The Nation Newspaper

Category: Sunday

  • How unpleasant visa processes, airport protocols marred our memories of Nigeria

    How unpleasant visa processes, airport protocols marred our memories of Nigeria

    •Visitors query why coming to Nigeria should be more tedious than going to UK, USA

    First impressions, they say, are always crucial. Whether for tourism or socio-economic/investment adventure, the impact of a first impression on a visitor to a country may make or mar future interactions. ADEOLA OGUNLADE in this piece catalogues the varying experiences of some visiting foreign nationals.

    IDUBWI’S Journey of frustration and hope

    When Dr. Jackie Lidubwi, a renowned journalist and media trainer from Kenya, embarked on her journey to Nigeria, her heart was filled with excitement and anticipation. She was eager to reconnect with her Nigerian brothers and sisters, to immerse herself in the vibrant culture, and to contribute to the Clean Air Africa initiative organised by the Lagos State Government in partnership with AirQo. However, her enthusiasm was soon dampened by an unexpected arduous visa application process that left her questioning why Africans have to face such barriers travelling within their own continent.

    Recounting her experience to The Nation recently at the sideline of the recently concluded Clean Air Africa 2024 in Lagos, her frustration was palpable. “I was so excited about coming to Nigeria to see my ‘oga’ brothers and sisters,” she began. “But I was somehow disappointed with the visa process. It was very long and tiring. It’s like you are going to the US. Besides, even the US is not so expensive.”

    Dr. Lidubwi’s visa experience reflects broader concerns about intra-African travel and the barriers that still exist despite efforts towards continental integration.

    She said: “We shouldn’t have to try so hard to come and meet our brothers in other parts of Africa? I had to apply for a visa three times. It was on the third occasion that I got the visa. And every time you applied, you know you have to pay. So it was a very expensive trip coming to Nigeria. I had to pay five times the cost of obtaining visa from Kenya to Nigeria. And I know so many of my colleagues had the same problem”.

    So for the renowned journalist, the bureaucratic hurdles were not just an inconvenience; they represented a deeper issue.

    “As an African, why should I pay a visa to come to another African country? And why should it be that difficult for me, an African, to come to another African country?” she questioned. Her sentiments echoed a growing concern among many Africans who find themselves entangled in red tape and high costs when travelling within the continent.

    Now she contrasts her experience with other African countries like Ghana and Zambia, where the processes are much simpler and she does not even need a visa.

    “For the first time I had a challenge in applying for a visa. Can you imagine? Because I trained journalists around Africa. I was in Ghana in April; I was in Zambia in February. In fact, in Zambia and Ghana, you just wake up and you go. There’s no visa, you just enter. So why should we have a problem coming to Nigeria? I mean, Ghana was seamless. There is no visa in Ghana, you just walk in. All the way from Kenya? Yes, you just walk in”.

    Despite these challenges, Dr. Lidubwi’s dedication to her work and her commitment to the cause of clean air did not waver. Her participation in the Clean Air Africa initiative underscored her resolve to make a difference, even in the face of adversity. The event, which aimed to address air quality issues across Africa, brought together experts, policymakers, and activists to develop sustainable solutions for the continent’s pressing environmental challenges.

    Dr. Lidubwi’s story is a powerful reminder of the resilience and determination of individuals who strive to foster unity and progress in Africa. Her experience also highlights the need for policy reforms that facilitate easier movement and collaboration among African nations. As the continent continues to grapple with various socio-economic and environmental issues, the importance of regional solidarity and cooperation cannot be overstated.

    Her tale serves as both an inspiration and a call to action for African leaders to break down the barriers that hinder the free movement of people and ideas across the continent. For Dr. Lidubwi and many others like her, the dream of a united and prosperous Africa remains alive, fuelled by hope and the relentless pursuit of a better future.

    A troubled journey

    The enthusiasm with which Dr. George Mwaniki, Head of Air Quality for World Resources Institutes, Africa, a Kenyan national, embarked on his second trip to Nigeria was quickly overshadowed by a series of unexpected and frustrating events. As he recounts his experience, it becomes clear that the administrative hurdles and ineptitudes he encountered were not only disappointing but also indicative of deeper systemic issues.

    Mwaniki troubles began long before he even set foot in Nigeria. Despite having visited Abuja in 2019, when obtaining a visa on arrival was a relatively straightforward process, his most recent trip was fraught with complications. “This time coming, I was stuck in the airport for four hours, doing nothing,” he recalls. “It was a total disaster.”

    In Nairobi, he was informed that visa stickers were unavailable, necessitating a visa on arrival in Nigeria—a service that cost nearly $250. This hefty fee, coupled with an inefficient manual process, left Mwaniki questioning the country’s approach to tourism and international relations. “Who will come and visit this country if that is the kind of money you are charging for people to come just see?” he asks.

     “Even after paying all that, you end up spending four hours at the airport. And the whole process is manual. Maybe there is a reason why the government does that. The government might decide to do manual because they are afraid of private data or that people can hack in the system. I can understand that, but having one gentleman writing the names on a book for two flights! And they were small flights. These were flights that had like 150 people. Supposing you have one of those big jets that come with 750 people. If you have two, three jets of those; that means you spend a day or two days or even a week”.

    Mwaniki noted: “My experience was horrible. It is the worst by far. I don’t think I have gone to any country and spent more than five minutes to get a visa. Most other countries I go to are commercial countries. Kenya is part of commercial countries. You are admitted for 30 days. No visa requirement. I have been to non-commercial countries. You also get visa on arrival. And it is quite a smooth process.

    “I think coming to Nigeria again will be a long call. Who wants to sit in an airport for four hours? For example, I won’t come back here for a workshop or a conference. If somebody invites me for a workshop or a conference or a passive kind of meeting, there is no way I am going to expose myself to that kind of services. And in the real sense, if we come here, if we bring people here and we stay here for a week; we are spending money in the economy. And this is good for Nigeria.”

    Tarnished reputation

    Mwaniki’s disillusionment only deepens as he reflects on his experience compared to visits to other African nations.

    “I have been to 36 countries in Africa,” he says, noting that his Nigerian experience was by far the worst. “I don’t think I have gone to any country and spent more than five minutes to get a visa.”

    “Even in Somalia, often considered a failed state, the visa process was faster and more efficient than in Nigeria. The poorest country in the world is Burundi. I have been to Burundi. The experience is fantastic. You interact with people. Clearance is fantastic.”

    This stark contrast raises significant concerns about Nigeria’s immigration procedures and their impact on the country’s reputation.

    The Broader Implications

    Mwaniki’s experience is not just an isolated incident but a symptom of broader systemic issues. “When you have serious challenges in an outward-facing institution like immigration, what about the institutions that are internal? If this is what I’m experiencing as a foreigner, first time; what does an average Nigerian experience every day in an inward-facing institution?”

    As the most populous country in Africa with the largest economy, Nigeria should be leading the way in efficient and welcoming international relations. Instead, as Mwaniki notes, “it is leading the way in the reverse, in the wrong direction.”

