Category: Sunday

  • Hunger & Co.

    Hunger & Co.

    • Endbadgovernance protests as products of multidimensional frustrations

    Anyone with a clear understanding of the depth of the hunger in the land would know that nothing could have prevented the #Endbadgovernance protests that took off in several parts of the country on August 1. But, that it happened under an administration that is barely one year old, and one that has, within so short a time, rolled out a lot of revolutionary policy measures is regrettable but yet a pointer to the fact that something is wrong somewhere.

    I said it on this page on June 2, in a piece titled “Food infrastructure”, that the government should prioritise food security. That was two clear months before August 1. Permit me to quote, albeit extensively, from the write-up since I cannot repeat the entire piece because I have to accommodate fresh developments.

    The cause/s of the protests we all know.

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu himself admitted that he has heard Nigerians loud and clear that things ‘is’ hard (apologies to Sonala Olumhense).

    For me, that should be the spirit. I nonetheless don’t have problems with people who might want the president to go after foes, real or perceived, who allegedly fuelled or sponsored the protests.

    But the government would be naive to ever think that there would not be foes that would work assiduously towards its failure. It has always been like that with us. Indeed, I had repeatedly pointed that out on this page.

    Back to my “Food infrastructure”. Here I go: “Food prices are just astronomical. Unfortunately, food has no alternative. Human beings must eat. If any other thing can wait; not food. Even if one is on marathon fasting; like litigation, there must be an end to it.”

    Read Also: Hunger Protest: Account for 13% derivation, IGR other funds -APC tells Oborevwori

    I also alluded to the giant strides that the Tinubu administration has recorded: “…in fairness to the President Bola Ahmed Tinubu government, it has done a lot in one year…

    “But all of these and many more seem to have paled into insignificance simply because food is still expensive. Pure and simple. This is the singular veil that is blurring other achievements of the government and understandably so.”

    Still on my quotable quotes: “Even in local Yoruba parlance, they say ‘ebi ki wonu, ki oro mi wo’, or t’ebi ba ti kuro ninu ise, ise buse’, both literally translated to mean if hunger is out of the poverty question, then the rest is easy to address.”

    I also said Nigerians are not interested in figures of the tonnes and tonnes of grains the government claims it has released from its strategic reserves. What they are interested in is the result on food prices.

    Moreover, no pun was intended when, in that same piece, I said the Minister of Agriculture “is the minister that the president must keep in touch with per second 24×7 because his ministry is the most important at this point in our national life”.

    I also remember quoting an aspect of Pastor Enoch Adeboye’s statement that “if love is blind, marriage would open it”. “…If politics or tribe or religion is blind, hunger would open it. That is what is playing out in the country.”

    But, in the midst of this hunger, we have a political class that is living like oil sheikhs, with their belts ever widening and their bellies ever protruding underneath well-starched ‘babarigas’ that seem their exclusive preserve. Nigerians cannot understand this sharp contrast.

    Moreover, there are several government expenditures that they also cannot see to be in tune with the economic crisis that the government claims the country is going through. Some examples would suffice.

    We started with the depressing news of our National Assembly members who insisted on getting exotic imported jeeps of about N160m each! Even in the prosperous countries, their lawmakers do not enjoy such luxury. It is only in Nigeria that people have not only turned part-time job into full time; they are also bleeding the citizens to sustain their extravagant lifestyle.

    There are several other public expenditures that are out of tune with the economic picture that the government is painting.

    Again, Nigerians are also sad that those who brought the country to where it is are still walking free. I wonder why the government is not opening up on some of the issues that it should have opened up on. 

    For instance, we have always known that our crude had been sold upfront by some of the previous regimes. But many of us do not know to what extent. I think it has got to the stage where everyone has to answer his father’s name. President Tinubu might have succeeded a fellow All Progressives Congress (APC) president, and one that he played an active part in enthroning for that matter. But what was the extent of the Buhari government’s crude sale?

    Giving full disclosure on this would

    rather help to put the record straight, and, more important, enable us ask questions concerning how they not only ate up the country’s present in their time, but also why they had to dip their hands into the pies of the future. In a nutshell, what did they do with the proceeds?

    An energy expert, Mr Olabode Sowunmi, made the startling revelation on Channels Television that some of the upfront sale of crude are for as long as 15 to 30 years! According to him, even the present government has had to travel that route.

    In truth, there may not be much wrong with this type of arrangement if the money is spent for regenerative purposes. At least we will always recoup the money and our unborn children would not have to pay only to satisfy the lustful appetite of elders who are not contented with eating up their present but are also eager to eat up our children’s future.

    One has to dwell much on this because it is part of the reasons why the Naira is crawling in the forex market. A significant amount of forex that should naturally be coming into government’s coffers is not available due to these upfront consumption because crude oil accounts for about 75 percent of our national revenue.

    The prognosis is really frightening.

    Given the scenario painted by Sowunmi, we just have to be cautious about our optimism on energy security. After meeting Joint Venture Agreements, and honouring our upfront crude sales obligations, what is left is not going to go round Dangote and other private local refineries, not to talk of when the government-owned refineries also become operational. Meaning we would have to be importing crude to meet aspects of local production, if we would not be importing petrol. So, where does that leave us?

    But if Nigerians must continue to bear this burden, then they are entitled to full disclosures on all of these deals. Where corruption is detected, they want those involved prosecuted. We know the gargantuan level of corruption in the era that some of these deals were sealed. Nigerians do not want to be vomiting what they never swallowed.

    What I am saying in essence is that the #Endbadgovernance protest was a product of several frustrations; hunger just happened to be the immediate trigger. So, President Tinubu has to return to the drawing board. It may be painful that we have to start from the basics; that is the reality. It is not only babies that learn how to walk. There are times when even adults do after having their legs fractured. They start learning to walk with crutches. There is nothing shameful in that.

    It is possible that some of the president’s overzealous aides, military and civilian, would want to show him that they are working by inviting him to come witness how they are administering ‘koboko’ lashes on the bumbum of the alleged sponsors of the protests arrested, after ensuring they have removed their pants. But the president should merely encourage them to do their work in accordance with the law and due process. His eyes must be on food security. And delivery of other democratic dividend to Nigerians, in that order.

    Hunger was the sponsor-in-chief of the protests; pure and simple. The others were mere co-sponsors. They merely exploited the hunger in the land which provided them ready recruits to achieve their aim. Take away the hunger and they would have been left helpless.

    Therefore, as the government is picking on alleged protest sponsors, it should also look inward and see what it is doing that is contrary to what it is telling Nigerians is the state of the economy. Both should go in pari passu.

    For instance, where the president sees financial recklessness in, say, the legislature, he should not take his eyes away from it. This is not the time to talk of independence of the different arms of government. Nigerians have come to realise that it is where matters of perks are concerned that independence of the arms of the government are overstressed by the lawmakers. The two arms have always cooperated on several other matters. The point the president has to understand is that the buck stops at his desk. Nigerians would be solidly behind him if he insists on certain maximum standards where certain expenditures are concerned.

    But The Presidency too must lead by example. Many of us were living witnesses to the military era when soldiers that we did not elect insisted that public officials would only use made-in-Nigeria cars. That was even when our currency was strong. How then can the people that said we elected them dictate to us that it is imported jeeps that tore into our skins to procure that they wanted? Anyone who cannot abide by the prescribed general standard should stay away from public office.

    Permit me to end this piece with what Emmanuel Olusegun Stover said in the abstract to his book, ‘Stomach Infrastructure: Lessons for Democracy and Good Governance’: “But, to sum it up, stomach infrastructure is first and foremost about the people’s survival. It is a living, stress-free man that can enjoy the benefit of a modern city or world-class physical infrastructures. Thus, … building stomach infrastructure is about understanding the bottom-top gradual approaches in developmental strides.”

    And, lest I forget, as I said last week, the government has to think creatively out of the box on how to address the issue of palliatives. Many governors have not been helpful in this regard. They simply don’t care. Yet, they should.

