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Category: Sunday

Tinubu to OBJ: Prioritising national unity over personal history

In leadership, maturity is often tested not in moments of triumph, but in the ability to separate personal grievances from the greater good. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has once again demonstrated this rare quality—a refusal to let history’s rough patches cloud his judgment when acknowledging merit.

Two key moments stood out in his activities this past week, but none more than his birthday tribute to former President Olusegun Obasanjo. At face value, it was a routine congratulatory message—leaders across the world extend such courtesies. However, in the context of the strained relationship between these two men, Tinubu’s gesture spoke volumes about his depth of leadership.

Obasanjo, now 88, has not been one to hide his adversarial stance toward Tinubu. As president between 1999 and 2007, he engaged in a running battle with Tinubu, who was then Governor of Lagos State. One of the most defining moments of that period was Obasanjo’s decision to withhold local government funds from Lagos, effectively stifling the state’s finances. It was a move many saw as a politically motivated attempt to undermine Tinubu’s administration.

Fast forward to 2023, when Tinubu sought the presidency, Obasanjo did not just oppose him—he threw his weight behind another candidate, working to derail his ambition. Even after Tinubu emerged victorious, Obasanjo still tried to influence the post-election narrative, advocating for a different outcome.

Yet, despite all this, Tinubu did not let bitterness dictate his actions. Rather than take the all-too-common path of silence or veiled retaliation, he personally authored an emotionally intelligent tribute, recognizing Obasanjo’s contributions to Nigeria and beyond. “Today, as former President Olusegun Aremu Obasanjo turns 88, I pay a special tribute to an extraordinary leader and statesman who has made enormous contributions to Nigeria’s development,” Tinubu wrote.

That single act was more than a mere courtesy—it was a statement on the maturity of leadership. Tinubu showed that governance is not about personal battles, but about institutional memory and national cohesion. He acknowledged Obasanjo’s role in Nigeria’s history, from receiving the instrument of surrender that ended the Civil War to handing over power to a civilian government in 1979 and later leading as an elected President in 1999.

Even more telling was Tinubu’s recognition of Obasanjo’s global influence. “Out of office, only a few will deny that the former president continues to wield considerable influence among the political elite at home and is well-regarded abroad, where he is an ambassador of global peace and a troubleshooter,” he noted.

This is not just a lesson in leadership maturity but also in nation-building. Politics, by its nature, thrives on rivalries, but great leaders rise above the fray when the moment demands it. Tinubu’s tribute demonstrated that political disagreements do not erase a man’s legacy. It also signalled to Nigerians that our nation’s progress depends on recognizing contributions, even when they come from unlikely quarters.

It is this same maturity that has informed many of Tinubu’s governance decisions. He has taken tough economic measures, not because they are convenient, but because they are necessary for long-term stability. He has made appointments based on competence rather than political alignment. And now, in this symbolic but powerful gesture, he has extended an olive branch, proving that leadership is not about pettiness, but about vision and magnanimity.

Obasanjo may have spent years opposing Tinubu, but Tinubu, in his moment of leadership, has refused to define their relationship by hostility. Instead, he has chosen the higher ground—the path that prioritizes national unity over personal history. That is what true statesmanship looks like.

Tinubu’s Healthcare Lifeline for the Vulnerable: A President Who Truly Cares

The second occasion or set of actions that stood out in his week arose from our story in the healthcare sector. In a country where access to quality healthcare has long been a privilege rather than a right, President Tinubu is proving that leadership can be both compassionate and strategic. This past week, through a series of groundbreaking initiatives, the President has sent a strong message to Nigerians: healthcare should not be a luxury, and no citizen should suffer due to financial incapacity.

Right from the onset of his administration, Tinubu demonstrated that healthcare reform was a top priority. His first major step was the appointment of Professor Ali Pate, a globally respected health expert, as Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare. Since then, the government has been implementing a series of reforms designed to make healthcare more accessible, more affordable, and more effective. However, the actions taken this past week stand out as some of the most significant so far.

Perhaps the most remarkable of these efforts is the 80% subsidy on kidney dialysis treatment across 10 Federal Medical Institutions nationwide. This initiative has drastically reduced the cost of dialysis, bringing it down from an average of ₦50,000 per session to just ₦12,000. For thousands of Nigerians suffering from kidney failure, this is more than a financial relief—it is a lifesaving intervention.

For years, the high cost of dialysis has meant that many Nigerians battling kidney disease simply could not afford the care they needed to survive. By slashing the cost, President Tinubu has done more than just introduce a subsidy; he has given many Nigerians a second chance at life. Among the institutions benefiting from this initiative are FMC Jabi Abuja, LUTH Lagos, UCH Ibadan, FMC Owerri, and UBTH Benin, ensuring that renal care is now accessible across multiple regions of the country.

Read Also: Tinubu celebrates longtime associate, Osinbajo at 68

Beyond the subsidy on dialysis treatment, the administration has also approved ₦10.3 billion for the bulk purchase of pharmaceuticals and diagnostic kits, marking the launch of the National Medical Relief Programme. This initiative serves a dual purpose: reducing the cost of essential medications for patients while also boosting local pharmaceutical production and job creation.

A breakdown of the funding allocation reveals the administration’s commitment to tackling some of Nigeria’s most pressing health challenges:

₦997 million has been earmarked for the procurement of third-line antiretroviral drugs, ensuring that HIV/AIDS patients who have developed resistance to standard treatments still have access to effective medication.

₦2 billion will go toward the purchase of locally manufactured diabetes diagnostic kits, helping in the early detection and monitoring of the disease.

₦4.5 billion has been dedicated to the procurement of essential antibiotics, antihypertensive, and antidiabetic medications, ensuring that these vital drugs remain affordable and available for all Nigerians.

₦2.1 billion has been allocated for the purchase of advanced medical equipment, including a mobile X-ray machine and a 64-slice CT scanner, to be installed at Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University Teaching Hospital in Bauchi—a facility that serves multiple states in the region.

The strategic decision to source medications locally is another major win for the Nigerian healthcare sector. By investing in local pharmaceutical companies, the government is not only making essential drugs more affordable and accessible, but also strengthening Nigeria’s healthcare industry by reducing reliance on foreign imports. This is a bold step toward achieving self-sufficiency in the production of life-saving medical supplies.

While making healthcare affordable is a significant achievement, the sustainability of these reforms depends on having a strong, well-trained healthcare workforce. President Tinubu recognizes this and is taking proactive steps to address the issue.

On Thursday, at the launch of the National Health Fellows Programme, the President announced automatic employment for 774 fellows—one from each Local Government Area in Nigeria—upon completion of the fellowship. This initiative is designed to strengthen Nigeria’s healthcare system from the grassroots level, ensuring that even rural communities have access to qualified medical professionals.

The National Health Fellows Programme is a game-changer for both Nigeria’s healthcare sector and its young medical professionals. Many young doctors, nurses, and healthcare workers struggle to secure stable employment despite their qualifications. By guaranteeing jobs for those who complete the fellowship, Tinubu is ensuring that Nigeria’s best and brightest are not lost to brain drain or unemployment.