    He therefore calls for immediate and significant reforms, emphasising that the current state of affairs not only deters visitors but also hampers potential economic opportunities.

    A Call for Change

    Mwaniki ‘s story underscores a critical need for change in Nigeria’s immigration policies and practices. The inefficiencies he encountered are a microcosm of larger issues that, if left unaddressed, could hinder the country’s growth and development.

    “For Nigeria to truly thrive, it must streamline its processes, reduce bureaucratic red tape, and create a more welcoming environment for visitors and investors alike. Only then can it fulfill its potential as a leader in Africa and on the global stage”, Mwaniki said.

    ‘I paid four times the price on the website’

    Hilina Bayew, an Ethiopian air quality researcher at New York University in Abu Dhabi recently embarked on a journey that was as challenging as it was enlightening. From navigating the intricate visa process to experiencing the rich culture of Nigeria, Hilina’s story is one of resilience, cultural exploration, and a desire to see beyond first impressions.

    Bayew’s journey began with what should have been a straightforward task: obtaining a visa to Nigeria. As an Ethiopian, she expected the process to be relatively smooth. However, it turned out to be one of the most stressful experiences of her life.

    “The stress was real,” she recalls. “There was a price indicated on the website, but I ended up paying four times that amount. There were additional fees that were not listed online, and the logistical issues were far from ideal.”

    Despite the hurdles, Bayew persevered. She paid the unexpected fees, including some in cash at the embassy, and navigated the maze of requirements.

    “I asked, what is this fee? They are like, oh, this is our agency fee. You need to have a servicing fee. They made me pay in cash, which was very odd. You had to pay cash at the embassy. I think if I had gotten my visa on arrival, it would have been a bit better, but just the number of requirements that they have; it didn’t make that much sense to me. It was a little challenging”, Bayew said.

    The experience left her questioning the efficiency of the system but also strengthened her resolve to see Nigeria for herself.

    First impressions and cultural insights

    Upon arriving in Nigeria, Hilina attended a conference, which limited her initial interactions with the local culture. However, she remained open-minded.

    “I don’t want to have a biased view,” she says. “I think there’s a mixture of experiences—some good, some not so good—but that’s with every place. I want to give this place more of a chance.”

    Initially, her impressions of Nigeria were mixed. The first few days were challenging, but as she spent more time exploring, her perspective began to shift. “The first day, I would have said no. The second day, no. Now, we’re at a maybe. Tomorrow, maybe I’ll say yes. It’s getting better.”

    Comparisons and culinary adventures

    Having travelled to Ghana previously, Hilina couldn’t help but compare her experiences in the two West African countries. She had fallen in love with Accra from the beginning, captivated by its history, culture, and food. The visa process for Ghana was straightforward, and she enjoyed the local cuisine, particularly the jollof rice.

    Read Also: Nigeria, Denmark agree on climate action framework

    “My friends are like, no, you have to go to Lagos first and try it. But I can confidently say that Ghanaian jollof is better,” she laughs.

    In Nigeria, Hilina made an effort to embrace the local cuisine, trying various dishes including “swallow” foods. Although she was familiar with Ethiopian cuisine, she found the Nigerian flavours and food culture unique and intriguing.

    As her time in Nigeria drew to a close, she reflected on her journey. With a few days left, she hoped to explore more and immerse herself further in the local culture. Her experience had its ups and downs, but it was ultimately enriching.

    “I still have two full days. Maybe tomorrow I’ll explore and get a better experience. I want to see more of the culture,” she says with optimism.

    Hilina Bayew’s story is a testament to the complexities and rewards of international travel. Despite the initial challenges, her openness to new experiences and cultures shines through, offering a reminder that first impressions are just the beginning of a much richer journey.

    Hilina’s journey from Ethiopia to Nigeria, marked by bureaucratic hurdles and cultural discoveries, highlights the resilience and curiosity of a dedicated researcher. Her story encourages us to look beyond initial frustrations and embrace the richness that new experiences bring.

    Discovering Nigeria: An Expat’s Delightful Journey-Serrão Pires

    Evanilton Edgar Serrão Pires, Engineering Department, Centro de Estudos e Pesquisa Tundavala (CEPT), Instituto Superior Politécnico Tundavala (ISPT), Lubango, Huíla-Angola.

    When Serrão Pires first landed in Nigeria, he was brimming with anticipation. “Actually, I was impressed,” he recalled with a smile. Despite the initial delay at the airport due to long lines and less-than-optimal processes, he was unfazed. “It is normal when you have a lot of people on the line and the processes may not be so optimised. It was good and I enjoy knowing the country,” he said.

    Serrão Pires was quickly captivated by Nigeria’s vibrant culture and welcoming people. “You have such fine people here and the culture is amazing,” he said. “Like most parts of Africa, we have really good food.”

    When asked what aspects of Nigeria captivated him the most, Serrão Pires didn’t hesitate. “The food, the hospitality; Africans are really very friendly,” he said. The warmth and friendliness he encountered made his experience even more enjoyable.

    One culinary experience stood out for him – the creamy soups. “You have a lot of soups here that are milky and they are the best,” he enthused.

    However, not all Nigerian dishes suited his palate. “I am not very fond of spicy food. So, spicy food was unbearable for me,” he admitted with a laugh. Despite his aversion to spice, Serrão Pires was curious about the local cuisine. “I have been asking some people how you like so much spice. I would like to see where they are cooking it and probably have a taste. That was really hard for me,” he shared.

    Serrão Pires’s visit to Nigeria was not just about exploring a new country; it was about reconnecting with old friends and colleagues. “Yes, I will [like to come back],” he affirmed. “I have a lot of friends that I worked with. I have worked with a lot of Nigerians for years now. It was an amazing opportunity to get to know the country firsthand.”

    Reflecting on how Africans could be more united, Serrão Pires emphasised the importance of community and communication. “We need to increase the amount of gathering and the communication and the sharing.”

    Serrão Pires journey to Nigeria was filled with new experiences, delicious food, and heart-warming connections. It was a testament to the country’s rich culture and the hospitality of its people, leaving him eager for his next visit.

  • North and protests: unleashing rage of children

    North and protests: unleashing rage of children

    On August 1, the so-called hardship protests exposed the ugly face of the North, perhaps in ways unintended. Yes, the narrative is being promoted that the August 1-10 protest is youth-led, but in the northern part of Nigeria, it is almost children-led. It was incredible days ago seeing hundreds and hundreds of youths at the forefront of the protests, wielding sticks and other cudgels, and baying for the blood of all manner of victims, quite unable to understand anything. There is video evidence of this boundless folly, if the authorities have the stomach to do anything about it.

    The region has been battling banditry and insurgency for years, and the war has cost the country billions of naira and the blood of thousands of young men and women. What on earth were the elders of the North who are preoccupied with leadership politics looking at when their pre-teens and teenage children poured into the streets and became instantly incorporated into the looting frenzy that ravaged the region on August 1? What point were they trying to make? Does it not corroborate the fear many Nigerians harbour that the North’s unregulated population growth, especially without a corresponding responsibility of parents to their young, constitutes both a dread for individuals and a security threat to the nation?

