woken up to the nightmare of irreversible victory. It is unfortunate that the Moroccan authorities have resorted to mean-spirited complaints about the age and true nationality of one of the Nigerian stars. But let us leave the sourness alone and enjoy the wonderful soccer. It has been a magical outing for female soccer.

  • Okon takes to the ceiling

    Okon takes to the ceiling

    May you live in interesting times, the Chinese, wise and inscrutable in their ways, often note with a wry chuckle. The children of Confucius have seen it all. There is nothing new under the sun. Civilizations come and go, leaving wonderful specimens of the human species. While female soccer divas are scaling new heights, Okon has been conquering the Atlas Mountain in his own way, this time around the kitchen ceiling. Yours sincerely noticed that the crazy chap has been behaving in a strange and unpredictable manner of late. After completing his daily chores, the weird one would disappear without apparently leaving the house. Yours sincerely decided to solve the mystery for himself. After due surveillance, the discovery was startlingly mundane. One evening, Okon was caught scrambling the ceiling in the kitchen in panic and fright.

      “Okon, what is the meaning of all this nonsense?”  snooper screamed at him as he peeped from an opening in the ceiling.

       “ Ha oga meaning na menini for dem mala language”, the mad boy snorted.  

    Read Also: Isreal Okon crowned National Champion on Day 2 of 2025 trials

       “Meaning what?” yours sincerely raved, beside himself in rage.

       “Ha, oga no vex, I beg. As dem yeye Yoruba people dey say, the thing wey drive monkey come climb palm tree him still dey wait below palm tree”, the crazy boy rumbled.

      “I am tired of this nonsense. Lamidi please bring me my shotgun”, snooper charged at Lamidi, the half-crazed violence-prone driver, a recuperating NNDP thug and veteran of the Wetie campaign.

        “Ha beere (big master in Yoruba) mi. No need to waste agba (bullet) on this Kukuruku. Make I bring my plier make I remove him blokos and him go dey dance super kelele” Lamidi droned as he began a traditional war dance. Sensing trouble, the loony began disembarking. “Mad person pass mad person. Make I come down” Okon whined.

       “You fit?” snooper sneered.

        “Oga na killer Yoruba I dey run from. You know say dem Obonge king for Ijebu come quench and na de time Yoruba people go dey hunt people, dem go dey catch dem, dem go kill dem and dem go dey whack dem from dem big pot”, the mad boy sang breathlessly as he fell on the kitchen floor with a thud.

       “Idiot!”  snooper rumbled with a prolonged hiss as he retreated. 

  • Constitutional matters II

    Constitutional matters II

    All written constitutions have the American constitution as a reference document against which they can be judged. This is for no reason other than because it was the first written constitutionbto have been composed anywhere in the world. However, this does not excuse the close similarities between what was produced by the Americans in 1797 and that hand picked Nigerian committees in 1998. Putting the two documents side by side the charge of plagiarism against the Nigerians stands proven for all time. That in itself is enough to disqualify the Nigerian constitution as it is to act as a template for the governance of an ambitious country, not alone the star of Africa which we all liall to think Nigeria is. No wonder the Nigerian constitution is bereft of appreciation and respect. The consensus is that we have been wishing for a new and representative constitution ever since. This constitution has always been an excuse or an explanation for the failures which have dogged the nation since our reinstallation of democratic government and is likely to continue to strangle our development as a nation.

    The obvious response to the problem which is the current Nigerian constitution, at leat as far as its most implacable critics are concerned, is outright demolition and replacement as it is not fit for purpose. However, there are those who think that there is room for extensive renovation through the attachment of Amendments. After all, the American version has no less than twenty-seven amendments, acquired over a period of more than two centuries. The Nigerian constitution may have as manh as twice that number in a tenth of that length of time, provided that it is functional. In that circumstance, the tail of amendments will soon be long enough to wag the dog to which it is attached. If the truth be told however, the main problem with the Nigerian constitution is the dishonesty attached to its composition.

    The American constitution had a White Anglo-Saxon Protestant (WASP) base and was written from the point of view of a shared past. The colonisation of Northern America started from 1607 with the Puritans pushed by the winds of religious dissent sailing out of Plymouth to colonise a part of Massachusetts. The Quakers also sought refuge in Pennsylvania and the Catholics went on to Maryland. They were all escaping from persecution from the newly established Church of England, the Anglican Church which exercised both religious and political power over all the subjects of the king. They also cast themselves into the wilderness of colonial America in order to make money, lots of money to slay the ghost of poverty which had haunted them all their lives. Thousands of miles across the sea however, they were still subjects of the king and paid taxes into his coffers even as they were not represented in the councils of his distant realm. They chaffed under the authority of the king and their resentment continued to grow until it finally burst into the flames of the revolutionary war. A war which ended in an unexpected victory for the American rebels and their ragtag army. This was the background to the meeting of twelve of the original thirteen states to sit down together to write a constitution which was to govern their newly independent country.