This initiative also directly addresses the chronic shortage of healthcare workers in underserved areas, ensuring that every local government in Nigeria has at least one trained medical professional. By investing in both infrastructure and human capital, the Tinubu administration is laying a solid foundation for a stronger, more efficient healthcare system.

What is clear from these policies is that Tinubu is not just paying lip service to healthcare reform—he is making real, tangible changes. These initiatives directly benefit some of Nigeria’s most vulnerable citizens:

The kidney patient who can now afford dialysis without fear of financial ruin.

The HIV patient who will not be abandoned when first-line drugs stop working.

The diabetic patient who will now have access to affordable diagnostic kits for early detection and proper disease management.

The young medical professional who now has a guaranteed future in public healthcare.

President Tinubu’s approach to healthcare reform is not just about short-term fixes; it is about long-term sustainability. By subsidizing critical treatments, investing in medical infrastructure, supporting local pharmaceutical manufacturing, and empowering healthcare professionals, his administration is ensuring that no Nigerian is left behind in the pursuit of quality healthcare.

In a country where millions have long struggled to access even the most basic medical care, these reforms offer hope. They represent a new era of governance—one that prioritizes people over politics. And in doing so, President Tinubu is proving that true leadership is not just about policies—it is about people.

The President’s week was marked by significant actions that underscored both his leadership philosophy and policy direction. From his gracious tribute to former President Olusegun Obasanjo—a man who has often stood in opposition to him—to his administration’s bold investments in healthcare, Tinubu once again demonstrated his commitment to governance rooted in civility and impact.

But these were not the only moments that defined the week. The President also took time to celebrate personal milestones, acknowledging the 95th birthday of Alhaja Lateefat Gbajabiamila, the mother of his Chief of Staff, Femi Gbajabiamila, on Sunday. His warmth in such moments reflects a leader who values relationships beyond politics.

On Monday, he hosted Sierra Leone’s President, Julius Maada Bio, reinforcing Nigeria’s diplomatic engagements within the West African subregion. Throughout the week, he presided over two Federal Executive Council (FEC) meetings, making key decisions, and there was the appointment of a new Accountant-General of the Federation.

As always, the week was a blend of statecraft, diplomacy, and governance, with the President maintaining a steady hand on the affairs of the nation. If one thing remains clear, it is that Tinubu continues to lead with both pragmatism and purpose.

It is a new week, more should be expected. Remember it is the Holy month of Ramadan, in the past, this was the period we should expect probing words from the President, especially when he hosts his series of Iftars. Wait for the week to unfold.

March 9, 2025
The Ramadan school closures

Last week, the four northern states of Bauchi, Kebbi, Katsina and Kano closed down their schools for the Ramadan period. They cited extenuating reasons that seem on the surface genuine and practical. What the governors did not, however, say was why this unprecedented measure was never contemplated before, and why now. The schools are to reopen after the Ramadan fast. One month will not kill anybody or state, they seem to say. But there are fears it would hurt the education rhythm of both the affected states and the schoolchildren themselves, especially considering that secondary school students are registering and preparing for both NECO and WAEC examinations. With Easter and Sallah holidays around the corner, parents as well as educationists fear that any one-month break such as executed by the four states, in addition to the regular religious holidays, would seriously impact both the syllabus as well as examination performance.

Unhelpfully, Christian and Muslim faith leaders have waded into and inadvertently religionised the controversy while attempting to tackle what is evidently an educational calendar problem. The Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) president, Archbishop Daniel Okoh, was first to comment. “Education is a fundamental right and the bedrock of progress,” he argued. “The closure of schools across these states, ranging from nursery to tertiary levels, for an extended period disrupts academic schedules and threatens the educational advancement of millions of students.” For a country hooked on holidays, including holidays shifted for falling on weekend dates, another one-month break could very well break the education camel’s back. Archbishop Okoh is right to be worried about the impact of the break. But he should have foreseen that a statement coming from him or CAN was liable to be misinterpreted as religious intolerance. They should have let other groups and associations handle the controversy.

On the other side of the divide, the Muslim Rights Concern (MURIC) was not about to take prisoners. It suggested that any intervention by CAN was meddlesomeness borne out of religious intolerance. According to MURIC’s executive director, Prof. Ishaq Akintola: “Firstly, Ramadan is a completely Muslim issue. It involves no other faith. CAN should stay out of it. Secondly, Muslims are the overwhelming majority in those four states and the state governments in a democratic country like Nigeria should not deny the majority Muslims what they wish. Furthermore, those four states have given the Muslim majority what they desire most based on the principle of ‘the greatest happiness for the greatest number’.”

Making sense of Prof. Akintola’s argument is hard. What binds majority and minority together is the constitution. While a majority anywhere may be tempted to have its way all the time, a minority can also litigate its rights, but both must find reconciliation under the rubric of the same constitution. Archbishop Okoh’s argument centred on the diminished quality of education availed Nigerian students on account of too many holidays. While he may be a faith leader, it is instructive that he argued from the point of view of educational quality. The eminent professor should have limited himself to arguments that make nonsense of the fears of compromised educational quality the CAN president restricted himself to. It would be hard, but who can tell whether with statistics the professor could not clinch the argument.

Happily, no one has doubted the authority of the four states to close their schools for a month, even if it ended up being construed as a holiday that should have needed House of Assembly assent. The states can theoretically legislate the closure of schools for half of a year. But in the face of declining educational standards, not to talk of poor school enrolment, it hardly makes sense to embark on frivolous breaks. Most northern states, not especially excluding the four states in question, are faced with crisis in education excellence and literacy rates. They need decades to catch up with the South. But despite organising many conferences and seminars on the crisis, most northern governors have felt no sense of urgency to take bold and revolutionary steps to bridge educational gap with the South or even forge furiously ahead. In contrast to many ambitious and globally competitive theocratic jurisdictions, Nigeria’s core North governors have continued to treat the problem of education with levity. Surely, they must understand that the situation has become unacceptable, especially considering that they cannot hold the South or the rest of the world glued to one spot while they frolic as laggards. At a time when a sense of urgency to make their young ones competitive is desperately needed, it smacks of irresponsibility to be looking for populist reasons to further satisfy religious palates.

Read Also: As some governors stop schooling during Ramadan

But if the four states – hopefully, there won’t be more – must enunciate such a superfluous measure, they owe their publics, Muslim majority and Christian minority as well as secular smaller minorities, a convincing explanation for the populist Ramadan break and an even more convincing plan of how they intend to make up for lost time so that the schoolchildren are not disadvantaged. That would be hard of course, for as everyone knows, many northern states have struggled with school enrolment estimated to be less than 50 percent. This may explain why insurgent groups and bandits have found ready recruits from a huge population of idle and uneducated youths.