    Read Also: Protesters vow to storm Lagos streets if demands not met

    Mayhem was unleashed on some states in the North on August 1, and public infrastructure consumed in the mindless rage of those who have no clue how facilities are funded. The children all mouthed the same anti-government, anti-president refrain. So far, perhaps as proof that some of the protesters might have been sponsored, there has been little public outrage in the North about the scandalous presence of thousands of children learning to storm the barricades. It is probably the most horrendous abuse of children in any nation, an indication of the criminal negligence for which northern elders are directly culpable. 

  • Protesters go for broke

    Protesters go for broke

    The severest form of the protests begun on August 1 occurred in the core North. A day before the protests began, Vice President Kashim Shettima told media executives from the North that President Bola Tinubu was neither anti-North nor anti-Islam as some people in that region have been led to believe. His refutations meant little to a region that has remained adamant about protesting the hunger and hardship in the country, despite being Nigeria’s granary. Of course, to southern protesters, Mr Shettima’s argument about the president’s bona fides was not in consideration. Nostalgia over the October 2020 EndSARS protests and the euphoria they felt flexing youthful muscles that discomfited and perplexed the older generation, much more than hunger, helped them make up their minds to pour into the streets on August 1 and to try and sustain it for much longer than anyone was willing to give them credit.

    Mr Shettima’s refutations suggest that the government heard tangible but disturbing whispers about the real undercurrents of the protests. He knew, and even the South also squirmed, that the president had by series of strategic and copious appointments bent over backwards to placate the North. When the protests broke out, it became clear that the president’s overtures had had little effect. He may have finally realised that there is not much he can do to counter the narrative of the biases insinuated into his policies and, strangely, even his appointments. He and his team, including the vice president, probably understand, but will not voice it, that the hatred the president is accused of showing the North and Islam is really all about the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) probes, his radical and peremptory policy on subsidy, and the unprecedented Forex  measure. These are impactful policies that attempt to dislodge powerful cabals. The powerful interests will not give up without a fight.

    Read Also: Benue NASS caucus hails youths for shunning protest, acknowledges Akume, Utsev efforts

    It is suggested that the Tinubu administration had carried on as if the economy was crisis-free and there was no hunger or hardship in the country. Here, the protesters’ arguments and observations are incontrovertible. The president was supposed to lead the cost-cutting measures, starting with himself and his office, and then spread the sacrifice to other arms of government and agencies and departments. Instead, his cabinet became swollen, and other provocative and lavish expenditures by appointees, lawmakers and agencies mocked the sufferings of a wearied people. Regardless of whatever other reasons informed the protests, the failure to demonstrate prudence became the main highlight of the street actions. The president will have no choice now but to address these concerns and lead the effort to urgently rationalise costs and run an efficient administration. He will also tread more carefully regarding the kind of projects he embarks upon.

    In the months ahead, however, he will be in a perfect quandary. He will heed public anxiety to conjure an efficient government, but whether it will be enough to allow him run a crisis-free administration, one not beset with distractions and public and opposition animosities, remains to be seen. From all indications, given his loathing for the flip-flop that pervades Nigerian politics, he is unlikely to abandon his monetary reforms or reintroduce fuel subsidy beyond its present, discrete level. He cannot also help himself with regard to his 2023 election victory for which his co-contestants have sworn not to give him peace of mind. Potentially, therefore, President Tinubu’s nightmares have just begun. He will survive this challenge, as this column predicted last week, and indeed he will serve out his term; but whether his enemies will let him rest or give him the latitude he needs to pursue the comprehensive reset of the economy is not altogether clear. He is famous for being stubborn; but so are his enemies. They will bruise his heels; but he will also break their backs. It is not that he cannot attempt to find common grounds with his hidden opponents; it is simply that his enemies have dug their heels in very firmly.

    The administration did its best to stave off the protests. When officials suggested the street actions might be hijacked, and advocated for either dialogue or total cancellation of the protests, sceptical Nigerians accused the administration of incipient dictatorship or fabrications. The spontaneous hijack of the protests in the North confirmed the government’s worst fears, seeing how the region easily became combustible, including, surprisingly, in states ravaged by banditry and insurgency. The South fared far better in smothering the predilection for violence. Apart from this superficial difference, the protests exposed very vividly the alarming fissures in the polity. In the North, considering the avalanche of children numbered among the protesters, a time of reckoning appears imminent. Decades of leadership failure in the region, years of governmental profligacy, and a long period of sustained sense of entitlement borne out by huge federal allocations have paradoxically produced millions of young, uneducated and angry northerners. They may be manipulated today, and deployed to secure more concessions from the federation, but not too long from now, they will become uncontrollable. The signs blaze forth in the ongoing protests over a region that is sitting blissfully on a powder keg. The inescapable explosion will, however, not be confined to the North, as indeed banditry and insurgency have shown by leaving their destructive trails in every home in the country.

    Something can be done to mitigate the looming catastrophe; but will that something be done? There is nothing in the protests to suggest that anything will be done. The only ray of hope lies in a few brilliant and ambitious and visionary governors that are beginning to take office in the region. They see the dangers ahead, do not exhibit or promote any sense of entitlement, and are desperate to reshape their societies. The country must hope that their efforts are not too little too late. Last week and the week before, this column warned that the protests, if allowed to hold, might unleash an irreversible process that could doom the country. The predictions are alarmingly being borne out. If anyone in leadership is unable to see the storm brewing ahead, he is not worth his office, including those encouraging the protests and gloating over the discomforts of the administration. When the explosion occurs – for the forces are pressurized in a small but overpopulated container – no one will be spared.

    There is also a second and even more apocalyptic fear that exceeds the misdirected rage of abandoned children. The narration of youth versus elders, and the extrapolation that the latter do not care about the former, is a despicable expansion of societal hierarchies and classifications. This obnoxious differentiation is gradually calcifying in Nigeria, not in terms of targeting goods and services for the various classes, but in fanning political and societal discord that drive resentment and hostility. Much more than EndSARS, some elderly Nigerians and government officials have begun to sense the danger this definitional excess constitutes to the body politic. Futures and destinies of youths and elders are inextricably intertwined. It is fallacious to argue that youths are excluded from governance. While federal and state governments have an obligation to deliberately and systematically recruit and train young people into leadership cadre, just as is being done in the private sector, the youths themselves must show the inclination, character, hard work, discipline and brilliance necessary to receive attention. Nigerians should stop promoting nonsense. More than 99 percent of those interviewed at the protest grounds have no coherent understanding, beyond clichés, of the economic and societal issues assailing the country. Even the Lagos crowd, which is supposed to be fairly more cosmopolitan, showed a horrifying staleness in rationalising their revolt.