    Read Also: Constitutional matters

    Reading through that constitution, it is clear that they were determined to prevent the development of a monarchy in the land, to ensure that power belonged to the people and was exercised by them to their individual benefit and not to any group of power brokers. Having felt the destructive tendencies of religion which had caused their ancestors to leave the land of their birth, they were fully determined to keep it out of the public space. The other important point of discussion was the right of states to govern themselves within a Federated republic, a right which each state was to guard jealously. They also laid down the guiding rules for elections to the offices of government from the lowly dog catcher in some backwoods settlement somewhere in the back of beyond to the President and Commander in chief. These guidelines have been polished by practice over the last two hundred and thirty years. They have survived a civil war, other wars all over the world including two world wars, serious racial tensions, drug use epidemics, bouts of economic depression, episodes of deplorable leadership and other serious challenges. They started out out as a backwoods, backward and depressed country and have grown to the largest economy in the world. All their activities have been regulated by their robust constitution aided by those twenty-seven amendments. All of them severely home-grown.

    Nigeria has had four distinct constitutional constructs in a little over sixty years, none of them grounded in home soil, with the people gone missing in action. In a country in wrack and ruin we are going round flinging blame like confetti. When the opportunity came for the composition of a new constitution we resorted to cheap and blatant plagiarism in the hope that the second hand constitution would somehow get out of the woods through which have been wandering aimlessly.

    If the truth be told it is apparent that we are yet to build a country fit for the talent which we have in abundance. Under present circumstances a new constitution is never going to be fit for use until we can find the bases for our existence as a country within which we can fulfill our  undoubted potential. We are yet to come to terms with the demands of a federated state and are yet to start to apply our intellect to chart a course for our development.

    Ask most people about the desired complexion of our federation and you are likely to be told that we should go back to the regionalism which was shredded by the military way back in 1966. My memories of that period does not chime with the expectations which are now ringing round our collective ears. It is becoming clearer that the minor successes of regional government which are being touted abroad now were due to the after taste of colonial inheritance rather than any intrinsic characteristics of the structure of our governance. Even at that time most of our leaders were on the track of their respective personal ambitions. They were therefore determined to secure their regional fiefdoms whilst poaching some underhand support from some parts of other regions. As in the days of frank colonialism the regions were still dependent on agricultural products for whatever was needed to run regional economies at a time when cocoa, Palm oil and groundnuts were fetching premium prices on the world market. The military could hardly believe their luck when crude oil was turned to black gold on their watch and the indigenization of the commanding heights of the economy went on furiously to the detriment of real economic development. With the sound of petrodollars ringing in their ears, they were reluctant to leave the stage to their civilian counterparts to take their share at what was left in the national feeding trough. When they were finally persuaded to leave, they left behind the overly expensive presidential system which was, as with a lot of other stuff, imported lock, stock and barrel from the USA. All efforts to domesticate this beast has failed woefully. The Americans devised that system of government in order to curtail the power of their president and subordinate the operation of the state apparatus to the people. In the case of the Nigerian state, the power of the presidency is out of all proportion to what is available to the people. Furthermore, the perquisites attached to the Nigerian presidency are so attractive that the heavy responsibilities of the office are no longer a deterrent to adventurers looking for thrills. It is looking increasingly clear that only old men, with any hope of becoming the president are those who are past the age of retirement from all other forms of useful employment. This is why there is a long line of geriatrics queuing up for what is essentially a job for the young and agile. The American president, tied up as he is by the bounds of the American constitution, must be casting envious eyes across the sea at the unfettered powers at the disposal of his imperial majesty, the president of Nigeria.

  • My dream Ekiti on the bounce – Thanks to BAO

    My dream Ekiti on the bounce – Thanks to BAO

    No, Ekiti streets are not paved with gold nor are all the roads yet what Ekitikete desire as that is work in progress.

    But what today is the use of a glittering 8 – lane express road to Gazans in the face of a ferocious, murderous Netanyahu and his killing armada or to Libya, Afghanistan or Yemen where peace has long taken flight? For me peace trumps infrastructure, necessary as they are.