The argument against the Ramadan school break should not be about religious equalisation between Christians and Muslims. It is about the educational future of Nigerian children. And if care is not taken, like the sharia wildfire that caught up with more than a dozen northern states in the opening years of the Fourth Republic, this new ‘holiday’ may also catch fire in some other parts of the North. The South appreciates the educational urgency facing them, particularly infrastructural decay and standards; they won’t be tempted to be as rash and retrogressive as the four populist states in question, regardless of Prof. Akintola’s often tendentious and frenzied religious arguments.

March 9, 2025
Fasting and Kano Hisbah police

If civil society organisations do not always disproportionately focus on government, governance and politics, they would be appalled by how routinely, under the guise of religion and federalism, some states abridge the rights of citizens. Last Monday, the deputy commander of the Kano State Hisbah (Morality police), Mujahid Aminudeen, announced the arrest of some 25 youths allegedly eating in public when they should be fasting. In his view, “It’s heartbreaking that in such a holy month meant for fasting, adult Muslims would be seen eating and drinking publicly. We won’t condone that, and that’s why we went out to make arrests…It is important to note that we don’t concern ourselves with non-Muslims.”

Read Also: Seyi Tinubu breaks fast in Kano, flags off feeding programme

It is unlikely the arrested youths possessed the means to eat privately in order to avoid arrest. But there is nothing in any Nigerian law, secular or sharia, that compels fasting. It is a matter of choice. Hisbah has periodically expanded the frontiers of Nigerian laws, and no one at the federal level has cautioned or stopped them. Even if states make laws that supposedly undergird public morality, those laws must be consistent with the Nigerian constitution. And if civil society groups are too timid to secure relief for the arrested youths, the federal government must not turn a blind eye to the state tyranny.

March 9, 2025
Travelling theatre and travelling thunder
- On the dark and dismal underbelly of democracy
May you live in interesting times, pray the wise and inscrutable Chinese. We surely live in interesting times in Nigeria. Humour and human absurdity sit impeccably with tragedy. It is as if they were born at the same time, like twins. They may well be twins. The same circumstances that produce torrid laughter also lead inexorably to torrents of tears. How does one explain the rash of uncomfortable but intriguing developments in the polity: the legislative imbroglio in one-party Lagos State which now appears to have run its unruly course, the unfurling executive and legislative fiasco in Rivers State which may consume the state and democracy itself if the road to compromise and conciliation is spurned, the unconstitutional decision by four northern states to impose a holiday on schools in their domain for the observance of the Ramadan period of fasting at a time when the descendants of Ibn Saud himself are relaxing the harsh Wahhabist franchise of extreme and severe dogmatism in their country to accommodate the relentless onslaught of modernity. Something was always going to follow the swift and savage execution of Jamal Khashoggi in their Istanbul embassy. There is also the constitutional impasse in Oshun State, a domain famous for its combustible and regicidal aptitude.

Lastly, what of the riveting sex scandal involving the accident-prone senate president and a stormy female petrel by the orientally forbidding name, Natasha? That one has now led to a legislative legerdemain. As it was famously asked of Helen of Troy, is this the face that will launch a thousand ships? As the nation blindly and furiously thrashes about in the trauma of economic and political modernity, all these may be contradictory and countervailing forces trying to impose their will and purpose on a chaotic ensemble. The critical intelligentsia and organic intellectuals of the postcolonial state cannot afford to sit back and watch without providing some impute towards a sane and sober resolution of the crisis before it tips into anarchy and chaos. Political comedy is always dogged by historical tragedy. The Alarinjo , otherwise known as the Travelling Theatre, is a famous sub-genre of the impressive dramatic repertoire of the Yoruba people.

With its merry band of singers, drummers, dramatists and the odd magicians, it goes from town to town entertaining people with improvised dramatic sketches, allusive stitch-up and much dancing and singing. As an urbanized and considerably civilized people of the rain forest, the Yoruba people know how to entertain and enrich themselves about the cultural and political development in their environs. Whether it was by accident or by design, discerning people always noticed a dramatic upsurge in the traffic of the itinerant troupes across Yoruba cities in periods preceding great social upheavals and commotion. This was what happened in the period leading up to what has come to be known as the wetie insurrection in the old Western Region. The great dramatist, Hubert Ogunde, was permanently on the road. Dramatic literature became a great conveyor belt and purveyor of social unease and looming confrontation. Thunder followed theatre. This is always after all constitutional avenues, with their legislative, judicial and executive entwinements have been thoroughly besmirched and compromised, leaving only the road to anarchy.

This is why the selfsame Yoruba people, with foxy humour, let it be known that while it is always a grand spectacle to watch a mad person and his funny antics, nobody wants to own up to paternity or parentage. But the Yoruba also insist that we do not allow a mad man to conduct his mother’s funeral the way he deems fit. Otherwise, the crazed fellow may be tempted to barbeque the body and parcel it out to guests as choice meat. Having been storied victims of several constitutional debacles in colonial, postcolonial and military Nigeria with many of their illustrious children consumed by the inferno, the Yoruba political elite, with Lagos as its current arrowhead, ought to tread more carefully. A man whose mother has been killed by a mad person ought to take extra-caution on sighting a local mechanic. The hour of triumph is often followed by moments of tragedy. This is why Ann Morrow Lindberg, wife of Charles Lindberg, the great aviator-hero and the first person to fly across the Atlantic in a solo-engine aircraft, titled her memoir, Hour of Gold, Hour of Lead. Lindberg’s son was kidnapped shortly after his historic triumph, never to be seen alive again.

   The Lagos legislative debacle could have been better handled by all sides. Party supremacy is paramount in all organic democracies. That is why you have designated whips cracking the whip occasionally when a member goes rogue or appears permanently set against party dictates and ideological leaning. If the case worsens and rebellion or complete apostasy looms, there are heavier sanctions in store, including suspension or dismissal depending on the infractions. This is imperative to maintain party order, discipline and cohesion. The tragedy of military rule is that while it leaves the judiciary intact and with the opportunity to grow and develop even if in a severely suborned manner, the legislature is cleanly decapitated with no chance to thrive. It is compelled to start afresh when democracy resumes. With no experience to fall back upon beyond the ceremonial foppery and the routinized violence of gavel-smashing, the legislature soon becomes a den of deadwood and sundry delinquents. How many times did Lagos State legislators either collectively or individually report Obasa’s infractions to their superiors? If they ever did, what was the outcome?

But having been presented with a fait accompli, having been completely caught off guard by those they are supposed to superintend and monitor closely, the APC nomenklatura ought to have been more guided and circumspect in their reaction. They ought to have cut the legislators some slack. The route they have taken, that is the vengeful humiliation and arm-twisting of the law-makers, is the surest route to further de-institutionalization of an already crippled institution. However uncomfortable and inconvenienced by the rebellion the party hierarchs might have been, they ought to have known that the democratic process is about institution-building and procedural scaffolding and not about individual supremacy and ego-massaging. Several times in his career, Chief Obafemi Awolowo was roundly defeated by opposition within his own party. But the old man took it in the chin. Each time, he emerged with his stellar status as a career democrat undimmed and undiminished among his teeming followers.