    Apart from the generational and parental crises the protests exhumed, not to say the failure of government to be proactive about the issues in dispute, there is also the worrisome legal dimension to the protests. The protesters abhor the government’s alleged manipulation of the justice and electoral systems, but they also show disdain for the rule of law. Section 40 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria provides for the rights of Nigerians to freely assemble, including for the protection of their interests. Verbatim, the section reads: “Every person shall be entitled to assemble freely and associate with other persons, and in particular he may form or belong to any political party, trade union or any other association for the protection of his interests; Provided that the provisions of this section shall not derogate from the powers conferred by this constitution on the Independent National Electoral Commission with respect to political parties to which that commission does not accord recognition.”

    The scope of this section is derogated by both the Independent National Electoral Commission with respect to political parties, and by Section 45 of the Constitution with respect to the nature of these assemblies. It is trite law that a peaceful assembly may be dispersed by any means when it morphs into the unwelcome ogre of a riot. The government warned that there were reasonable suspicions and intelligence that agent provocateurs were being commissioned and deployed by enemies of the polity to vitiate the protests and ensure it morphed into that most undesirable of things — a riot. The provision in Section 40 is echoed in Chapter 9, Article 11 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Right which Nigeria is a signatory to. It enshrines the Right to Freedom of Assembly. But, in their haste to enjoy the benefits of Section 40 above, Nigerians often forget the Public Order Act of 1979, Section 1 of which empowers a state governor to prescribe the route by which and the times at which any procession may pass. Anyone desiring to organise a protest should familiarise themselves with all the provisions of this Act.

    It was not until a day or two before the protests began that the government secured pre-emptive court orders to restrict the protesters to certain designated spots for their rallies. While the interim injunctions were largely obeyed in the South, they were discountenanced in the North, especially Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), on the grounds of inaccessibility to protest venues. But at the root of bad governance is disobedience to court orders, the contempt for the rule of law. If those who seek an end to bad governance fail to appreciate the centrality of the rule of law, the basis of their campaigns become questionable. The disregard for the rule of law flows seamlessly into the disregard for logic in the presentation of the protesters’ 12-point demand to the government. The demands are as follows: “Revert petrol pump price to N100/litre; Combat insecurity and hunger; Close all IDP camps and resettle the campers; Total electoral reform; Independent probe into the electoral budget of N355 billion; Immediate release of ENDSARS protesters still in detention; Implementation of a living wage (the minimum wage of N300,000); Compulsory free education from primary to secondary school; Children of public office holders must attend public schools in the country; The government must patronise made-in-Nigeria goods; Transition to unicameral legislation; Judicial and constitutional review.” Previously 20, the list has been pruned down to weed out demands like freedom for IPOB leader Nnamdi Kanu, and other items that involved completely jettisoning the 1999 constitution.

    The protest was obviously hurriedly put together, and the demands largely farcical, sentimental and indefensible. The demands do not do honour to the education, rationality, and competence of Nigerian youths. The appalling incompetence of the drafters of the demands may explain why they are reluctant to present themselves for negotiation with the government. They will simply make a fool of themselves. But despite public misgivings, the about two weeks notice they gave the government was enough to kick-start meaningful reforms of governance process and the introduction of massive cuts in cost of governance. Instead, the government concentrated on averting the protests. The administration is nevertheless expected in the days ahead to address some of these issues, particularly how to cut the cost of governance and publicise their resolutions. They are already doing so much to retool the economy, but they have not done enough to ensure the government is running efficiently and officials, whether at the executive or legislative and judicial levels, are aligned with the wishes of the public. The administration must also coax the legislature to systematically enable constituencies engage their representatives in order to resolve some of the controversial issues needlessly promoted to the level of national discourse, not to say national protests.

    What is obvious from the protests is that the legislature is sitting pretty and aloof on the perfumed heights of fictional mountains, with no real engagement with their constituencies, while state and local governments have, in military command fashion, ceded responsibility and blame to the national government. The North has been the more violent in the protests, but when it comes to midwifing substantial change, in light of the protesters’ demands obviously largely drafted in the South, the region is the more conservative and less amenable to comprehensive restructuring. Too many things reek of bad faith in the demands and the execution of the protests, too many contradictions, too many secret plots, and too much cavalier treatment of issues and controversies that could easily fracture the country irreparably. Worse, the country may not yet be out of the woods; for if matters, particularly the economy, remain unimproved for long, there is no telling what convulsions might yet shake the country to its foundations, whether those protests are sensible or foolish. For now, the public may focus almost single-mindedly on the Tinubu administration, and they are justified, for he is president, and the buck stops at his desk. But the quality of the opposition is even much poorer, in fact, humiliating to the country.

  • Sowore, Charly Boy, Ezekwesili and August protests

    Sowore, Charly Boy, Ezekwesili and August protests

    It is a tribute to their nuisance value that the organisers of the August 1 – 10, 2024 protests have triggered tremors high on the Richter scale in the corridors of power. The whole populace, government, and security agencies are awake, agitated and waiting for doomsday as it were. Meanwhile the protest organisers, full of rhetoric and bombast, are sleeping blissfully here and in far-flung places. They will keep playing the same protest card and doing the same thing over and over again until the whole protest saga becomes farcical. The 2020 EndSARS protest was erroneously thought to be leaderless, and despite the damage to the body politic and the enormous complication it brought to ethnic relations in Nigeria, the browbeaten authorities allowed it to end ‘leaderless’ by not prosecuting anyone.

    The August 1-10, 2024 protests are a different kettle of fish. Unable to resist the lure of being recognised as one of the leading organisers of the August protests, Omoyele Sowore, founder of the controversial online medium, Sahara Reporters, has appropriated to himself a leading role. He is one of the inspirations behind what he described as a movement: Revolution Now. His medium has published fiery, inciting and unsubstantiated news about the ‘ignoble’ roles he believes some Nigerian leaders are playing in trying to forestall the protests, including making allegations of bribery and subversion. A few days ago, the medium published the list of the protesters’ demands, and followed up with their risible requests concerning the execution of the protests in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja. In the lengthy list of demands, the promoters hubristically conflate their opinions and grievances with those of Nigerians and the youths.

    Among the demands are the following: “Scrap the 1999 Constitution and replace it with a People-made Constitution for the Federal Republic of Nigeria through a Sovereign National Conference immediately followed by a National Referendum.

    “Toss the Senate arm of the Nigerian Legislative System, keep the House of Representatives (HOR), and make lawmaking a part-time endeavour.

    “Pay Nigerian Workers a minimum wage of nothing less than N250,000 monthly.

    “Invest heavily in education and give Nigerian students grants, not loans. Aggressively pursue free and compulsory education for children across Nigeria.

    “Release Mazi Nnamdi Kanu unconditionally and demilitarise the South East. All #ENDSARS and political detainees must also be released and compensated.

    “Renationalise publicly owned enterprises sold to government officials and cronies.

    “Reinstate a corruption-free subsidy regime to reduce hunger, starvation and multidimensional poverty.”