  • That ‘Igbo must leave’ antic

    That ‘Igbo must leave’ antic

    Too many crazy things happen on social media, and too many crazy persons are eternal habitués of the social media. One of such fixtures on social media who uses the Lagospedia Twitter handle, aping the #EndBadGovernance protesters, decided to target the Igbo, the object of his pet hatred. He sought to begin a campaign to compel the Igbo to leave Lagos State or face protests between August 20 and 30, 2024. For him, it seemed, it would be a magical follow-up to #10 days of rage. The post presumes he is a Lagosian, probably as insular as they come; for why would he campaign for the Igbo to leave Lagos and not the Southwest? The petulant Lagospedia is, however, not finding takers for his cause, having clumsily and opportunistically tried to latch on to the largely violent hunger protests of August 1-10. The reasons are not too far to seek.

    Posted on X (Twitter) on July 27, 2024, the notice to the Igbo reads: “Lagosians and every Southwest stakeholder should prepare for the massive protest of #IgboMustGo on the 20th – 30th of August. They have one month from now to leave and relocate their business from all southwest states. We urge all Yoruba living in the southeast to return home.” There has not been one tiny support for the Lagospedia anti-Igbo campaign; instead the police and Lagos State government have opened investigations to unmask him and his motives. Unfortunately, however, the post has also generated reactions that stereotype both the Yoruba and the Igbo, depending on who is speaking. A Methodist Archbishop in the Southeast dismissed Lagospedia as follows: “What they are saying is a defeatist attitude; they know that the wealth in Lagos is Igbo’s. Remove whatever the Federal Government did in Lagos, remove whatever Igbo have done in Lagos, and there will be no Lagos…” Lagospedia was probably acting alone, but he has, in the estimation of his critics, morphed into a group. Even a group of Lagos indigenes under the aegis of De Renaissance Patriots Foundation disseminated its own peculiar resentment against the larger Yoruba people whom they see as suffocating the state. “We have nothing to do with the campaign,” they growled. “It is the handiwork of Southwest Yoruba, who are non-indigenes in the state. They are either residents or sojourners whose aims and intentions are to capture the state permanently and dominate the natives.”

    When the law catches up with him, Lagospedia will not be amused by the unmasking. But meanwhile, he will be excited that he has raked the polity with his ethnic incendiary, angering many Igbo groups and perplexing Yoruba elders. According to the Yoruba Council of Elders, “We are strongly committed to having one Nigeria in line with President Bola Tinubu‘s desire. So, asking the Igbo people to go away will be at variance with the President’s position. We must not be a divided nation.” But for the Ohanaeze Youth Council, the “Yoruba should give an award of honour to Ndigbo because the significant development done in Yoruba land is done by the Igbo. Ndigbo brought fortune to Yoruba in commerce and industry…” In fact, first from the starting block of attacks against Lagospedia were both former vice president Atiku Abubakar and Labour Party presidential candidate in the last election Peter Obi. Said Alhaji Atiku on the Lagospedia twaddle: “The recent call on X (formerly Twitter) for a protest under the #IgboMustGo, demanding the forced relocation of Igbo people from Lagos and other South-West states, is deeply troubling and fundamentally opposed to the principles of unity and coexistence that define our nation. Such rhetoric is not only divisive but also endangers our peace and security…I call on the Nigerian government and relevant authorities to take immediate and strong action against those inciting such hatred and division. It is imperative to investigate, arrest, and prosecute individuals promoting ethnic discrimination and violence…”

    Read Also: IPOB rejects move, says Igbo must leave North

    Mr Obi was also unsparing. Said he: “Let me pointedly warn that such rhetoric threatens our unity and is fundamentally opposed to our Constitution. Those in authority must show leadership and urgently speak out against such divisive rhetoric. Immediate action should be taken to investigate, arrest, and prosecute those behind this heinous agenda.” It is hard to explain convincingly why both Alhaji Atiku and Mr Obi took umbrage at Lagospedia’s petulant statement, as objectionable as it was. When both politicians campaigned for the presidency last year, they resorted desperately and shamelessly to currying ethnic and religious sentiments, with Alhaji Atiku reminding northerners to vote for northerners, and Mr Obi importuning Christendom and describing the election as a religious war and he as the Christian champion. Hate speech has no two definitions, and both politicians had indulged in it when it suited their purposes.

    Lagospedia was not just divisive, he was indeed also childish. But his views are a carry-over of the campaigns of hatred and bigotry the country appears to be immersed in lately, some of which played out last week in some parts of Nigeria during the hunger protests, particularly in the core North. In June 2017, responding to the May 30 shutdown of the Southeast by the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), the Coalition of Northern Youth Groups gave the Igbo three months to vacate the North. They were brazen, cocky and reckless. Hear them: “The persistence for the actualisation of Biafra by the unruly Igbo of south-eastern Nigeria has lately assumed another alarming twist which involved the forceful lockdown of activities and denial of other people’s right to free movement in the Southeast by the rebel Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) and its overt and covert sponsors. This latest action and similar confrontational conduct which amount to a brutal encroachment on the rights of those termed as non-indigenous people residing and doing lawful businesses in those areas illegally demarcated and defined as Biafra by the Igbo, are downright unacceptable and shall no longer be tolerated.”

    They then added, even more provocatively: “As a first step, since the Igbo have clearly abused the unreciprocated hospitality that gave them unrestricted access to, and ownership of, landed property all over the north, our first major move shall be to reclaim, assume and assert sole ownership and control of these landed resources currently owned, rented or in any way enjoyed by the ingrate Igbo in any part of northern Nigeria…With the effective date of this declaration, which is today, Tuesday, June 6, 2017, all Igbo currently residing in any part of Northern Nigeria are hereby served notice to relocate within three months and all northerners residing in the east are advised likewise.”

    Three days later, in contrast to Lagospedia’s asinine fulminations roundly condemned by Southwest elders, the Northern Elders Forum, through their spokesman Ango Abdullahi, a professor, backed the northern youths to the hilt. He denounced the calls to sanction the northern youths whom he described as “agile and progressive” and also condemned northern governors for denouncing them. He alluded to the hero’s welcome given Nnamdi Kanu when he was admitted to bail in 2017, and wondered why anyone would object to the northern youths’ ultimatum to the Igbo.

    Indeed, years of indulging separatist ideologies and hateful speech have spawned a bed of snakes all over the country. And with social media fouling the polity and destroying civility, it was but a little time before Nigeria came smack into the destructive inanity of Lagospedia, not to talk of the madness in some northern states instigated by hunger protesters’ 10 days of rage. Lagospedia is nothing more than a distressing manifestation of deep-seated fractures in the polity, fractures birthed and encouraged by inept leaders over the past few decades. It is unlikely hysteria is the solution.

  • The last of the oriental sisters

    The last of the oriental sisters

    With the dismissal last Sunday of Sheikh Hasina, the former prime minister of Bangladesh, in very stressful and fretful circumstances, an era might have come to an end. It is the era of strong women with heavy balls who pursued family honour and abjured heirloom to the bitterest and sometimes most tragic end. It is the epoch of the much storied daughters of the east, women who entered the political coliseum on behalf of martyred fathers and tormented families. They were all to no exception modern amazons who fought with everything they had to redeem family honour battling and brawling every inch of the way like ferocious kittens.

      Please stand up for recognition Madam Sirima Bandaranaike and Ms Chandrika Kumaratunga Bandaranaike of old Ceylon and modern Sri Lanka, the colourful and controversial Benazir Bhutto, assassinated daughter of the martyred prime minister of Pakistan, Ali Zulfikar Bhutto, the graceful and benign Corazon Aquino, wife of Benigno Aquino who was shot and killed on the order of the then President of the Philippines , Ferdinand Marcos, as he landed in Manila Airport, Megawati Sukarnoputri of Indonesia, Aung San Kyi of Myanmar who is currently held by the monstrous and murderous military junta in Rangoon and perhaps the matriarch  of them all, Indira Ghandi of India.