    The politics of militarization is a direct consequence of the militarization of politics. Despite all this, the APC and its ranking echelons still have many things going for them which still make APC the party to beat in Lagos State. First is the ethnic homogeneity of the core voters of the state. But it is a homogeneity whose complexion and complexity is changing every minute. Second is the fact that as functioning political parties, neither the derelict PDP nor the near-defunct Labour Party is in any position to mount a viable challenge to the hegemonic hold of the APC in the state. Noisemaking in declining newspapers has never been known to win any election. Finally, the threat of military rule continues to recede into remote antiquity except as a prelude to the final unraveling of the nation.

If that is the situation in Lagos State, an ethnic heterogeneity subsists in Rivers State which makes the state very susceptible to combustion and commotion. As the fourth largest ethnic nationality in Nigeria, the Ijaw people will not sit idly by and watch the only state they control in the nation slip through them by some legislative rascality.

Once again, we warn that an extraordinary state of emergency looms in Rivers State. It is going to be extraordinary because it will involve a complete militarization of the state with the possibility of fatally undermining the prospects of the principal product the nation depends upon at this moment. This column is not interested in the outcome of the ego tussle in Rivers State between lapsed godson and former godfather but the extent to which the battle will impact on the democratic prospects of the nation and its continued viability. It is unfortunate that the political common sense that Nyesom Wike demonstrated by making sure an Ijaw person succeeded him and forcing this through has now completely disappeared in a miasma of mutual hatred and contempt.

Finally since Shakespeare said that all journeys must end in lover’s meeting, we seem to have come to the paradoxical intersection where amorous journeys end in abrupt termination of longing and desire. The mix of politics and sex can be an explosive and irresistible combination, a sure bet for sensational and scandalmongering headlines. From time immemorial, sex among the upper reaches of the society has always tickled and titillated the fantasies of the lower masses. But it has been historically proved that unless it is accompanied by other potent drivers of signal failure, sexual sleaze does not always lead to locomotive derailment of state machinery. England, France, Italy and the US are prime exemplars of the uses and usefulness of executive randiness. Tropical Africa, with its torrid equatorial passions, its combustible gamesmanship and its surfeit of Alpha male predators launching at everything in sight and skirt, cannot be an exception. That is until sexual gaming enters into a potentially fatal contradiction with a predominantly feudal culture.

Read Also: 31 more states and theatre of the absurd

The winsome and alluring Natasha is fast becoming the Queen of Stitch –Up in the post-military dispensation. The comely senator is of Ukrainian and Ebira provenance and if that explosive combination does not emit danger signals, you are on your own. Ebira brio meets Ukrainian defiant pluckiness. It appears that an innocent brush past her, a gamey glance, an uncomplimentary comment or an unfriendly gambit in the distribution of power largesse can get you on her expanding list of sexual predators or potential political paedophiles. The casualty figure is quite impressive. It reminds one of a joke about Maradona in his waning years. Since he could dive even from a mile, the referee and the players were advised to give him a wide berth. A famous contemporary declined his offer of a handshake after a nasty clinch for fear that the impish former pickpocket from the Buenos Aires slums may head for the grass.

But Natasha, a serving senator of the Federal Republic, appears far more deadly and dangerous than a mere footballer. The senate president would do well to take note. She reminds one of those powerful female figures of history who took their men to bed only to have them summarily beheaded thereafter. Having been directly implicated in the overthrow and subsequent murder of her husband                                                                                                                                                                                                      the dithering and dilatory Emperor Peter 111, the German-born Empress Catherine seized power and went on to rule feudal Russia with iron resolve and cruel severity for the next thirty two years. Those who were rumoured to be her lovers disappeared mysteriously. Luckily and providentially, Natasha does not have the political wherewithal to reenact that version of Asiatic despotism in Nigeria. But having engineered her suspension for six months in a clumsy and untidy legislative putsch after declaring her lawful petition against the senate president dead on arrival, Godswill Akpabio must from now have to watch his back for the rest of his tenure and probably beyond.

Despite his winning joviality and infectious bonhomie, the senate president has not been a model of decorum and rectitude, neither has he conducted himself with the dignity and gravitas expected of the number three person in a country that ought to be in a hurry to develop. If the furious and vengeful Senator Natasha were to find common cause with the numerous forces trying to unhorse him, Akpabio could find himself in very uncomfortable circumstances in the coming months. Before our very eyes the Travelling Theatre has once again berthed at the weakest link in the chain of democratic development in Nigeria just as it did in the First Republic. It will amount to foolish and futile optimism to ever imagine that thunder does not strike twice in the same place.
March 9, 2025
FOR JOOP BERKHOUT (The Brave Bookman, 1930 – 2025)

Migrant bird with a plural plumage

You have crossed many oceans

And nested your eggs in trees

Too tall for the breaking wind

Those eggs touched the ground

And books were born

In them were ideas which unchain the mind,

Wisdom which tames the terror of hidden things

In the universe of your being

Is a compass with a thousand points

Your Northern needle being so steady

You have never lost your way around the Light

From the hilly heights of Tanganyika

To the copper plains of Zambia

Those restless feathers powered north where,

Europe-born, you dug your feet deep into the Nigerian soil

Read Also: 10 countries with largest Nigerian communities around the World

From Evans Brothers to Sunshine House to Safari Fare

The Book remains the priest of your passion

The temple of your trust where the altar

Glows from the lyric of a thousand lamps

From that busy haven in Kingston- upon- Thames

To Cambridge-Okigbo House in Ibadan, the world’s best books

Live between your covers, ennobled

By your ageless energy, your relentless enterprise

Seasons come, seasons go

Passing moons unfurl your feathers

Wherever your feet have touched the ground

A city of Light has risen and bloomed

•First published in this column four years ago when the famous Bookman was 90.

Re-used here with minor adjustments.

March 9, 2025
They say Zelensky won’t walk alone

Incensed by what seemed to be the continuing defiance of Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelensky, President Donald Trump has, apart from his vacillations, ordered a pause in military aid to and intelligence sharing with Ukraine. It became clear early last week that Mr Trump and his aides merely needed a pretext to coerce Ukraine to do the Russian president Vladimir Putin’s bidding. There was little Mr Zelensky could have done or said to obviate the cessation of help or placate the fury of the boastful and antagonistic US president who has so far refused to put any kind of pressure on the Russian leader. There had been tons of analyses and suggestions indicating that had the Ukrainian president stooped to conquer, and had he flattered the obviously insecure Mr Trump, the fate that befell Mr Zelensky would have been avoided. This is balderdash.