    Read Also: Foreign mercenaries involved in planned protests, says IGP

    The online medium followed up with another farcical and badly written letter signed by one Damilare Adenola, Director of Mobilisation for the Take It Back Movement (TIB) in Abuja, and directed at the Minister of FCT, Nyesom Wike. The letter asks for “access to the Eagles Square between August 1st and 10th, 2024, for our #DaysOfRage, #EndBadGovernance protest.” Affronting every rule of civility, and indicating the poor intellectual background of the activist, he continues: “This request entails using this national asset day and night for the duration of the historic protest. Also, note that the protest may be prolonged beyond ten days as we embark on the protracted crisis occasioned by the ruling party. Further, your office must also ensure the provision of a 24-hour power supply, toilet facilities, water, and security for the convenience of Nigerian citizens who will be camped out at Eagle Square. In short, we ask that the protesters are accorded the courtesy accorded to foreign and local official dignitaries who have frequently used the space.” Then he concludes magisterially that, “In addition, we request that the outer wire mesh barrier facing the Aso Rock Villa be removed in the meantime, as protesters may decide to visit the Presidential Villa during the protest. It is our sincere hope that this request will be granted expeditiously.” There can’t be a worse upbringing. Is this what Nigerian youths have become?

    Both the demands and the letter indicate just one thing: that Nigeria has fared very badly in building the next generation of responsible citizens to run Nigeria and take it to great heights. The demands indicate a galling sense of entitlement, a disgraceful opportunistic desire to be cast as the leader of a potentially destructive and ‘historic’ protest/revolution, and shallow reasoning of what constitutes statecraft and how modern economies are run. It is this concatenation of drivel from Messrs Sowore and Adenola that the unreflective Charles Oputa, aka Charly Boy, and the angry and implacable former Education minister Obiageli Ezekwesili are investing their names and reputations. It is pointless analysing the protesters’ demands and the letter published in Sahara Reporters. They show, even at first view, that the protesters have no real reasons to protest. They see the hunger in the land, imagine that the government is lax in dealing with the crisis, and hope that if somehow they can trigger a revolt of indeterminate end, they can benefit from a future arrangement.

    Charly Boy is 74 years old. Apart from being foul-mouthed in his peevish statement on the impending protest, he also managed to reveal his true intention. Unmindful of the prevailing and troubled world economic system from which Nigeria is not insulated, he voiced this incitement: “Nigerian youths don’t ever back down. If dem no fear us, dey can never respect us. Nonsense. Dia fathers.” So, the rest of Nigeria, and particularly the leaders, must fear them in order to respect them. And then the expletives – all coming from a 74-year-old presumed leader of thought, a man who desires to shape a new Nigeria. Well, if Charly Boy had always being disrespectfully anarchical, what of Mrs Ezekwesili, a former minister of the federal republic? Hear her: “I hope that our politicians and public officials will heed counsel and allow themselves the humility of listening and learning from their citizens at a time like this. I wish the protesters a well-organised, orderly and peaceful protest.” She is obviously also a closet revolutionary whose dualistic us-versus-them worldview leads her to view the government as arrogant and ignorant.

    It is not clear how long Nigeria can stave off disaster. From the cantankerous views of so many young people itching for a fight to the stolid indifference and speciousness of the so-called leaders of thought, Nigeria is caught in a bear hug. Hopefully, the country will still have enough breath left in their lungs to rethink and strategise their way through the thicket of untenable political system and costly and garish governance which they superintend.

  • Nyesom Wike’s alibi

    Nyesom Wike’s alibi

    For all his faults, the chief of which is impatience in the Rivers State imbroglio, former governor and now FCT minister Nyesom Wike cannot be accused of not being lionhearted or of lacking in imaginativeness. Many governors have responded admirably to the protest threat consternating the country, but some others, particularly in the Southwest, have been laid-back. Not Mr Wike. After spending billions building and upgrading infrastructure in Abuja, he fears that any protest that gets out of hand would imperil his work and the city itself. So he has fixed a sort of mini festival for Abuja, an alibi to coincide with August 1.

    Read Also: Election losers want to overthrow government through protest, says Wike

    According to him, “That is the day FCT has set aside for the entire area councils to jubilate and give out certificates of recognition to their traditional rulers. We will not allow that day that FCT has set aside to honour their traditional rulers for their people to rejoice, and then somebody will come and disrupt that day. We will not allow it. That day is not available for those who want to protest, and FCT is not available for the protesters.”

    A test of wills is afoot. But Mr Wike has repeatedly proved he is adept at squaring up to every foe, however that foe is described. What is clear is that the protest organisers will not get the Eagle Square for their revelry. They will perhaps hope that the streets will be more accommodating. August 1 will tell.

  • The journalist as public intellectual (2)

    The journalist as public intellectual (2)

    (Olatunji Dare as Splendid Exemplum)

    Name-Dropping becomes the rule of the new discourse: General X, Alhaji Y, Chief Z, Madam F etc, And, of course, the lucky returnee makes sure s/he puts their recent elevation in constant focus by starting or ending every sentence with “When I was in government”. Occasionally, he even subconsciously slips into the royal ‘we’. The returnee becomes a constant feature in the campus seminar/lecture circuit where his colleagues are eager to learn how he made it so high and so big, and how they too can find their way in.

         However, the celebration of the returnee is anything but universal; envy of his/her new status is hardly ever a campus-wide contagion; for there are some campus gatherings and functions they must avoid, some people whose company they have to flee. The story is still told of the not-so triumphal return of one of the Special Advisers to the corrupt, incompetent Shagari government of the Second Republic, who scurried back to the Ivory Tower after the overthrow of that inept regime for a much-needed refuge in his former roost. About a month after his return, he was a featured speaker at a well attended symposium by one of the student organizations on campus. Question time, and student after student asked him what a brilliant and avowedly principled scholar like him was doing in a government so debauched, so visionless; what role did he play in it?; how did his great learning affect the course of events?; how did he manage to feel so blissfully at home in the company of the ‘callous and calculating kleptocrats’ he had always denounced in his lectures and public pronouncements?; did he realize the damage he had done to the image of the intellectual class? One of the students went touchingly ad hominem when he said something to this effect:

    Sir, your presence in this university was one of the main reasons I preferred it to other choices; your discipline influenced the academic course I decided to follow. Ever before I sat in your class, I had nursed the hope of growing up and being like you. I sang your name so much that my colleagues started calling me by it. I never missed any of your newspaper articles; I even kept a file for their cuttings. Then you went and dined with those thieves and robbers. Are you still the no-nonsense scholar we used to know, sir? Now you left me confused. I have lost a mentor. . . .  More chilling barbs followed. More excoriations took control of the air. The chairman of the occasion, achingly embarrassed for the distinguished speaker, tried to hush and pacify, but the thunderous shout of ‘Allow! Allow!’ frustrated his orders as more and more students took turns to vent their anger and disappointment. The returning don tried to smile it all off, but he had a hard time parting his lips. A cold sweat broke out on his brow. He looked in the direction of the chairman with the kind of mortal resignation a punch-drunk boxer regards the referee in a moment of hopeless surrender. He packed up his files and left the hall to the jabbing catcalls and boos of his erstwhile acolytes.