    Although the chaos which politics engendered in pre- BAO Ekiti may not have been comparable to the utter chaos in the afore- mentioned countries, it was enough to gift Ekiti a one- day governor, an inchoate, and therefore, totally meaningless impeachment, several assassinations and attempted assassinations, not to mention the sheer impossibility of accomplishing the necessary socio- economic development those many years would have witnessed.

    These are the negativities BAO’s ingenuity, and good breeding, not a prophet or any divination, has seen banished from Ekiti in a short space of two years.

    One is not suggesting here that there should hsve been  no political opposition or contestation, but no state, no matter how well endowed, could have prospered with the completely atrocious inter and intra- party politics which predominated Ekiti in those years when some senior members of the same party, talk less of opposing parties, were not on talking terms and every election cycle was the equivalent of war, as former President Obasanjo famously defined the elections over which he superintended.

    Read Also: Ekiti 2026: INEC warns against underage, multiple voters’ registration

    To properly situate the period under review, and the rationale for the caption of this article, I crave the reader’s indulgence to go back all the way to my article of 3 April, 2014 which, I believe,  succinctly described the archetypical socio-political conundrum which predominated the state.

    Titled ‘Of Impunity and Lies as Campaign Strategy”  (slightly edited), it reads:

    “Fehingbepon and ‘Tipa ti kuku’ are two Yoruba words that not only have the same etymology but, indeed, mean about the same thing – i.e impunity. They are words that best describe the PDP attitude to elections in Nigeria, especially in Yoruba land, with Ekiti as the cynosure.

    That was what President Obasanjo deployed in having PDP declared victorious in elections in the state just as it underpinned ‘Mama Ayoka’s macabre dance of ‘conscienceless conscience’ in the Bye -election of 2009. It was the same philosophy which underpinned the late Buruji Kashamu’s ‘I will make Ekiti an example’ speech in Ibadan. They were equally the days  when the shoeless President Goodluck Jonathan, having bought into  Obasanjo’s ‘Tipa ti kuku’ satanic strategy, made elections in the entire Southwest, not just Ekiti, a killing fiesta as we saw in the election that produced Olagunsoye Oyinlola as governor of Osun state.

    There were many more of such Jonathan’s  schemes against mainstream Yoruba interests, an example being his deployment of his two new ministers, of Yoruba extraction, to security portfolios. 

    By then, he had already begun a massive funding of his captured wing of Afenifere for overt purposes to which elements of  Labour and Accord were also allegedly financially induced.

    Arrests of APC leaders and supporters in Ekiti by the police on spurious charges are most likely to begin ahead the elections, just as the PDP intends to embark on a massive buying of voters cards. This, in particular, should tell Nigerians where the billions being daily stolen are headed.

    As earlier mentioned, PDP is relying on ‘Tipa ti kuku’ which is being stream rolled, like a war machine, direct from the Villa.  What to expect: courtesy the presidency, INEC and all the security agencies will now kowtow to the PDP. The President has started that process by making the ministry of Police Affairs hereditary to the Southwest.

    The compromised man in charge will do just about anything he is directed to do. In collusion with INEC, they will do everything to rig in the remote areas, the police and other security agencies will have instructions to overlook their evil machinations. On election day, APC strongholds will be deprived of ballot papers and when materials come at all, they will arrive late, and in insufficient numbers. Even at its topmost level, PDP will not shy away from asking INEC to simply announce its candidate the winner, boasting: ‘nothing will happen”.

    I was not going to remain silent in the face of this sheer cruelty and approaching danger confronting ekiti

     in an election year.

    I therefore wrote to Ekiti’s leading members of the senior bar (SANS), namely, Chief Wole Olanipekun, Elder Dele Adesina and Mr Femi Falana, all of who I had intended to bring under the leadership of  Professor Akin Oyebode, urging them to take some urgent, pro active steps to ensure that Ekiti avoids the looming catastrophe, a catastrophe which seems inevitable should election take place under current circumstances.

    To the last man, they all demurred, not wanting to intervene in an Ekiti politics that had become brutally toxic.

    As patriotic and respected Ekitis in their own right, I agreed with their position and, therefore, no longer contacted Professor Oyebode.

    In fairness to the three distinguished gentlemen, politics in Ekiti had become so cantankerous there was no way they could have left unblemished, no matter what they told the feuding politicians.

    Nor would that be my last effort at trying to bring a modicum of peace to Ekiti politics.

    On 7 June, 2015, consequent upon the crisis that erupted after the 2014 elections which Fayose won, but ACN members of the state House of Assembly were insistent on impeaching him,

     I wrote again as follows: “I therefore did not stop at just writing the article but went ahead to contact, not less than 15 highly regarded Ekiti  leaders and distinguished  individuals, whose names I need not mention here,  to help in facilitating a ‘modus vivendi’,  an entente of sorts,  between the warring politicians for the sake of Ekiti in general.  Underpinning  this move was my belief  that four years is not eternity,  and that  governor Fayose would not rule for ever,  nor will Ekiti vaporize at the end of his four years.