      In a surreal scene replete with psycho-drama, the helicopter ferrying Sheikh Hasina to safety in India had hardly departed the lush and well-manicured presidential lawn in Dhaka when an angry mob invaded the premises. A protester was captured for posterity using her undies as prized handkerchief to wipe the sooth and grime of early morning Dhaka from his face. Another was seen hurrying away with her handbag. It was the dawn of a new era for the longsuffering Bangladeshi people, particularly the hordes of students who had thrown everything they had against the female autocrat, losing scores of priceless youth as the berserk police poured live bullets into the crowd.

     If it was indeed the end of an era, it was not supposed to end that way for Sheikh Hasina. But then character is fate, as it has been observed many times. In addition to the heroic valour and courageous mettle of their forebears, most of these exemplary women, particularly the direct daughters, also seem to have inherited the authoritarian cast of temperament and iron contempt for established norms of their fathers. In retrospect, no one knows how Aung San Kyi would have turned out in Burma but her stony endorsement of the cruel treatment of the Rohingya people dimmed her global reputation and had sent alarm signals ringing in most western capitals.

      Sheikh Hasina is the daughter of the founding president of Bangladesh and the charismatic leader of the movement for independence, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. A proud earnest man with a reputation for stern discipline and uncompromising fidelity to principles, he gained global attention when he was imprisoned for treason by the Pakistani authorities for declaring independence for his country. As he himself would reveal later, he had already mentally prepared himself for execution.

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      But he was reprieved to become the new leader and undisputed hero of the new nation. In 1975, Sheikh Mujibur and his entire family were wiped out in a particularly bloody military uprising. Hasina and her sister were spared only because they were out of the country on a visit to Hasina’s physician husband in West Germany. They were denied reentry by the new authorities and both went on exile in India, never to return to their fatherland until 1981. Upon her return, Hasina swung into full time political activities. It was an inch by inch slog to redeem family honour and political heirloom replete with assassination attempts, incarcerations, restrictions and interdictions.

              By the time she fell from power last week, Hasina had made sure that all those implicated in the assassination of her beloved father  and his family had either been hanged or posthumously disgraced and dishonoured, or in exile fleeing  from the long arms of justice. It was the sweet revenge of the favourite daughter. But she is also credited with transforming her country from a fetid and slummy backwater to a glittering emporium.

        It was not her remarkable achievement on the economic sphere that the irate students and affronted compatriots who sacked her from her plush residence were quarreling with. It was her authoritarian distemper, her autocratic highhandedness and increasing disdain for the regular norms of democracy and her aristocratic contempt for the poor and the teeming masses that have seen their living standards plummet despite the rising prosperity of the nation.  There was also the whiff of corruption which dogged her every step particularly in the later part of her fifteen year rule.

      Absolute power corrupted absolutely. This is an engrossing tale of fierce loyalty and pursuit of family honour in the most adversarial of circumstances. Now that all passion appears spent, all is quiet once again on the Bengali Bay. Here is wishing Mohammad Yunus the best of luck as he sets about resetting the political and economic buttons of his beloved country.

  • SNAPSONG   227

    SNAPSONG   227

    A  Daniel Has Come To Judgement

    (To Dan Izevbaye, Unforgettable Teacher)

    Economical with words

         But not so with wisdom

    His quiet pen provokes the open page

         To a protean profundity

    Of rare richness and pungent sagacity

         Rounded in its rhythm

    Polyglot in its uttering

         Mellow with the mythic melody of the Muse

    Red, red run his favourite books

         His rainbow harvests on our luminous shelves

    His eyes set and steady on our Wisdom Ways

         His Voice, keen and quiet, fathers a thousand songs

    Modest and methodical,

         This timeless thinker who plumbs

    The leanings of the deepest words

          Veteran Interpreter who cracks

    The code of knotty idioms

         The Song is his soulmate, the story his solace

    This shy Warrior who slays

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         The Dragon of   Bullying Nescience

    Born with a book in his hand

       This Unforgettable Teacher

    Who plies the fertile space

         Between the head and the heart

    How many trumpets can we blow 

         For this advocate of life and love

    How many tons of gold can reward

         His immeasurable capacity?

  • After the deluge

    After the deluge

    Even before the hunger protests of August 1-10, 2024 began, it was clear to the judicious that it was unlikely to have the thunderous effect its organisers hoped. Cocky and self-entitled, the Gen-Z planners of the protests were unwilling or unable to learn anything from the Kenyan protests that served as their inspiration. The Kenyan protesters targeted President William Ruto’s 2024 Finance Bill, and won the battle; but they tactlessly veered into unfamiliar territory by expanding their list of demands, including ‘ordering’ the president to step down, until the crisis became stalemated and Kenya, once a tourist destination, is now becoming a tourist pariah. Nigeria’s hunger protesters, right from the beginning, produced an unwieldy list of demands that flew in the face of common sense and logic. It was unsurprising that after the first two days or so, the protests were quickly hijacked and all restraining voices of moderation drowned out. The scale of violence, looting and destruction, mainly in the North, complete with the novelty of exhibiting allegiance to a foreign flag, was unimaginable. Nigerians will consequently thread very gingerly in future protests, sensing the violent direction they could or would inevitably head.

    Hopefully, the Bola Tinubu administration is conducting a dispassionate postmortem to understand the protests and their aftermaths. The government won this round of protests not because there was no justification for the hunger marches, but because the young people who marshaled the protests lacked tact, believing that brute and overbearing actions could overthrow the constitution. The administration must, therefore, examine what they had done administratively wrong before the protests, what concessions they must now be prepared to give whether they like it or not, how they grappled with the protests, either ham-handedly or heavy-handedly, and how the youths lost the plot without losing their appeal. The protest leaders may not constitute the future set of young leaders the country hopes for, but because someday in the future the baton must be handed over to the young, it is important for the administration to look at the protests holistically and determine how to reorient and equip Nigeria’s future leaders. Too many people in high places, whether they are legal experts or human rights activists, or even former presidential candidates or opinion moulders, may have displayed their ineptitude and poor judgement before and during the protests, but the administration has an obligation to winnow the grain and redirect the country’s energies towards a great future.

    Now, after the August 1-10 deluge, the Tinubu administration must grapple with a future none of his predecessors had prepared Nigeria for, including ex-president Olusegun Obasanjo whose apocalyptic and sanctimonious warnings two days ago about the country sitting on a powder keg belie his complicity in electoral malfeasance and failings as a visionary president. The president’s task will be made doubly difficult because of the economic rot he inherited, but it is not an option for him to kick the ball down the road and pass the nuisance to any successor. It is good that he does not shirk a fight, and even better that he seems mentally prepared to absorb the worst kinds of abuse, but the frenzied situation he is being called upon to contend with will test his mettle beyond human forbearance. Success is not guaranteed; and though most of his opponents wish him to fail on all counts, the country as a spiritual and abstract entity must hope for his success. When he elected to be silent over his predecessors’ appalling economic and political mismanagement of the country, particularly under ex-president Muhammadu Buhari, it was tantamount to optimistically jumping from a low-flying aircraft without a parachute. His aides had sometimes vented their spleen on the former president, and he had occasionally come very close to spilling the beans, but he had managed by herculean efforts to remain reticent.