         Returning dons of this kind, many of them ideological apostates, litter the Nigerian intellectual scene. Professors of philosophy who take their ‘philosophising’ to the courtyard of barely literate, bibliophobic military despots, then commit their perverted expertise to the perpetuation of their paymasters’ life-destroying ‘Heritage’ foundations; political science professors who jettison the ‘science’ and peddle the politics to the highest bidders in government quarters; palace pundits and State House griots who expend their talent on putting the most glittering spin on the darkest narratives from ruling circles. Which Nigerian over the age of 40 could have forgotten that bearded historian and famous don under whose watch lexical humbugs such as ‘Bandwagon Effect’, ‘Incumbency Factor’, ‘Grassroots Appeal’ were manufactured by the ever-busy Nigerian Television Authority (NTA) to aid the ruling party’s shameless rigging of the 1983 elections in Nigeria? Which Nigerian could have forgotten the political and socioeconomic chaos that was the consequence of this despicable deceit?

         Perhaps the situation is the way it is in Nigeria because of the curious relationship between the Republic of Knowledge and the Republic of Politics; that is, between the state of the State and the state of Academe. Ideally what should exist between these two is what I would like to call a state of creative tension, of problematic mutuality and imperfect symbiosis. The Republic of Knowledge serves as the breeding ground of ideas and ideals, the Republic of Politics as the crucible of action and implementation. The former generates the theory; the latter pushes it into praxis. But constantly, theory is refined by the actual working of praxis; while praxis is deepened by theory. Of course, these are no two invariably antagonistic poles: a crucial instance of some kind of conjuncture occurs when a denizen of the Republic of Knowledge brings his learning to bear on the Republic of Politics. Again ideally, the academic in power or in a position of power is expected to illuminate his action with the precepts garnered in so many years of learning, with demonstrably positive outcomes on both policy and policy action. In other words, he is expected to ensure that his learning makes a difference.

    Read Also: Wait till 2027, Kwankwaso tells protest organisers

         But why have Nigerian intellectuals/academics found it so difficult to make this kind of difference? Why do they end up sinking deeper into the same morass they rail so loudly against while within the campus walls? The answer to these questions will require another essay, but let us just say here that the situation is as it is because the wall separating the two Republics has become dangerously thin in some places and completely broken down in others. The mutual seepage resulting from this breach has polluted the stream of thinking and    action on both sides. The Nigerian government especially under the military brought Academe to its knees. Perceiving it as nothing more than a nest of ‘undue radicals’, it did everything in its power to break its ranks and silence its voice. To ensure its control of every important action on campus, it engineered the appointment of compliant vice chancellors and loaded the governing council with its own men and women. To guarantee the absence of a united front for academics, it proscribed their union at will. With all these manacles in place, it went ahead to impose starvation wages on university workers and made conditions of service so severe that only masochists still found joy in the Ivory Tower. The era of the iconic ‘Poor Professor’ had dawned. Having thus set the campus forest on fire, the military watched as desperate denizens scrambled to flee the conflagration. Some of these socio-economic exiles became sure game in the hands of the military government, the new Professor Bamgbapo’s (as in Wole Soyinka”s Opera Wonyosi) who grovel pathetically before those in power and spread out their diploma for them to walk on. 

         With its antiquated libraries, empty labs, dilapidated classrooms, paltry pay slips, the university campus became progressively inhospitable for living and hostile to learning. Many academics found a solution in two kinds of exile: some fled into political appointments, others across the seas. 

    *                     *                      *            

    From the Classroom to the Newsroom/Newsstand

         But thankfully, our account above does not tell the whole story. For there are thousands of other Nigerian intellectuals who never abandoned their commitment to a life of the mind; there were those whose conscience was too strong to be swayed by the juicy temptation of political appointments. Many of them stayed on to fight the rot in the Ivory Tower; others shifted base to the academy of the newsroom. Olatunji Dare is the most prominent member of the latter group and unarguably one of its most accomplished and most influential.

         For the past three decades, Dare has not only succeeded in establishing himself as one of Nigeria’s most engaging thinkers and writers; he has also shown the country how it is done by raising both the accent and tenor of journalistic practice. In the true tradition of journalism as truth-seeker, information-disseminator, and shaper of public opinion, he has championed a school of journalism that places the highest premium on integrity and informed engagement. Believing that journalism is not just ‘history in a hurry’ as is often touted in common parlance, Dare conceives it as history in motion and remembrance in action. A writer with a stupendous sense of history and faculty of memory, he believes that the principal role of the writer and intellectual is to make sure that we do not forget. For him history is too important to ignore; for those who forget the past may not only suffer the calamity of repeating its mistakes; they may, in fact, not be lucky enough to be around to do so as they might have perished from the affliction of amnesia. In Dare, therefore, we see the thinker, intellectual, writer, journalist, towncrier, griot, and prophet all rolled into one conscientious and profoundly edifying nexus.

         For Dare journalism is not just a job; it is a vocation; not just a career but a calling. Journalism is a cause. The journalist is not just the proverbial  witness to and reporter of events; he is also part of the unfolding of those events, and his reporting and presentation of them is a measure of his personal integrity and professional proficiency. And, what’s more, these two qualities, consciously or unconsciously, influence the story and constitute an inalienable part of its permanent essence. Contrary to those textbook theories about the neutrality of the reporter and the divine independence of the story, real-life experience shows us that a part of the teller is invariably secreted in the telling: whether that proverbial glass is half full or half empty depends upon the subjective eye of the observer. Most times what we see is a function of who or what we are.

         In no part of journalism is the maxim of the-writer-as –shaper-of-public-opinion truer than in opinion writing. And this is Olatunji Dare’s turf, his roost, and refuge – and in a manner of speaking – his crucible. In a classic case of professional commitment and passionate engagement, Dare is committed to the truth of the story and engaged with the ramifying implications of that truth. With a micro-biologist’s microscope and the surgeon’s scalpel, he fishes out the tiniest bit of a news story and subjects it to an informed and spirited dissection that magnifies it for the audience and reveals all its hidden hints. Dare leaves the reader in no doubt as to his single-minded wish to inform, to educate, to inspire, to call for change. He reminds me so forcibly of the wisdom of Jean-Paul Sartre, the great radical thinker and existentialist philosopher, who declared some four decades ago that ‘The function of the writer is to act in such a way that nobody can be ignorant of the world and that nobody may say that he is innocent of what it is all about’ (1967, 14). Here then goes the Writer as Righter (Sartre, 1967; Osundare, 2002), a premise that was very much behind Achebe’s thinking in 1965 when he saw the novelist as teacher; and Soyinka when he declared that the writer must be the sensitive point and  voice of conscience in society, and Ngugi wa Thiong’o who perceives every writer as a writer in politics.