    One direct result of the contacts was the  joint meeting of the Ekiti Elders committee and the rump of the Committee for the creation of Ekiti state, convoked by Chief Deji Fasuan to address the issues raised in my article. 

    Also, Aare Afe Babalola would later, but on his own, call  another Elders meeting which, unfortunately got stalemated. 

    From that point  on, the pugilists were left to their own devices  but with the swearing in of the new PDP controlled House of Assembly,  impeaching governor Ayo Fayose by the now former  APC – controlled House of Assembly, had become an  impossibility.

    But for all  Ekiti stakeholders -the political parties and Ekiti people at large, it would have been the very height of an illusion to think that was the end of our problems in the state.

    Which was why I again counseled as follows in another article: “Honestly speaking, effective from today, given the Supreme Court decision, I will candidly advise as follows: Let everybody, party and individuals, reach a consensus that governor Fayose would run his full term. Let him in turn climb down from his high horse and promise that henceforth, he will conduct Ekiti affairs peaceably. Let him try everything to return peace to Ekiti. 

    On the other hand, let the G.19 drop the impeachment process completely in the full knowledge that four years, even ten, is not a life time. We cannot fight one another forever as we have done for the last 10 years at the expense of the state’s overall development. It is time to sheath our swords.

    The governor must genuinely set out to restore peace to Ekiti.

    He should use his victory at the Supreme court to usher in peace in Ekiti. Ekiti has lost a lot. We have become the butt of jokes all over Nigeria.

    Let him initiate a rapprochement, first with all the former governors, and then, with Ekiti leading lights across board. Let the interest of Ekiti take centre stage. He must make the first move for others, our Obas and leading lights in commerce and community as well as the people, in general, to join him in starting a new era of peace and understanding in Ekiti.

    I have been a constant critic of Governor Fayose but all that is now in the past. We must now put a closure to all that for the sake of Ekiti. Indeed, as a result of my many articles on Ekiti, my colleagues on The Nation’s commentariat nick- named me the Ekiti columnist. For me it was all worth it. Today that dream has become a reality as BAO has united all his predecessors and they are all now, together, focused on the state’s development.

    As God would have it, Governor Fayose can, with considerable justification, be described as the cheerleader of Governor Oyebanj’s ramifying peace momentum.

    I have gone to all this length to show that my commendation of BAO’s gritty peace efforts is not a flash in the pan; rather it comes straight from my heart and, without a scintilla of doubt, I believe that he will achieve sustainable peace in Our Land of Honour during his imminent secopnd term.

  • Hearty congratulations to Erelu Bisi Fayemi

    Hearty congratulations to Erelu Bisi Fayemi

    Even while not unduly perturbed at Dr Kayode Fayemi’s absence at the endorsement rally in Ado- Ekiti for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Governor Biodun Oyebanji last week because I know he attended an earlier one for the duo in Ado – Ekiti, I still reached out to him  to ask why?

    This was largely because of the spurious things I was reading on social media.

    Read Also: Erelu Bisi Fayemi: Senior Advocate of the women fold

    The truth of the needless brouhaha, however, was that while tongues were wagging ignorantly in Lagos, and elsewhere, but certainly not in Ekiti where those who should know already knew – both Otunba Niyi Adebayo and Governor Oyebanji announced his apologies – Dr Fayemi was in Cairo, Egypt, to witness his wife, Erelu Bisi Fayemi, proudly receive the award of Africa’s most prestigious prize in philanthropy – the African Philanthropy Lifetime Achievement Prize at the African Philanthropy Conference in Cairo, the day after the endorsement rally. This was in recognition of Erelu’s over three decades of exceptional contributions to social change philanthropy on the continent and globally but especially for her pioneering work in co-founding and running the African Women’s Development Fund (AWDF) twenty five years ago. Although the recipient of several honours in the field of philanthropy, including the David Rockefeller Bridging the Gap Award of the Synergos Institute, USA, and the Sigrid Rausing Foundation prize in the UK, this award represents the crowning glory of all her years in social change philanthropy. And with this recognition, she joins a stellar list of winners since the establishment of the prize in 2019 including Mrs Graca Machel, Dr Akwasi Aidoo, Dr Gerry Salole and Dr Tade Aina – all well known exemplars in the field of philanthropy.

    I heartily congratulate both her, and her very supportive husband on this August occasion