    Reticence, sadly, can sometimes be costly. It meant the president could neither put the country on war-footing over the distressed economy nor sensitise them to the abysmal depths of the economic morass he inherited, not to talk of coaxing their fortitude in the event of a fairly long and ghastly recovery effort. The problem is worsened by the fact that most Nigerians, not excluding supposedly enlightened people and media professionals, are almost completely ignorant of the country’s macroeconomic calamity. Redressing the malady, even for the most adroit and perceptive leader and economist, would take tons of appropriate drugs and nothing less than two years. But though his diagnoses were sound and his determination unflinching, President Tinubu’s timing had sometimes been off-key. In addition, he had become so accustomed to acting like a doctor who forgets to be manifestly empathic. He needed many town hall meetings; but he was not organising them. He needed to get media professionals smack and unrelentingly by his side instead of the side of his detractors; but he was slow in reaching out to them. He also needed the instinct of a populist in connecting with families and individuals in different parts of the country, but he seemed weighed down by esoteric theorising in Aso Villa. And he also needed to take the battle to his remorseless opponents on and outside the social media, but he gave them too much room. On August 1-10, he was punished for those oversights. He has probably learnt the right lessons. The next protests will probably be farther than the October 1 which some youthful nihilists had conjectured on social media, but he will need to take preemptive steps to mobilise the country in a direction other than the ones mischievously predetermined by his enemies.

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    He gave an indication of how his mind worked when The Patriots led by former Commonwealth secretary general Emeka Anyaoku visited him last Friday. He was determined to reset the economy first before venturing into other more rarefied grounds, he said, for as he observed, everything hangs on that most profound and complicated of issues. He is right, but he doesn’t have time. The flag-waving idiocy by sponsored youths during the hunger protests in the North, the jaundiced ranting of one Lagospedia Twitter post ordering the Igbo to vacate Lagos, and the faceless promoters of violence and rebellion in the North and on social media all point to the urgent need to refashion Nigeria. There are some politicians in the North unaccustomed to ‘taking orders’ from a southern president, and there are some south-westerners whose bigotry is matched only by the ethnic exceptionalism of south-easterners. Indeed, these ingredients power a seething cauldron of crisis which the president needs to begin to deal with. British Prime Minister Keir Starmer shows how violent protests and the madness on social media should be tackled. President Tinubu must deal with those who think no protest is worth its name until it is violent, conducted disruptively in the streets, or designed to procure unconstitutional change of government. It does not matter where the promoters of such protests are, within or outside the country, they should be tried for calling for the overthrow of the government. If 25 years of democracy is not to be lost, as imperfect as it may be, and notwithstanding the connivance of top political leaders and grandiloquent former presidents, the law must be applied expeditiously without fear, favour and exception.

    The hunger protests also exposed how the disconnection between lawmakers and the electorate catalyses instability. Nigerians have not yet learnt to engage, pressure, and unseat their representatives in the legislature. Had they imbibed the right lessons in line with their presidential system of government, the unhealthy and concentrated focus on Aso Villa as the main agent of change as well as satisfaction of national needs and wants would have been diminished. The Tinubu administration needs to refocus the electorate’s engagements with their lawmakers. Closely leashed to this is the fact that the administration needs to find out what model of political and legislative engagement would be most appropriate: the Chinese model with all the consequences of excessive centralisation, or the Western system with all its permissiveness.

    What is clear is that neither the country nor the Tinubu administration can afford to remain conservative or to downplay the crisis which a lack of engagement instigates. Waiting defensively for the next violent protests will be counterproductive, partly because it nearly always ends badly, as Bangladesh, Kenya and Russia, among others, have shown. Declining to respond firmly to those calling for the overthrow of constitutional rule, especially when the promoters are known on social media, is a gross dereliction of duty. Shortly before the inauguration of the Tinubu administration, there were open calls for a coup d’etat. The Buhari administration approached the calls with a blasé attitude. The calls were repeated during the hunger protests by known individuals, with some of them whooping for revolution. It would be a disaster to ignore them again. Nothing justifies anarchism, even in a country which has found it difficult to make up its mind to be united.

  • Nigeria’s northern protesters and Russian flag

    Nigeria’s northern protesters and Russian flag

    The August 1-10 hunger protests, much more than the October 2020 EndSARS protests, serve as the clearest indication of how easily a country united only in law rather than in fact is susceptible to failure. In the core North, where the protests were the most sever, Russian flag became the totemistic indication of the rebellion afoot in a region ravaged for years by hunger, squalor, banditry and Boko Haram insurgency. The offending flag did not pop out suddenly and accidentally. Its introduction was the deliberate action of a few masterminds, domestic and external, intent upon signaling their hidden objectives, hoping the unrest could cascade into a revolution as the national organisers of the protests planned. The protests might not have been planned to deliberately culminate in the waving of the Russian flag, however, given the manner it was sewn by tailors, it seemed to have taken advantage of the protests. The government saw through the plot and warned of the protests’ hijack, but many Nigerians fussy about the law and protesters’ constitutional rights refused to give the government the benefit of the doubt.

    Waving the Russian flag, or any foreign flag for that matter, was until the recent protests unprecedented in Nigeria. Whether the legal and constitutional purists of the South who vociferously championed the protests realised the significance of the Russian flag in the hunger protests is hard to tell. A few activists immediately denounced the novelty and distanced themselves from the flag and the protests, but some others were too embarrassed to condemn the novelty outright, preferring instead to focus on the government’s response to the criminality unleashed on the streets two or three days after the protests began. In any case, the introduction of the Russian flag accounted in large part for the fizzling out of the protests, particularly in the South, except Rivers State which belatedly tried to take advantage of the crisis to settle political scores. More people will be wary next time in embracing protests with amorphous objectives and indiscernible leadership. But it is now too late not to recognise that, truly, the republic is endangered. The republic was never really a republic, and Nigeria was never really a nation, a disturbing fact now accentuated by the Russian flag. But far more worrisomely, it is clear that the events of the past one year or more in Niger Republic, especially the coup by military officers and their cohabitation with Russia, not to talk of the substitution of France and the United States, hold tremendous attraction south of the border.

    It remains uncertain, however, whether that attraction is spread evenly among the populace in the core North or limited only to a few members of the political elite eternally infatuated with power and besotted to ethnic exceptionalism. If the protests had lasted for a few more days, there is no telling whether the flag-waving would not have snowballed into a full-scale rebellion. The government is still trying to unravel the protesters’ fascination with the Russian flag. Was it because of the vaunted blood kinship between Niger Republic and the northern Nigerian states of Katsina, Kano, Jigawa and others? Or was it because of the new suitor the military rulers of Niger Republic, Burkina Faso and Mali have found in Russia? Or was it even more primordial than that, a throwback to the religious idealism that had seen the North convulsed by decades of fundamentalist eruptions such as Maitatsine and now Boko Haram and banditry? Russia’s attraction to some countries may be because it does not impose its worldview on any satellite state, but it is also a country in great flux, bedeviled by wars, amoral politics, and human rights violations. Worse, unable to pacify its intransigent neighbours, and still bleeding badly from battle reverses, Russia may not be as effective in defending its African satellite states as France and the US had been for decades.

    Read Also: Fed Govt terminates Kano-Maiduguri road contract by Dantata & Sawoe

    After dissociating themselves from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso have formed a confederation called the Alliance of Sahel States (AES). Their young and dashing military rulers, not to say their ambitious economic and social programmes which they say are designed to help form a politically united AES, may fascinate the youths of Nigeria’s far North. But that fascination has probably glossed over the many contradictions rearing their ugly heads in the three countries. The new military rulers have painted a rosy picture of economic progress and inspired citizenry, but the reality has been numbingly different. Neither the fight against jihadist insurgencies in the three states nor economic revival, nor yet social and political stability, has proceeded as the military rulers planned or glamourised. However, the common denominator of the coups is the backing Russia gives to the three countries to cement their independence from France and give them the freedom and latitude to be masters of their own fate. But freedom has its limitations, and power has its responsibility. Until Russia is able to vanquish Ukraine, the AES is unlikely to receive the volume of help needed to defeat the jihadist insurgencies convulsing the three Sahelian countries.

    But while Nigeria’s northern protesters fantasised about Russia’s national flag and what it symbolised for their ‘freedom’, Nigeria appears concerned that some of the Nigerian protesters as well as elements from Niger Republic may be synergising the flag-waving stratagem to cement their consanguineous relationship. It is not clear whether discrete probes will unearth the whole truth behind the flag-waving antic, but it was no accident. If it was not a bluff by northern politicians engaged in political brinkmanship, then it may indicate something far more sinister – a tentative move towards secession from Nigeria and union with the Sahel States of Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger.