         Dare’s column is the meeting-point of many interests: up-to-date account of the news of the day; a masterfully executed analysis of it; a magisterial coda oftentimes with unforgettable moral gravitas. These are some of the main factors in the creation of an authoritative voice; and if any journalist has that kind of voice in Nigeria today, that journalist is Olatunji Dare.

         That authoritative moral voice is realized through a cogency of ideas and felicitousness of expression; that frequently humorous, piquantly satirical style, that constant elevation of journalism to the pedestal of a truly noble profession – these have been the hallmarks and guiding principles of Dare’s journalistic practice since his days as an Op-Ed columnist for Daily times, then Nigeria’s dominant and most influential newspaper and one of the most widely read publication of its kind in Africa. It surprised no one, therefore, when soon after its birth in 1983, The Guardian which quickly matured into the flagship of Nigeria’s print journalism, had Dare as a member of its star-studded pioneer team. This was a team the like of which had never been seen in Nigeria’s newsroom: seasoned journalists, productive academics, former career diplomats, technocrats, and other veterans in public affairs. Together, they gave The Guardian a liberal, well informed social vision, professional integrity, and a journalistic (house) style distinguished by clarity of thought, painstaking investigative practice, and elegance of language. In this robustly conducive atmosphere, Dare unfurled his feathers and soared high in public reckoning. His column, ‘Matters Arising’, made The Guardian a compulsory read every Tuesday because of its depth of analysis, fearless argumentation, and impeccable expression.

         As a versatile and vigorous writer, Dare often ranges from the sober to the sublime, from the clinically narrative to the picturesquely descriptive, from the fabulous to the fantastical. Here is just one instance of the ace journalist at his most mischievously funny:

    [Humphrey Nwosu, a professor of political science, had a reputation for brilliance and volubility. He used his hands and sometimes his feet liberally to drive home his message. Reporters soon learnt not to sit too close to him at press conferences for fear that his right arm or left arm which he often stretched out with his accustomed vigour without warning might land on someone’s eyes, nose, mouth or ear. Or as he swayed to the left and then to the right in his chair in a manner reminiscent of Ray Charles at the keyboard, he might unintentionally administer

  • A motley collection of farcical demands

    A motley collection of farcical demands

    1. Return of fuel subsidy

    2. Addressing issues in the power sector

    3. Release of IPOB leader Nnamdi Kanu from DSS custody

    4. Allowance for Diaspora voting during general elections

    5. Scrapping of the 1999 constitution and replacement with a people-made constitution

    6. Abolition of the Senate and introduction of part-time lawmaking

    7. Minimum wage increase to N250,000 monthly

    8. Investment in education and grants for students

    9. Free and compulsory education for children

    10. Release of EndSARS and political detainees with compensation

    11. Rationalisation of public-owned enterprises

    12. Establishment of a special energy task force for corruption-free power sector development

    13. Reconstitution of INEC to remove corrupt individuals

    14. Massive investment in public works and industrialisation

    Read Also: Group raises the alarm on alleged plans for arrest, detain Inegbeniki

    15. Shake-up in the judiciary to remove corrupt judges and judicial officers

    16. Reinstitution of a corruption-free subsidy regime

    17. Probe of past and present leaders who have looted the treasury

    18. Restructuring of Nigeria to accommodate diversity, resource control, and regional development

    19. End to banditry, terrorism, and violent crimes

    20. Reform of security agencies to stop human rights violations

  • Fumbling over protests

    Fumbling over protests

    A little over a week ago, as the needless tension over the August 1-10 protests began to heighten, one of the opportunistic groups cashing in on the crisis swore that should one protester be killed, the protesters would campaign for the ousting of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. The promoters of the protests obviously have unrestrained contempt for Nigeria. In their opinion, a nation of over 200 million people, having made their choice in last year’s presidential election, could be summarily subjected to the whims, caprices and arrogance of a few people hiding behind the existential crisis numbing the country. The promoters’ list of grievances is long, diffused and provocative (See box). But its leitmotif, perhaps imperceptible to the composers of the list, is not actually hunger or economic distress, but their adamant refusal to accept last year’s presidential election which ended more than a year ago.

    Unfortunately, the Tinubu administration seems hesitant and even fearful as protest promoters sneeze, perhaps because of the hashtags deployed to propel it, such as #DaysOfRage and #EndBadGovernance. The demands, drawing inspiration from Kenya and Bangladesh, are diffused and disguised to achieve other goals. Merely perusing the list of demands indicates the lexical signatures and sophomoric philosophies of the Obidient movement, despite Peter Obi’s threat to litigate the allegation that his supporters are behind the call for protests. The promoters’ shopping list should have encouraged the president to stiffen his resolve and deal with the call for protests with courage and professionalism. The list, whether by the Omoyele Sowore group or the other groups, includes items like freedom for Nnamdi Kanu, the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) leader, without suggesting how that demand relates to hunger and bad governance. They also ask for the reinstatement of fuel subsidy, exhibit an extremely naïve understanding of economic issues relating to exchange rate management, conflate Diaspora voting with hunger, peremptorily call for scrapping of the 1999 constitution, and make bullish demand for minimum wage increase to N250,000 despite NLC reaching agreement with the government, etc. The demands are a sickening indication of the crass politicisation of the last presidential poll and a mindless rehash of the objectives of both the Obidient movement and anarchic so-called activist groups.

    But for months, unable to fully settle down since his election as president because of relentless opposition, and having himself made some mistakes in policies and appointments, President Tinubu has continued to yield ground to those snapping at his heels, perhaps hoping that he could placate them. It is clear now that for the duration of his first term, he could not hope to placate them or mollify their anger. Protests help leaders fine-tune their policies and restrain their sometimes boundless enthusiasm for painful and unpopular measures. But the president needs to become more resolute, rejig his kitchen cabinet to take advantage of the best advice in an atmosphere of brilliant debate and scenario-building, and go on governing in the face of threats and distractions. He has made concessions to too many groups and sometimes seemed to sacrifice efficiency in favour of costs, but it is impossible for him to satisfy everybody. The pains felt on the streets are real, and hunger is one of them, but it is atrocious that all protest promoters have directed their anger at the federal government rather than including the states and local governments. This may be partly due to the country’s misshapen political structure.