Once Mr Trump won reelection, his aides and relations had warned Ukraine that they were toast, and should either capitulate to Russia or look elsewhere for help. The US president has an unfathomable and unbreakable bond with Mr Putin, and perhaps too an unearthly fascination with Russia, that has made it impossible for any Ukrainian leader or the country itself to mollify him. While the Republican Party is now ambivalent towards Ukraine, and its lawmakers have seemed to moderate their opposition to Russia or Mr Putin, the US president has been unambiguous in his detestation of both Ukraine and Mr Zelensky. He cites political, 2024 campaigns, and personal reasons. Indeed, the famous but bitter television exchange between the cornered Ukrainian president and the governing US troika of President Trump, Vice President JD Vance, and cabinet member and wealthy Elon Musk showed the implacability of the new US administration.

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During the controversial shouting match two Fridays ago between the US president and vice president on the one hand and Mr Zelensky on the other hand, a condescending reporter ridiculed the Ukrainian president’s wardrobe. At least he was only rude, not tendentious. The Ukrainian was surprisingly calm and adroit in handling that insult about his wardrobe. But then the pugnacious Mr Vance weighed in and heartily insulted Mr Zelensky and lied against him, insisting that he had never once said thank you to both the US and Mr Trump. It turned out Mr Zelensky had actually done that many times. But the vice president would not be incommoded by a few untruths, nor fazed by the appalling breaches of diplomatic protocols as US officials openly and remorselessly harried the Ukrainian president.

In the heated and foul-tempered exchange in the White House, not once did the president or his deputy remonstrate with Russia, either obliquely or openly, nor attack Mr Putin for the invasion. Instead, Mr Trump kept up a relentless barrage of abuses and threats against Mr Zelensky, denouncing him as a nobody who was posturing as a wartime leader only because of American military assistance. He misinterpreted the Ukrainian president’s boldness and confidence as defiance, fuming that without American help, Ukraine would be wiped out. There was nothing noble about Mr Trump’s beliefs and language; his mind was in fact a kitchen midden of worn out and stale ideas of international relations and strategic power equations. He boasted about US power, abused his predecessors, notably Joe Biden and Barack Obama, and concluded that because the Ukrainian president disagreed with some of his conclusions, his guest was not interested in a ceasefire or a peace deal. He even added later that Russia would be more generous in a peace deal than ‘difficult’ Ukraine. It was not just the callousness of the American president that rankled; even his logic and summations, not to talk of his very soul, were darkened and ignoble.

Two Fridays ago, Mr Trump’s lynch mob hoisted the Ukrainian president and drew and quartered him. They will not be placated by anybody, not Europe, which is divided and hesitant, nor Southeast Asia, which is also in the throes of its own existential crisis as they stare down China’s irredentist gun barrels. Complacent Europe has suddenly found itself in a position they never imagined in a thousand years: the prospect of losing their Nato security shield; anticipating the fearful consequences of the imminent denudation of American power and influence and the concomitant vacuum which that would create; and assembling a coalition to halt what may turn out to be the rampage of Russia in Europe, starting with the Baltic States. No one envies Europe. Despite their public asseverations, they know that there is no convincing Mr Trump and his mob. The new US administration is impervious to the lessons of history, especially its own history, and commonsensical logic. Perhaps Europe can, after all, forge some kind of tentative unity among its fractious members as well as calm the centrifugal forces among their countries. They may yet discover that they are much stronger than they think they are, and can as a matter of fact foster new economic relations with other countries to lessen their dependence on the increasingly unreliable US.

Key European countries like Britain, France and Germany, and some Eastern European countries like Poland which fear they might be next if buffer Ukraine is vanquished, will galvanise themselves into action and additional spending. They have promised that Ukraine would not walk alone. They seem determined to walk their talk, but they must hope that their flesh, when it begins to feel the Russian pinch, is as willing as their spirit. Slowly, they will begin to acknowledge that nearly a century of close relationship with the US and dependency on the Transatlantic accord to guarantee global order and security have become anachronistic. They are being called upon to change, and Mr Trump, as his hallucinatory speech to the joint session of Congress last Tuesday demonstrated, is the unlikely and inelegant sentinel. It galls them to have to change so abruptly; but it is either they rally together or they perish separately, as America sinks into isolationism, mercenary foreign policy, and precipitate decline under the leadership of a boastful, inept, frenetic, and divisive president so wholly unsuited for the American presidency. No wonder, in the apocalyptic books of the Bible, there is no unambiguous mention of America’s role at the end of time.

March 9, 2025
Supreme Court and Fubara V. Wike

As far as the legal aspect of the political discord in Rivers State is concerned, the Supreme Court on February 28 closed the chapter with a hint of exasperation. Whether it concerns the status of the Martins Amaewhule-led House of Assembly or the tangential but nevertheless consequential issue of the validity of the October 5, 2024 local government election, Governor Siminalayi Fubara has been left flummoxed. Even though Nigerians were divided along two main partisan lines on the Rivers crisis, and took their likes and dislikes, and logic and illogic, from each side of the divide, last Friday’s Supreme Court judgement was nevertheless anticipated and unavoidable. The governor, every astute reporter and columnist knew, had no chance at all of winning. The court’s conclusion was that Speaker Amaewhule and his 26 lawmakers defected by word of mouth, it seemed, not in the eyes of the law; and a hurting and uncalculating Mr Fubara had rushed the local government election in order to seize the high ground from his nemesis and former mentor, Nyesom Wike. To lose abominably in one of the two major arguments that became the fulcrum of the state’s politics since Mr Fubara fell out with his predecessor and Federal Capital Territory (FCT) minister is unsettling. To lose in both arguments is unmitigated disaster. But to the governor, political arguments are neither won nor lost by half measures. He thus managed to lose on both sides, and did it spectacularly and, as the court reasoned, unequivocally.

There is still a solitary and obviously dismal case at the Federal High Court in Port Harcourt involving the status of the 27 lawmakers filed by the Fubara camp. Until the Supreme Court broke the camel’s back on February 28, the governor reposed some hope in the Port Harcourt court to judge the matter in his favour. Now, even that hope is forlorn. The Federal High Court in question had deferred the case of the alleged defection of the lawmakers when it was brought to its notice that the Supreme Court might be making a pronouncement on the same issue. To expect the lower court to decide the same case with a different outcome is to stretch hope to its inelastic limit. All doors are now shut against Mr Fubara whom adverse situation evidently compels to change tack and produce the highest degree of ingenuity, patience, and tactics. He never seemed capable of demonstrating any of those virtues, and seemed to play scorched-earth politics that harks back to a medieval era. But today he must find those virtues and embrace them if he is not to perish politically. He needs help from some of the country’s best counsellors, but he seems to rely only on his instincts, instincts that have propelled and then betrayed him from one crisis to another, and from one blunder to another. An example of his instinctive approach to politics, especially when dealing with an enemy as implacable as Mr Wike, was his nudging of the Rivers State Independent Electoral Commission (RSIEC) to hold LG election on August 9 even before he and his team had read and digested the judgement.