  • On new minimum wage, local crude sales deal

    On new minimum wage, local crude sales deal

    It has been a particularly eventful week for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on the account of the very many events and occurrences happening almost about the same time. More than any other event or occurrence, the #EndBadGovernance protest imposed the heaviest of the weights the President had to handle during the week. Remember the buck stops at his table, including the way every Nigeria feels in his bedroom. For instance, among the people who joined the protest was a young lady who claimed she has been unmarried because of bad governance, at 37 years of age.

    To be clear, the President already declared his stance about protests, including this one; he is never opposed to protests, it is a right of citizens, especially in a democracy, to express their feelings and freedom, however it must be a peaceful protest. He has led protests in the part for purposes of good governance, so he has nothing against peaceful, focused protests. The only concern for him is an agenda robed in the garb of a protest, an agenda that does not look like something directed at taking good life back to the people, a political agenda.

    Protest is not the problem anywhere in the world, it becomes a problem when it becomes a cover for criminals to make life difficult for law abiding citizens, like the scenario that played out in Kano and some other states on Thursday, the Day One of the protest. The law was broken down and led to killing, looting, destruction of private and public property. He actually warned against a chaotic protest and the part that really gives him concern about it was the harsh impact it would always have on the ordinary, vulnerable people.

    “We are not afraid of protests. Our concern is the ordinary people, and the damages that will be done. Till today, I cannot forget the brand new 60 and 100 seater buses, down there in Lagos that were burnt down, and we are now complaining of transportation”, he had warned exactly a week before the protest took off on Thursday. By the time the dusts settled Thursday evening, which was day one, not less than twenty persons had been counted dead from different parts of the country. His fears were confirmed and as President he definitely has been worried at the turn of events, and pained because the very reason for his sleepless nights and risks-taking is what the protest has imposed further. It was meant to primarily be a protest against hunger, but it eventually drove food prices up further, which was what he already warned against.

    Gladly though, the disruption did not start early enough to take the whole week over. It started on Thursday, drove people away from their businesses, kept vehicles off the roads, at least till the last work day, being Friday, but before then events had happened, positive enough to calm nerves. Prior to the ‘Days of Rage’, very important events and activities already occurred and have eased some tension and had given assurance to some Nigerians.

    For instance, Monday got marked as the day President signed the new national minimum wage bill into law. It was also the day he had to demonstration his care for the Nigerian worker by putting an ongoing Federal Executive Council (FEC) meeting on hold so he could attend to the leadership of the National Assembly and signed the bill they had passed into law. He has always emphasized the importance of the Labour force, without which cooperation the development of the state would suffer.

    Even if it was just for the consideration of the process that led to that day, it would have been enough reason to put the FEC on hold to get it out of the way. The process of arriving at the new national minimum, you will recall, was not just a walk in the park. It was a journey that saw strikes and threats of it, activities that saw the nation, its economy and people strained and stressed. So when it eventually got to the point of playing the final role, which was signing the bill into law, putting the FEC on hold for a few minutes was nothing compared to the overall gain.

    Though he would not say anything more than appreciating the National Assembly, which collaborated with him to ensure that the workforce is given something reasonably batter than the previous one, he ensured the day was achieved. After the ‘thank you’ to the lawmakers, he invited some of the members of the cabinet who have had one role or the other to play in achieving the day to speak. “All I can say is thank you very much for the expeditious act”, were his words at the ceremony.

    President of the Senate, Senator Godswill Akpabio, who led the National Assembly leadership to the Council Chambers for the brief ceremony, explained what the new law meant for the economy and how it expands beyond just a law that sees to people getting paid for their labour.   

    “The national minimum wage amendment is for the whole nation; for the federal government, for the state’s, for the local governments, for the private sector and even for individual employers. So I think this is a great day for the workers in the country. We are not only doubling the minimum wage, we have added something on top. Initially it was N30,000, now it is N70,000. Like I said, this is minimum, this is not maximum. Any employer that has the capacity can pay as much as you want, but no Nigerian worker will offer services and be paid anything less than N70,000 from today. That is the implication of this Act.

    “It applies all over the nation and we are excited that this is happening at a time like this, through President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, a man who cares for the Nigerian workers and you see what we are doing in the National Assembly, when it came the entirety of the National Assembly moved and passed the bill in one day out of excitement, we felt that this was not something we could delay. So I think the workers are happy”, he said.

    Same Monday President Tinubu directed a new crude oil sale model to local refineries, including the expansive Dangote Refineries. This new system mandates the national oil company, the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL), to begin the sale crude oil to Dangote and others, with the new deal transacted in the local currency, the Naira. Of course, the new deal is not without a targeted benefit for the local economy and the local investor. Note that the directive was meant to be operational with immediate effect.

    It was the duty of the nation’s number one tax chief, Zacch Adedeji, who holds the offices of Special Adviser to the President on Revenue and Chairman of the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS). He joined other senior government officials to address journalists at the State House, Abuja, breaking the news of the presidential directive. 

    “Today, at the Federal Executive Council, there was a memo by Mr. President, which is to promote the sale of crude oil within local refineries and Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), to deal in our local currency. The attitude of Mr. President is thinking outside the box to solve Nigeria’s problem and actually to localised the solutions to Nigeria’s problem.

    “He has approved through the Council that effective immediately, that NNPC get engaged with local refineries and we are starting that with Dangote Refinery. That the sales of crude oil to Dangote Refinery be denominated in Naria and also the sales of byproducts from Dangote Refinery to distributors also be conducted in naira. What does it mean to our economy? One, the pressure on foreign exchange will be reduced.

    “With this approval today through FEC, led by Mr. President, this has reduced by minimum of 90% because what we have today, will mean transaction is now done in our local currency, not only with Dangote Refinery, but to all local refineries for all our local consumptions and this will actually stabilise the pump price.

    “This will also make economic predictability a reality because we will no longer rely on the fluctuations that happen in FOREX. This is an innovation to solving our problems as a country today. Just to be specific, I’ll just read parts of the benefits. Number one, which is major, is the reduction in foreign exchange pressure, as the existing process that we have today utilises $660 million per month, totally $7.92 billion annually.

    Read Also: Law compels all employers to pay N70,000 minimum wage

    “With the new approval that we have, this will reduce to maximum of $50 million per month which is annnualised to be only $600 million. This is total reduction of 94% and saving us $7.32 billion. This will also reduce finance costs, which today stands at $79 million, when you consider opening letter of credit between those local refineries and what happens”, Adedeji disclosed to journalists.

    This policy step, according to the Minister of Interior, Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo, who tries constantly to give expert views to the policies of the administration, said the new window for local economic interaction between NNPCL and local refinery will make boost the energy sector, as well as make the realization of industrialization easy.

    It was still within the that he received the representatives of the banking sector, including the Chairman of the United Bank for Africa, Tony Elumelu; and the Group Chief Executive Officer of the First City Monument Bank (FCMB) who approached him for clarifications on the newly impose Windfall Levy.

    The new week will come with its own excitement, but we need to stay on the #EndBadGovernance in the this week, let us see how it pans out.

  • The protests and the nation

    The protests and the nation

    Assuming office on 29 May, 2023 with the vision to make a difference, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu removed fuel subsidy and merged the dual exchange rate regime. The government believes these would have remarkable long term benefits for the country. Meanwhile, these policies have resulted in economic difficulties for the citizens arising from inflation and decline in purchasing power. This has made it difficult to satisfy the citizens’ food and other key needs. Many segments of the Nigerian society have therefore been making legitimate ameliorating demands of the government. To satisfy these demands and increase citizens’ participation in government, fund allocations to the state and local governments have been increased, and local governments have been granted financial and other forms of autonomy.

    One pro-government document entitled “What Government Is Doing To Address High Cost of Living” lists the following: “National Minimum Wage now N70,000. States expected to follow suit immediately; Import duties suspended on all essential food items, till the end of 2024; Import duties suspended on pharmaceutical raw materials and equipment to bring down prices; 30,000 petrol-powered commercial vehicles are being converted to the cheaper CNG alternative to bring down transport costs; 20,000 students of tertiary institutions have already been covered under Students Loan Scheme. 240,000 more to come; N50,000 presidential grant already disbursed to over 600,000 Nigerians. 400,000 more to come; N75 billion to be disbursed to 100,000 MSMEs starting August 2024; N110 billion approved for disbursement under Youth Investment Fund. Applications ongoing; Consumer Credit Scheme launched to enable Nigerians have access to credit facilities; Over N570 billion released to the state governments for expansion of livelihood support to Nigerians.”

    In spite of these efforts, some Nigerians gave notice of nationwide protests planned for 1 to 10 August, 2024 and ominously tagged “10 Days of Rage” or #EndBadGovernance. In a 28 July, 2024 presentation titled “A motley collection of farcical demands” in the Palladium column by Idowu Akinlotan in The Nation, the following are listed:

    “1. Return of fuel subsidy. 2. Addressing issues in the power sector. 3. Release of IPOB leader Nnamdi Kanu from DSS custody. 4. Allowance for Diaspora voting during general elections. 5. Scrapping of the 1999 constitution and replacement with a people-made constitution. 6. Abolition of the Senate and introduction of part-time lawmaking. 7. Minimum wage increase to N250,000 monthly. 8. Investment in education and grants for students. 9. Free and compulsory education for children. 10. Release of EndSARS and political detainees with compensation. 11. Rationalisation of public-owned enterprises. 12. Establishment of a special energy task force for corruption-free power sector development. 13. Reconstitution of INEC to remove corrupt individuals. 14. Massive investment in public works and industrialization. 15. Shake-up in the judiciary to remove corrupt judges and judicial officers. 16. Reinstitution of a corruption-free subsidy regime. 17. Probe of past and present leaders who have looted the treasury. 18. Restructuring of Nigeria to accommodate diversity, resource control, and regional development. 19. End to banditry, terrorism, and violent crimes. 20. Reform of security agencies to stop human rights violations.”

     As critical-minded Nigerians have observed, the timing of the protests was not auspicious, given the fact that the government had put a number of fundamental measures in place which engender hope. For example, states which so-desire can now establish their own electricity and railways facilities. The naming of the protests as “10 Days of Rage” was also genuine cause for apprehension. What has happened in Kano and Kaduna, for example, where there was loss of lives, including that of a police officer, and where there was widespread arson and vandalisation of government property and that of individuals, has justified dissuading the organisers from going ahead with the protests. It was also contradictory to seek to end ‘bad governance’ in a democratic setting by defying court orders which restrict the protests to designated locations to prevent predictable carnage. 

    Making the release of Nnamdi Kanu one of the top demands of the protest organisers also served to ethnicise the proposed protest and bring to mind the vandalism, arson and murder which he was directing protesters to commit while the #EndSars protests of 2020 were going on. Ironically, on the 1st two days of the protest, no major protest held in the Southeastern states, and there were no prominent Igbo faces at the events in other locations. This has raised the ethnic hackles of those who believe that the Igbos inspired the protests and it has probably given traction to the call on an X handle – Lagospedia – for a massive protest from 20 to 30 August, 2024 for Southeasterners to leave Lagos and other Southwest states.

    Expectedly, the #IgboMustGo has attracted condemnation by Governor Jide Sanwo-Olu of Lagos State, the Yoruba socio-cultural group Afenifere through a release by Jare Ajayi the National Publicity Secretary, Atiku Abubakar the People’s Democratic Party’s presidential candidate in the 2023 elections, Peter Obi the Labour Party’s presidential candidate in the same elections, and the Southeast Caucus of the National Assembly. In a statement signed by Senator Enyinnaya Abaribe and Hon. Igariwey Iduma Enwo, the Southeast Caucus said: “For the records, the Igbo nation, in obedience to the advice of their leaders, governors, Ohaneze Ndigbo Worldwide, parliamentarians and others in the private sector had taken a reasoned and strategic decision not to participate in the on-going nationwide protests. We are, therefore, surprised and disappointed that Igbos are still made scapegoats, and targeted as instigators of protests, as shown in several statements (such as the Igbo Must Go hashtag and call by a certain ‘Lagospedia’ X [Twitter] handle) and videos trending online.”

      The Lagospedia #IgboMustGo and the intense reactions to it call to mind the ominous African American Muslim phrase The Hate that Hate Produced. According to a Columbia University description of the expression, “‘The Hate That Hate Produced’ was a television documentary about the Nation of Islam presented by journalists Louis Lomax and Mike Wallace on ‘Newsbeat’ (a program of New York’s WNTA-TV) on July 10, 1959. Dramatically edited to maximize its shock value, the documentary introduced the Nation (and Malcolm X) to mainstream America. … The documentary served as a valuable recruiting tool for the Nation, swelling the ranks with new converts.”

    Asked, in a 12 October, 1998 interview by James A. DeVinney, what the expression meant in specific terms, Mike Wallace said: “The … meaning of The Hate That Hate Produced was, there is hate, hatred, suspicion, whatever, on both sides. If indeed the Muslims hated the Whites, and they acknowledged that they did, Malcolm was very eloquent about that. Elijah Muhammad was very eloquent about it. … They [the Muslims] wanted … to … separate the Blacks from the Whites in this country. If they felt that hatred, it was in reaction to the hatred that they [the Blacks] felt had been directed against them [by the Whites], therefore, The Hate That Hate Produced.”

    Given the swift and unanimous condemnation of the #IgboMustGo and the lessons which can be learnt from the American The Hate That Hate Produced experience, it is hoped that going forward, the different socio-cultural or socio-political groups in Nigeria and influential individuals would be sensitive to, timeously condemn and dissuade all who have the propensity for denigrating and threatening other ethnic groups or even individuals who do not share their perspective. As has been shown in the reactions to the Lagospedia post, connivant silence is not golden.

    The protests have also created ample opportunities for fake news. In a 2 August, 2024 press release titled “Nationwide protest: Kano looting video misconceived,” the Director, Army Public Relations, Major-General Onyema Nwachukwu, said: “The Nigerian Army (NA) has been notified of a viral video circulating in the social media, insinuating that troops participated in the looting spree by some unscrupulous persons who took advantage of the protest to perpetrate the looting that occurred on Thursday, 1 August, 2024 in Kano. … Contrary to the misconception portrayed in the purported video, soldiers of 3 Brigade NA responded to a distress call of hoodlums’ attack on Barakat Stores in the metropolis, the swift intervention of the soldiers however prevented the hoodlums from having a filled day. The troops intercepted some of the hoodlums and recovered some of the looted items, which they were conveying back to the Store, when another distress call of a planned attack on the Kano State Government House was received.” 

    Read Also: Protests: No life lost in Katsina — Police

    The NA statement continued: “Considering the urgency of the imminent attack, the troops immediately diverted to respond to the distress call in order to protect the Government House from the hoodlums’ attack. It was in the course of the response to distress call about possible attack on Kano Government House, that the video was shot. … Troops have since moved the recovered gallons of cooking oil and other items back to the store, where they were safely handed-over to the rightful owner. The management of Barakat stores has acknowledged and appreciated the effort of the troops and their professional conduct in a letter conveyed by the organization’s General Manager. … We urge the public to be cautious of misinformation and verify facts before drawing conclusions.”

    Peter Obi also stated as follows in a 2 August, 2024 report of The Punch titled “Videos being twisted to blackmail me, Peter Obi cries out”: “I have noticed some deliberate and well-orchestrated efforts by some persons to blackmail me …. Their dubious moves have led to the false circulation of a video from my recent keynote speech at the installation of Rotarian Professor A.U. Nnonyelu in Anambra State. They have twisted the video to suit their motive to suggest that I declared war on Northerners when, in fact, I spoke about declaring war on economic stagnation, insecurity, and corruption.” Obi further noted: “Another video circulating online, supposedly showing me leading a protest in Abuja, is also false. The video was actually taken during my visit to the Labour Party HQ, where I mediated a clash between the Labour Party and the NLC. The video was conveniently edited to create a false narrative.”