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The Wike-Amaewhule camp has not displayed inspiring political astuteness of any kind, but it has, perhaps undeservingly, enjoyed the most clement of political weathers. He and his loyal 26 lawmakers announced their defection to the All Progressives Congress (APC) quite alright, but the governor’s impatience and tactlessness caused them to retrace their steps before they gave legal or constitutional effect to their blunder. By ordering another LG election for August even before he has had the opportunity to study the Supreme Court judgement and reflect on its import, it is clear that Mr Fubara is either reluctant to or incapable of changing tack. He seems bent on self-destruction. Though he matches the Wike camp in displaying triumphalism over the most tentative of political victories, he has not enjoyed any lasting and soothing relief of any kind, either through political solutions moderated by President Bola Tinubu or judicial mediation orchestrated by the courts. To halt the dangerous pirouette of serial failures and fragile victories in which he seems locked, the governor needs a team of uncommon and inspired advisers to help him at least checkmate the rampaging Wike army. Yet, achieving victory after so many failed attacks against the opposing camp appears quite farfetched; the best he can do is achieve a stalemate. But even that stalemate now seems endangered by his unreflective statements and frantic measures.

Rivers State needs to move forward beyond the tit for tat that typifies the Fubara and Wike relationship. In the giddy early months of the Fubara revolt, before the courts put paid to their clumsy manoeuvres, the state’s elders unfortunately pitched their tents with such mercantilist gusto and total lack of circumspection that they became an embarrassment to the peace process. Their challenge in Rivers, going forward, is how to find the men and philosophy to achieve some kind of peace at least in the interim on a scale that allows for some tranquility and development. They do not have those kind of men, nor the arcane philosophy capable of penetrating their ignorance. For all his posturing, Mr Wike remains angry, impulsive and self-righteous to the point that no advice can seem to get through to him. He festoons his politics with religion, in the same egregious manner like Mr Fubara does; but it is doubtful whether God sides with individuals so mean-spirited and so unrelenting. Indeed, Mr Wike has never accepted responsibility for foisting an unprepared and unqualified successor, and he has carried on as if the governor is entirely to blame for the chaos enveloping the state.

Mr Fubara has tried unsuccessfully to frame the conflict in the state as one between a forward-looking new governor and an exhausted godfather who stifles and overwhelms his successor, and won’t let him breathe. No, the conflict is a little bit more nuanced than that. It is about two men who can’t seem to find the wisdom and the nobility to navigate through their mistakes and their grandstanding. There is in fact no determining the precedence between the governor’s childish political insurgency and the ignoble and sometimes classless responses of the former governor. One throws tantrums, the other whines in hyperbole. The Supreme Court judgement of two Fridays ago provides an opportunity for the two men to reflect on their fumbles, assuming that Mr Wike and his men can be less triumphal, and Mr Fubara can restrain himself from digging deeper into the quagmire. So far, nothing suggests both men have the capacity or the altruism to take advantage of the court judgement to forge a new beginning for the state they hypocritically claim to love.

Hon. Amaewhule has been a competent, principled and reliable fighter, and an intelligent person to boot; but he stunned everyone last week when he gave the governor an ill-considered 48-hour ultimatum to represent the state’s 2025 budget. Did he expect the governor to base his decisions on newspaper reports of the court case? Mr Wike needs to prevail on the 27 victorious lawmakers to moderate their stand and approach the smouldering crisis with some class and nobility. But if the former governor cannot find the maturity to douse his own fiery and sanctimonious approach to politics, how can he be trusted to give leadership to the House of Assembly? Nor does it even make sense to expect him to give the lawmakers leadership. In fact, he has no constitutional elbow room to give any kind of leadership to the House of Assembly. He has since late 2023 been obtruding and irreverent, when he should be subtle and magisterial. Whether they have what it takes or not, Mr Wike and his men should go and look for what it takes to manage a state from wherever they can find the subtlety. The country is tired of their self-righteousness, their unending and brutal political and legal battles, and their vexatious impeachment threats. No wonder the Fubara camp has begun another round of foolish litigations to buy time.

As for the unprepossessing governor, who seems even far more flawed than his enemies, and whose mind continuously seethes with practically every wrong motive, it is time to calm down and use his head instead of his disquieted mind. He has not surrounded himself with the right men, not to say wise elders with requisite experience, and he has shown no inclination to listen to the voice of reason. He has spoken silly threats about ‘giving instructions to youths awaiting his message’, some of whom have already threatened to blow up crude oil pipelines on his behalf. And he gets the naïve impression that those egging him on to more revolt well after the court processes have all but ended are the real patriots. This is incomparable nonsense. If he is wise, he should recognise the face of defeat. More, he must also recognise that it is time to make peace, no matter how tenuous, and palliate his arch enemies no matter how unappeasable. If he cannot get a second term, let him at least try to have a memorable one term.

March 9, 2025
Tinubu’s leadership strategy earns party’s confidence

Leadership is often measured not just by the ability to implement policies, but by the resilience to weather storms and the vision to turn challenges into success stories. Over the past year, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has exemplified this kind of leadership, navigating Nigeria through tough but necessary reforms. The recognition of these efforts by the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) this past week—culminating in a unanimous vote of confidence—further underscores the success of his strategic approach.

At the National Caucus meeting of the APC, held at the State House Conference Center on Tuesday night, party leaders took stock of Tinubu’s administration, reviewing his bold economic reforms, security improvements, and efforts to stabilize the nation’s economy. What began as a turbulent transition—marked by the removal of fuel subsidies and the floating of the naira—has steadily evolved into a period of recovery and renewed optimism.

Acknowledging the resilience of both the party and the nation, Chairman of the Progressive Governors Forum (PGF) and Governor of Imo State, Hope Uzodinma, led the charge in appreciating the President’s leadership.

“First, I congratulate the leadership of the party that despite all challenges, the party continues to wax stronger,” Uzodinma said. He praised President Tinubu’s courage in navigating Nigeria’s affairs and highlighted how APC had become the “envy of all political parties in Africa” under his leadership.

But Uzodinma’s commendation went beyond rhetoric. He called for a decisive statement from the National Caucus, urging members to formally affirm their support for Tinubu’s government.

“I will want us, before the end of this meeting, to show proper commitment and identify with the reform policies of the government. Indeed, because the President has been able to drive most of our articles in our manifestos to fruition, we should be able to give him a vote of implicit confidence,” he declared.

The motion, which was seconded and unanimously approved, was a clear testament to the growing belief within the ruling party that Tinubu’s policies, though initially met with resistance, are now yielding tangible benefits.

Among the strongest affirmations of Tinubu’s success came from Senator Abdulaziz Yari, who pointed to significant improvements in security and food prices. Representing Zamfara West, a region that had long suffered from violent banditry, Yari described the transformation under Tinubu’s administration.

“There are places where we could not drive to, people evacuated because of insecurity,” Yari recounted. “However, today, under the watch of our President, everyone can drive and ply that road, free.”

For years, areas like Dansadau and Kulembana—once responsible for 60% of Zamfara’s agricultural produce—had become inaccessible due to relentless attacks by bandits. Residents were forced to move in convoys under military escort just to reach the state capital. But today, as Yari emphasized, those same roads are safe again, allowing businesses and farming activities to resume.