    That the supporters of the protests have themselves become victims of the protests proves true the saying that when you point a finger at someone, the remaining nine are pointing at you yourself. Similarly, when fire begins to rage, it doesn’t respect the person who set it. In addition, very many of those who opposed the protests or counseled against it on the basis of both recent and not-so-recent experiences have also become victims, especially with respect to creating testy ethnic relations. Therein lies the wisdom of the Yoruba proverb, “If your neighbour is eating bad insects and you do not try to stop them in good time, by the time they begin their bad cough in the night, you won’t be able to sleep.”   

  • A protester’s right ends where that of a non protester begins

    A protester’s right ends where that of a non protester begins

    Article 20 of the UDHR, Article 21 and 22 of the ICCPR, but more specifically, S.40 of the Nigerian 1999 constitution  states that:”every person shall be entitled to assemble freely and associate with other persons, and may form or belong to any political party, trade union or any other association for the protection of his interests.

    The right contains the freedom to assemble and associate freely with others, but it further states that the assembly must be peaceful because “public order supersedes the circumference of this right.”

    That concluding proviso is what many contemporary Nigerian activists forget when claiming, vociferously, their right to freedom of assembly.

    In his days, Chief Gani Fawehinmi of blessed memory, a man of 

    daring courage, and resourcefulness, would never have been found leading obidiots’ and election losers’- inspired protests, the types now holding Nigeria  by the jugular, led by some nameless unknowns,: and whose objectives include regime change. They are keen on  weaponising our current economic challenges to cause utter confusion as well as inflict wanton destruction of both infrastructure and public institutions as we saw during their 2020 #EndSars# madness when, from some 3000 miles away in the UK, Nnamdi Kanu was  telling his foot soldiers via radio, where and what places to burn down as a result of which Lagos state lost almost N2T in properties burnt.

    In those days,  alongside Chief Fawehinmi you were sure to find democracy titans like the Nobel Laureate, Professor Wole Soyinka, Pastor Tunde Bakare, Dr Beko Ransome Kuti, Femi Falana, SAN, Olisa Agbakoba, SAN and Ayo Akele to mention a few; not today’s ragtag unknowns, flexing muscles behind the curtain.

    All you now know about these so- called protest planners is limited to what the  lawyers claiming to represent them volunteer, whilst inexplainably,  standing in the gap for, not only the dark planners, but also  the thousands of protesters, most of who are driven by politics, and ethnic considerations. 

    As authorities in Law, I need not remind these eminent lawyers of Section  45(1) which states that “nothing in sections 37, 38, 39, 40

    and 41 of the Nigerian Constitution shall invalidate any law that is reasonably justifiable in a democratic society. Indeed, 45(a), specifically provides for the protection of the rights, as well as, the freedom of other persons.

    The protesters they claim to represent, are  persons who may be armed with just about  anything; from hydrogen bombs to molotov cocktails, not to talk of guns which have become three for a penny in Nigeria. Indeed, the recent seizures by the Nigerian customs of assorted weapons, shipped into the country from overseas, may not be unconnected with this “take their country back” protest, which is allegedly being heavily funded from abroad by ethnic supporters of election losers. It is also not unusual for these protesters, many of who are under the influence of drugs, to take over township roads and work places, destroying things as they go.

    It is apposite to mention that this past month, five climate activists from the

     “Just Stop Oil protest” group were each jailed for at least four years in the UK over a conspiracy to block London’s M25 motorway. That is in the UK these protesters are ever so eager to reference with regards to observance of human rights.

    Read Also: 95% of Borno protesters underage – Zulum

    While there is no doubt, whatever, that the Nigerian circumstances today is axyphisiating, many of the problems a carryover from the Buhari administration and, of course, some ill- digested policies of the Tinubu government, most of the  protesters’ demands, where not funny, are plain unreasonable, being political in nature, and issues the President cannot executively effect without  reference to the legislature.

    Hereunder are the demands, including, naturally,  the release of Nnamdi Kanu which is, of course, already being, more commonsensically, approached by Southeast leaders:

    Revert petrol pump price to N100/litre in spite of the landing cost of imported fuel;

    Combat insecurity and hunger, as if nothing is being done;

    Close all IDP camps and resettle the campers, even if their towns are still unsafe;

    Total electoral reform

    Independent probe into the electoral budget of N355 billion, even without prior allegations of mismanagement or corruption;

    Immediate release of ENDSARS protesters still in detention, even if government has already denied the existence of any;

    Implementation of living wage (minimum wage of N300k), being, obviously the funniest of their demands;

    Compulsory free education from primary to secondary school, even if presently unbudgeted for;

    Children of public office holders must attend public schools in the country. Those outside must, on their say so, be rapidly brought back to the country;

    10.Government must patronise made-in-Nigeria goods. Also

    Transition to unicameral legislature, as well as.

    Judicial and constitutional review.

    Apart from the Federal government initiating many paliative measures and programmes, some of which officials in charge, unfortunately, do everything to frustrate, President Tinubu has copiously shown himself a listening President.

    It is pertinent to mention that in their reaction to the protest, some state governments, rather than resort to strongarm tactics, have reasonably, approached the courts to ensure that they do  not suffer the horrendous loss Lagos state experienced during the #EndSars# protest.

    With regards to the protest slated for 1-10 August, a damn long period as if Nigeria has no other business, Niger – Delta leader, Mujahid Asari Dokubo, a first class protester himself, has come up with some words of advice with which I shall like to conclude this piece.

    I quote him, non – verbatim below, at some length, to perfectly situate the mutuality of the freedoms of both the protesters and non- protesters.

    Addressing a mammoth crowd of his supporters this past week, Asari Dokubo said words to the following effect:

    I thank all of you. I will go straight to the point. I and all of you who believe in me, and are committed to Niger Delta, will have nothing to do with this protest.

    If anybody has the right to protest, I also have the right to resist protest. Where your right stops is where my own begins. Those who think they have given me money should go and take their own.

    Are Niger – Delta interests reflected in the protesters’  demands?.

    No. We are not important to them. It is our (Niger – Delta) resources they want to share.

    What have they done to impact their society or the environment?

    These are anarchists. When you fail election, go and wait for another election season.

    President Tinubu went through travails, yet won the election.

    Go and wait for your turn.  We are all sitting here in peace. Go to Liberia or Venezuela and ask questions.

    Libya used to be a very peaceful, and prosperous, country. Today, it is hell fire. This is no peaceful protest. Is a protest, aimed at regime change, a peaceful protest?

    Nobody is happy that people are hungy but is this the first time people are hungry?

    Why don’t we all work to ensure that this govt does not fail?

    This govt will not fail…”

    Words of wisdom, indeed, for protesters and those political leaders encouraging them as we saw in Kano state where the governor not only encouraged them, but promised to join them, because he saw it as another phase of his juvenile, proxy contestation with former governor Abdullahi Ganduje.

    He got his comeuppance and has had to subsequently declare a 24 hour emergency in the state.