Beyond security, Yari also pointed to declining food prices as another indicator of Tinubu’s policies bearing fruit.

“After the rainy season last year, I bought 100kg of millet at N84,000,” he said. “But today, Mr. President, it’s between N60,000 and N65,000.”

For ordinary Nigerians, this shift is critical. The administration’s efforts to boost food production and stabilize the naira are beginning to ease the economic burden on citizens, especially as the holy month of Ramadan approaches.

By Wednesday, at the APC’s National Executive Committee (NEC) meeting in Abuja, the call for a confidence vote had gained even more momentum. Ogun State Governor, Dapo Abiodun, and PGF Chairman, Hope Uzodinma, once again reiterated the party’s full support for Tinubu’s leadership.

While opposition voices may continue to challenge the administration’s approach, the overwhelming endorsement by the APC’s highest decision-making bodies signals that the party remains united behind Tinubu’s vision. It also reinforces the idea that governance is a long game—one where short-term discomfort can pave the way for long-term stability and growth.

As the APC’s leadership closed ranks behind the President, the message was clear: Tinubu’s approach is working. His administration has not only maintained party cohesion, but has also started delivering on the promises that initially seemed like difficult bets.

Read Also: Tinubu eulogizes Nujoma as warrior, nation-builder at state burial

Leadership requires taking difficult decisions, standing firm in the face of uncertainty, and having the patience to see reforms through. The APC’s vote of confidence in President Tinubu is not just a political endorsement—it is an acknowledgment that Nigeria is on the right path under his leadership.

The challenges ahead remain, but if the past year is any indication, Tinubu has both the vision and the resolve to lead Nigeria toward a more prosperous future.

A Budget for Prosperity, A Message of Hope

In governance, two things matter most: action and intent. This past week, on Friday to be exact, the President demonstrated both. First, by signing the historic N54.99 trillion 2025 Budget of Transformation, he reaffirmed his administration’s commitment to economic recovery and shared prosperity. Then, in his Ramadan message, he reminded Nigerians of the power of unity, compassion, and resilience in navigating challenging times.

Though separate occasions, both speak to the same underlying goal—building an economy that works for all Nigerians.

When President Tinubu assumed office, he inherited an economy in distress. Hard decisions were made, including the removal of fuel subsidies and the floating of the naira—policies that initially caused widespread concern. However, as the President confidently declared while signing the 2025 budget, these reforms have “achieved what many deemed impossible.”

And the numbers back him up. Nigeria’s GDP growth rebounded to 3.86 percent, national revenue surged to ₦21.63 trillion, and the budget deficit dropped significantly. The naira, once battered by market uncertainty, has stabilized, reflecting a more resilient economy.

But beyond statistics, what stands out in this budget is its focus on people. With a ₦23.96 trillion capital expenditure, the government is investing heavily in infrastructure, agriculture, and job creation. These are not just figures; they represent roads to be built, schools to be improved, and businesses to be supported.

“We affirm our commitment to securing the future, rebuilding prosperity, and ensuring that every Nigerian shares in the dividends of governance,” Tinubu assured.

Coinciding with this economic milestone is the beginning of Ramadan, a period of spiritual renewal and generosity. In his message to Nigerians, President Tinubu recognized the significance of the holy month and the economic realities facing citizens.

“As the wet season approaches, we remain steadfast in boosting agricultural productivity. We are determined to enhance food production and ensure self-sufficiency and food security for all Nigerians,” he promised.

This is not mere rhetoric. The government has rolled out targeted input support, mechanization, and innovative farming initiatives to tackle food scarcity and high prices. And, as the President pointed out, there are already signs of improvement.

“Food prices are beginning to decline, the exchange rate is stabilizing, and fuel prices have dropped,” he noted.

Ramadan, beyond its religious essence, is also a time of unity and shared sacrifice. Tinubu’s call for compassion—urging Nigerians to extend kindness to their neighbours, especially those in need—resonates deeply in a country where economic hardship has tested many.

President Tinubu’s leadership in the past year has been defined by tough but necessary decisions. Now, the early signs of economic stability are beginning to emerge, reinforcing the idea that Nigeria is on the right path.

The 2025 budget sets the course for growth, while the Ramadan message serves as a reminder that prosperity is only meaningful when it is shared. As Nigerians fast and pray, there is a renewed sense of hope—hope that the sacrifices made will soon yield a stronger, more prosperous nation.

Meanwhile, the week was not just all about the events of Tuesday/Wednesday which celebrated the President’s successes at running successful reforms and leadership, or those of Friday, when economic concerns took centre stage. Other things happened on those days, which were not just about politics or economy. There were also other days featuring other concerns; there was Monday and there was Thursday. His week was a mix of leadership engagements, policy discussions, and personal moments of celebration and reflection.

Monday began with the President celebrating his Special Adviser on Policy Communication, Daniel Bwala, who turned 50. The same day, he met with the National Population Commission (NPC), firmly stating that he would not support an inconsistent approach to conducting a population and housing census. “Get your house together before reaching out to development partners,” he warned the commission’s leadership.

Later, he received a report from participants of Senior Executive Course 46 of the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS), reaffirming the government’s focus on the digital economy and youth empowerment.

On Tuesday, he took time to commiserate with Minister of Information and National Orientation, Mohammed Idris, over the passing of his mother-in-law, Hajia Hauwa Yakub Usman. Wednesday saw the President extending warm wishes to Ebonyi State Governor, Francis Nwifuru, on his 50th birthday.

On Thursday, he celebrated Mama Christiana Modupe Ajibola, a respected educationist who turned 100. Later, he met with Airtel Chairman, Sunil Bharti Mittal, discussing economic expansion and investment opportunities.

The week concluded on Friday, starting on a somber note as he mourned Chief Anike Agbaje-Williams, Africa’s first television broadcaster. He also received Nigerian-born NFL champion, Morotoluwa Ojomo, and his parents, Mr and Mrs Ololade Ojomo, at the Villa, affirming that the athlete’s Super Bowl moment and display of the Nigerian flag rekindled national pride. Later, he welcomed Akwa Ibom stakeholders, strengthening relationships with key political and traditional leaders. He was even conferred with the Otuekong chieftaincy title, which is translates to Commander-in-Chief in the Ibibio language.

It was a week that showcased Tinubu’s governance approach—balancing national priorities with personal connections, reinforcing his commitment to economic progress, institutional discipline, and social harmony.

Now it is a new week, one opening with a strong spiritual content; it is the first week of the month of Ramadan. It should come with its own flavour.

March 2, 2025
Makinde’s inexpedient intervention in Osun

Oyo State governor Seyi Makinde was a guest at the inauguration ceremony of the ‘newly elected’ LG chairmen in Osun State last Sunday, and was flanked by PDP Governors’ Forum chairman Bala Mohammed and Governor Ademola Adeleke. In his remarks, he sensationally warned the APC not to turn Osun State into ‘Wild, Wild West’. Said he without a hint of discomfort or hesitation: “We don’t want wild, wild west again. They (APC) should stay away from this zone. We want to provide dividends of democracy to our people peacefully. If anybody has a judgement, there is a procedure for enforcement of court decisions. It is illegal to resort to self-help. The era of resorting to federal might is long gone.”

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In the early years of his first term, and despite being in the conservative PDP, Mr Makinde was widely seen as a promising shining light not only in the Southwest, but also in the country as a whole. That promise has sadly remained unfulfilled, perhaps because his initial colourfulness was in fact not anchored on anything ideological or systematic. That he was a guest of Mr Adeleke does not mean he must turn a blind eye to the substance of the case in Osun. In his remarks, he spoke about the rule of law. Yet, it is strange that he failed to see the contradictions between what he advocates and the abridged processes that led to the ‘election’ of the LG chairmen.

March 2, 2025
June 12 Annulment: Post confession, but without anapology from him, how should Nigerians see Babangida?

Abiola, his wife, Kudirat, alongside his many businesses; a NADECO chieftain, Alfred Rewane; business woman Suliat Adedeji and several others were consumed in the political convolution that Babangida’s perfidy set off, which completely engulfed Nigeria.

He ought to be aware that these tragic events can never be wished away merely through a trifle acknowledgement of wrong-doing, but by a major act of seeking national forgiveness, coupled with corresponding acts of reparation; whether financial or otherwise. Nothing less would do”.

A Premium Times Editorial.

My first, and only, meeting with General Ibrahim Babangida was at his opulent hilltop castle in Minna, Niger state, a few years ago in the company of members of the Board of a Federal institution in the state, when we paid him a courtesy call.

Although already hobbled by radiculopathy – a condition he allegedly

got serving Nigeria on the war front – he actually once told a CNN reporter that he still has a bullet lodged in his body. I could not miss his gaiety, affability and charm; all of which were copiously on display. He was winsome and, when the Chairman introduced me as a columnist with The Nation on Sunday, he literally grabbed me, pulling me towards himself for some small talk.

The ever irrepressible charmer!

To know General Babangida, no matter how fleetingly, is to be unwilling to roast him the way many have done since his book launch this past week.

Unfortunately, his gargantuan sins against God and humanity make it absolutely impossible for one to stay on that narrow and straight road. General Babangida offended, not only man, but God.

His story is, therefore, a tragi – comedy – a man so gifted, yet so unremittingly conflicted; that only God in His infinite mercy, not man, can forgive him his many sins against Nigeria and humanity.

Babangida evokes strong emotions. For most, he is the symbol of the country’s tumultuous past, a past marked by nasty militarism, political upheaval, systemic corruption and economic stagnation.

In recent years, however, he has attempted to rebrand himself, coyly seeking redemption, and forgiveness, even if the words “I regret” are too heavy for him; the more reason his efforts are like pouring water on a duck – fruitless.

The catalyst for his latest attempt at transformation was his recent confession, during his book launch, regarding the annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential election.

For years, he has denied any involvement in the annulment, but in a surprising turn of events, he publicly acknowledged his role in the gross act.

The admission has sparked a huge national conversation, with many Nigerians grappling with how to process it, especially as he seems too conceited to really, meaningfully, apologise to a nation he has severally trampled upon.

Most commentators have, understandably, taken the retired general to the cleaners while on the other hand, some are willing to see his confession as an act of courage and a willingness to confront the demons of his past as well as take responsibility for his actions though his failure to apologise directly, and fully, rather than take cover under some linguistic razmataz, robbed him of the sympathy of most Nigerians.

In a country where public officials rarely admit to any wrongdoing, Babangida’s acknowledgment of his role in the annulment would have been a refreshing change, were he not unnecessarily too important in his own eyes.

His traducers are, of course, far more skeptical, viewing his confession as a calculated move designed to rehabilitate his image and secure his legacy. They argue that his admission of guilt is too little, too late, and that it does not erase the harm caused by his malevolent actions.

Read Also: June 12: Olanipekun berates Babangida for not apologising to Abiola, family

Also, they argue, Babangida’s role in the annulment of the June 12 election was not an isolated incident. His military regime was marked by widespread human rights abuses, including the suppression of free speech and the detention of political opponents.

In this context, his confession can be seen as an attempt to deflect attention from his broader record, to focus on a single issue, rather than confront the full scope of his torrid actions.

So, how should Nigerians see Babangida post his confession?

The answer is complex.

While his admission of guilt is a step in the right direction, it is only the beginning of a long process of reckoning and accountability.

Ultimately, Nigerians must approach Babangida’s confession with a critical eye, recognizing the extent of his thoroughly inhuman misdeeds, as well as, both the significance of his admission and the limitations of his apology.

By doing so, we can begin to build a more nuanced understanding of our country’s past; one that acknowledges the complexities and contradictions of figures like Babangida. That would, without a doubt, lead us to a fair and just conclusion as to how we believe history will, inevitably, judge him.

One Nigerian who has begun that process, even before the billions – Naira deluge of a book launch and his confession and efette apologies, is Professor Steve Egbo who, a whole 24(2001) years earlier, has written a tome on the general with conclusions that have more than a fair chance of representing the retired general’s epitaph.

With an eye on space constraint then , let us quote Professor Egbo at some length in his book:’Political Soldiering : Africa’s Men on Horseback”, especially pages 84 – 94.

Wrote Egbo: “Many have reacted to Babangida’s so called autobiography. Many more will still react. As a response to his obstinacy and lies, I have decided to produce a brief excerpt from my book, “Political Soldiering : Africa’s Men on Horseback”, published 24 years ago. This will serve as my personal response to Babangida’s false narratives. His attempt to rewrite history in his own image is just a proof of who he is.

How Babangida’s private emotions, ideas and plans were foisted on the nation, how the nation’s resources were subjected to a plethora of abuse and misuse, and how the nation remained exceptionally receptive to para-psychological manipulations for a period of eight years vastly go beyond conventions and traditional wisdom.

For Babangida, politics is not just “the art of the possible”, it is the art of ruling a people through deception, empty promises, lies and intimidation. For him, while politics remain the process by which people compete for the control of the instruments of favor, it must involve “the use of fraud”.

For the smiling General and the perfidious faithlessness he represents, the best politician is a juggler, or better still a sorcerer, full of tricks, inconsistencies, nihilism and misathropy. Babangida saw himself as the Charles De Gaulle of our time.

He believes himself to be a strong man, a man of action with a strong dose of egoism, pride, toughness, and cunning.

This belief best explains the reason why he took Nigeria on a jolly ride for so many years. He told Nigerians that as political nonentities, they must learn the rudiments of democracy at his feet.

It was a long lecture, scheduled to last eight years or till eternity. However, it was a very sad lecture because at the end of it all, Nigeria learnt nothing but lost everything. The energies, the resources and the time channeled therein went down the drain”.

That I believe is how Nigerians should see, and remember, General Ibrahim Babangida, the self – proclaimed “evil genius”, alias Maradona.

March 2, 2025