  • The British vote for change (III)

    The British vote for change (III)

    keir Hardie, the first Labour Party leader joined the work force as early as the age of seven and so, did not have the benefit of formal education. He was born at a time when education was neither free nor compulsory in Britain. In any case, he had to go out into the big bad world to contribute his own quota, small as it had to be to the family finances so that there just was no room for such niceties as education even if it was to be at the primary school level. In any case, what was the use of any level of education to a young man whose destiny was to dig coal until he succumbed to tuberculosis or scoliosis by the age of fifty or less? These antecedents dictated that if he was going to make anything of his life, be had to pull himself up by his own boot straps. That means that he was a self made man in every sense of the word. In addition to these difficulties, he was also brought up in a suite of two rooms which shows quite clearly that he was born with very little and grew up with less. But there was another side to this bent coin. This was at a time when the mine owners and freshly minted industrialists were making money hand over fist from their investments at home and abroad as British companies repatriated literally, mountains of gold and silver from the far flung Empire. It is just that the members of the British working class were being squeezed as ferociously as any British subject in India, Africa and the Caribbean. Indeed, my calculation is that for example, people living in Achebe’s fictional village of Umofia in their time got more out of life than the lowly Scottish miner or the young lady making so called safety matches in some infernal factory in London or Birmingham. Not to talk of those of them who were tied to the mechanised weaving looms in the dark mills of Manchester. With his nonconformist Methodist background and the drudgery in which his life was bound, Hardie was fiercely motivated to bring about a change in the lives of people around him. He was driven by a strong desire to make life better for others, not by waging war on any group or class of people but on the ideas which they gave voice to. Marx was also known in his time as having advised the workers of the world to unite against their oppressors which is why, contrary to popular opinion, Hardie refused to support the participation of British working men in the slaughter of workers from other lands who like their British counterparts were slaving in the service of their own local capitalists. He was therefore opposed to the very idea of British workers being turned into soldiers to be slaughtered on the killing fields of the First World War. To him, it was clear that workers were only sacrificial victims on the altar of rampant capitalism. He would have been extremely distressed had he lived to hear of the rivers of blood which were shed on the Western front during the war. He was spared that by dying in 1915 long before the meat grinder battles which were uselessly fought at Verdun, the Somme, Pachendale and indeed, other battle fields.

    Starmer’s antecedents are by no means as humble as Hardie’s but without the foundation for social welfare laid by people like Hardie, the trajectory of Starmer’s life and career would have been much lower than they have been. His parents came from the massive British underclass working solidly at some lowly manufacturing or service job into which their children would have been absorbed in their turn. Starmer escaped this trap which was laid in his path by centuries of tradition when he passed his eleven plus examination and was admitted into a grammar school from where he acquired a solid education which ended at Oxford from where he finished his studies after his first class Law degree from the University of Leeds. His background is therefore quite similar to other post-war British Prime Ministers starting with Ted Heath in the seventies.

    Perhaps the most memorable member of this group has been Margaret Thatcher, the green grocer’s daughter who through grit and determination, not to talk of sheer bloody mindedness, hacked her way through to the office of the British Prime Minister, the first female to accomplish this feat.

    Following the colour of her political career it was obvious that Thatcher’s constituency did not include the majority underclass from which she herself had risen so spectacularly. As far as she was concerned, anyone with the determination to succeed could do so, prevailing circumstances notwithstanding. Anyone who did not succeed in life had no-one else to blame but themselves. All you needed to get on in life was a job and if you had no job, it was your duty to find one whichever way you could. Her father may have been self employed but her circumstances were no better or worse than they were for Starmer who also climbed out of the underclass in the same way that she did; by the way of the kind of education she received, not because she was born on the right side of the track but because she won a big prize in the genetic lottery which left her with the ability to process school lessons and pass examinations with greater ease than most of her contemporaries. Like Starmer, she was the first in her family to go to a university but whilst Starmer stayed more or less true to his working class roots, Thatcher turned away completely from the class within which she was raised as soon as she had acquired the required polish to do so. She became an archetypical Tory even if she would not have been comfortable in their company at least at the beginning of her political career. But she had a clear penchant for seizing the tide whenever it arose and riding the tide to eventual success. When Heath lost the 1974 election, she sensed his vulnerability and exploited it maximally, riding that tide to become the first female party leader in Britain.

    As the leader of Opposition, Thatcher sensed the growing frustration of the country with the antics of the Labour unions and set herself up as the hammer of the unionists and in doing so, convinced majority of voters that she was capable of curbing the powers of the unions and being able to do so, move the country forward. By the end of her first term in office however, it was apparent that her honeymoon with Britons was over and their association was soon to be dissolved. Then again, a saving tide swelled up thousands of miles in the South Atlantic where the Argentine ruling junta annexed a group of islands which the British called Falklands and the Argentines referred to as  Malvinas. Sensing an opportunity and the rising of another helpful tide, Thatcher sent an expeditionary force halfway round the world to chase the Argentines off the islands which had been colonised by less than a few hundred sheep farmers. This war which in reality registered nothing on the Richter scale of war acted to rally the country behind Thatcher and riding on the wave of popularity created, the Conservatives were returned to power at the next elections. Thatcher interpreted this to mean an endorsement of her union bashing policy. The immediate result of this was the long running battle with the coal miners led by Arthur Scargill. When the smoke cleared, the miners had lost the war and thousands of them lost their jobs and a way of life was brought to an abrupt end. Thatcher’s effect on the polity was electrifying as she controlled the economy as no Prime Minister had done before or since. She was one of the first disciples of Milton Friedman and the Chicago School of monetary economics which spread the belief that money should not remain in government hands but must be stuffed in the private pockets of those with proven capacity to make money. According to the boys from Chicago, there was nothing in economics which was beyond the capacity of market forces to accomplish or at least brought under control.

    Under Thatcher, people were encouraged or even more than that, exhorted in high blown language to make money and of course spend it whichever way they wanted. In  Thatcher’s Britain, it was a case of privatisation gone mad as all previously nationalised companies including those involved in the mining and steel making industries were put up for sale to whoever had the wherewithal to buy them. People were given the option to buy council houses and millionaires were being created as fast as people were being pushed into poverty on the other end of the economic scale. Actually, I paid a couple of visits to Thatcher country at the height of her pomp and glory and came away with the feeling that palpable hunger was stalking the high streets of Britain even as no less palpable wealth was being flaunted by the yuppies, so called young upwardly mobile young persons who had been enriched by Thatchernomics. All those outside looking into Britain could see that the bubble created had no chance of achieving anything close to longevity and so it proved. Part of Thatchernomics dictated the lowering of income tax, a policy which suited the yuppies to the ground at the expense of people who had little disposable income. The loss of government income had to be made up through personal taxes. Matters came to a head with the introduction of the poll tax which was so unpopular that other Tories saw it as a stumbling block to vote gathering. They had no choice but to rebel against their leader. It fell to Geoffrey  Howe, the Foreign Minister and deputy to the Prime Minister to deliver the speech in parliament which parodied the words of Oliver Cromwell who centuries earlier had dismissed parliament with the words, ‘in God’s name, go’. The Prime Minister had been told to go and Margie had to go but not before having held on to power for no less than eleven years, longer than anyone in British history, to be succeeded by John Major as unlikely a successor as anyone could be.

    Read Also: The British vote for change (II)

    John Major had a most interesting background for  a politician, not to talk of member of the Conservative Party. His father was at least for part of his life a music performer and he was so unimpressed with school that he left as soon as he possibly could without breaking the law at an age just short of sixteen years with three O level subjects to his credit.  Thereafter he tried his hands at several jobs but found none that was suitable for a boy of his rather limited academic qualifications. It was said that he could not even get a job as a bus conductor on account of his height. Eventually, he settled for being articled in the field of insurance and ended up in the employ of Standard Bank which brought him all the way to Standard Bank in Jos. He worked in Nigeria for a few months before he was involved in a serious motor accident which led to his being transferred back home to Britain for the treatment of his injuries.

    As expected, one of his first acts in government was to repeal the poll tax law which had been the undoing of his predecessor in office. After all the excitement of the Thatcher years, Major tried to reduce the heat in the polity especially since Labour Party had a comfortable lead in the polls. To the surprise of many, including Major himself, the Conservatives won a clear majority over the Labour Party under the leadership of Neil Kinnock in the general election following the departure of Margaret Thatcher. Eventually, in 1997 the Labour Party now led by Tony Blair won the general election to bring an end to the eighteen year long rule of the Conservative Party.

    To be continued.