    Read Also: Protest: Goronyo urges Nigerians to remain patriotic, hopeful for Tinubu

    In addition, it is clear that the destructive Kenyan protests have inspired the promoters of the Nigerian protest, especially with particular reference to the rapidity with which they achieved their demand of getting the 2024 Kenyan Finance Bill abrogated. But they have been unable to force the resignation of President William Ruto. While President Tinubu considers some of the grievances listed by the protest promoters, especially the unavoidable need to run an efficient and trim government, he should encourage himself to handle the budding crisis dispassionately because the threat to force him out of office will lead Nigeria down a very slippery slope. There are probably two possible outcomes in all this: one is anarchy in a replay of the Sudan, Libya, Somalia, etc mould; or disintegration. Nigeria, given its religious and ethnic dynamics, cannot sustain the kind of stalemate dogging Kenya. In 1966-67, it travelled that road when what seemed a routine matter of Western Region political impasse snowballed into a civil war. Those threatening unconstitutional means of solving Nigeria’s economic crisis and lacing it with private and political demands probably know little of that era. In the past two weeks or so, the Tinubu administration made the mistake of helping the call for protest assume the status of a threat to his presidency. Protests are constitutional and should be seen as normal and routine. There will be many more, some massive, diffused and even catastrophic, and others small, focused and episodic. Whether the government wants it or not, the August protests will take place in one form or the other, but they are unlikely to severely threaten his presidency.

    Instead, the president should be worried about a number of spinoffs from the call to protest, not the protest itself, for much of it is inspired by those who are reluctant to accept last year’s electoral outcomes against all their projections. One of the issues President Tinubu must contend with is the ease with which the protest promoters have managed to reshape the current hunger narrative and have created an age and generational dichotomy in governance and public discourse. This is truly apocaplyptic. Families and nations consist of youths and elders who live and sometimes die together in symbiotic relationships, with common ambitions and inextricably intertwined destinies. Parents and their children, particularly fathers and sons, may sometimes see things from different perspectives, but only dysfunctional homes solve difficult problems by patricide. Many homes in Nigeria may be dysfunctional, and through the use of extreme and irreconcilable languages, project that dysfunctionality onto the national stage, as indeed many political players promote regicide as catharsis for their electoral losses, it is, however, time for the government and the people to begin finding ways of narrowing the schism between the young and the old, such as institutionalising leadership recruitment and training processes. China has managed over the years to get this system right much more than the democracies of the West. Indeed, those calling for violence, death and destruction in Nigeria are projecting nothing but their backgrounds.

    A second issue that should preoccupy the president is how to help raise and crystallise public discourse in such a way that legalism is not confused with expediency. It is shocking that some members of the administration at first focused on the legalism of the protests before acknowledging the constitutionality of public expression of grievances. On the other hand, lawyers, activists and the political opposition have simply discarded the place of expediency in national discourse and affairs in favour of the legalism of the protests. After correcting themselves, the government has warned that nothing guarantees that, given the state of the economy and the ferment in many countries, any protest tagged days of rage could not quickly spiral downhill. The warning is germane. But those promoting the August protests tend to think that they could achieve their aims without a corresponding and unplanned cost to national unity and cohesion. Nigeria’s structural imbalance has endured decades of stress, but the cord that binds the people together have been strained for too long to give assurance that the country can withstand prolonged protests and violence. The government warns that the cords can snap, with unfathomable repercussions. But the heady promoters of the protests are unimpressed. In short, the problem is not the legality of the protests, but whether it is expedient at a time when the country’s security situation remains taut. Hunger is a volatile issue capable of triggering much more than the system can manage. (See last week’s piece for what could be done to manage the crisis).

    A third issue relates to the damaging role the social media is playing in the whole saga. There is hardly any group chat where incendiary and bigoted speech is not deployed to savage opponents, or where utterly mendacious stories and analyses are not recklessly fabricated to secure maximum advantage. There is of course the Cybercrime Prohibition and Prevention Act, 2015, but it has done very little to attenuate the savagery on display on social media. Unfettered and mind-boggling hate speech is given free rein, and iconoclasm of the worst kind runs rampant baiting ethnic disaffection and anger. Raging against one another, rather than against common economic foes, is seething not too far from the surface. Of course social media madness is a global concern, but societies such as Nigeria which have so far been unable to settle their national question are becoming increasingly vulnerable. If social media does not furnish Nigeria a war, it will be because the administration finally bestirs itself to do something. The Tinubu government must give a thought to this issue if it hopes to bequeath a better society to the next generation. To do this transcends anthem substitution, for the problem is far more exigent and deeper and complicated.

    A fourth issue relates to the mistake the preceding Muhammadu Buhari administration made in not painstakingly prosecuting those who either planned or hijacked the EndSARS protest some two years ago, whether they are in the country or have fled the shores of Nigeria. Too many Nigerians hate their country, and have propagated lies and other falsehoods against it. Somehow, despite many panel reports proving the contrary, some people still believe that EndSARS protesters were massacred in their dozens. Now, they also believe, despite government protestation, that some of those protesters are still in jail. Not prosecuting those who perpetrated violence in 2020 has enabled promoters of the August protests to talk offhandedly of days of rage. President Tinubu must not repeat the same mistake. If days of rage are enacted next month, if the rights of non-protesters are abridged for any reason, at the end, there must be prosecutions and convictions. The Nigerian Constitution, which is so glibly quoted as if it has become a personal document, does not confer a greater (moral) right on anyone. The constitution considers everyone equal. Burning hundreds of vehicles and destroying public utilities must attract commensurate response from law enforcement.

    For this and other future protests, here are a few free tips for President Tinubu to use in formulating the kind of leadership he wants to project. In 2012, when he was said to have backed the fuel subsidy protests during the Goodluck Jonathan presidency, the protests were restricted to a few spots and remained focused all through until the then president made concessions and everyone returned home. It was not necessary for Dr Jonathan to project anything because the protests were peaceful, focused and carnival-like. When the EndSARS protests broke out in 2020 under President Buhari, the protesters instinctively knew that because of the ethnic undertones of Nigerian politics, not because of his managerial skills, they would be stoking fire to ask for his resignation, despite the attendant violence.

    But under President Tinubu, even before the protests began, some have sworn to ask for his ouster should one person be shot. Now, here is the tip: clearly the protest promoters sense two things; one, that the president has projected weakness since last year in the face of every challenge. They suspect that he does not seem capable of drawing a line between respecting the tenets of democracy and using firm hands to deal with every test against his administration. And two, the protest promoters, some of whom are from his native Southwest, sense that the Southwest would not rise in his defence should the tables be unconstitutionally turned against him. Those who think so forget the lessons of the MKO Abiola election and its convoluted aftermath. Sooner or later, the protesters will discover too late that Nigerian politics, not to talk of its ethnic dynamics, is far more complicated and unpredictable than they think. Nevertheless, it is clear that by yielding to his challengers again and again, including those who questioned the integrity of the election he won, the president has not projected strength. He should learn from great leaders. Projecting strength is not the same as brutally repressing the people. A few biographies should show him how.

    More crucially, it bears restating that while the president has tried to reset an economy left prostrate for nearly two decades, a task he has done far better than his predecessors, yet not altogether coherently, he must now also pay attention to the other things that matter, including resetting the country’s politics and leadership and integrating the next generation into leadership, not the farcical Gen Z whose arrogant sense of entitlement has led them to costly errors. He has brought in more youths and women into his administration than his predecessors, but they are not satisfied. The reason is that too much is happening behind closed doors designed to subvert his administration or make it impossible for him to aspire for a second term. He will survive the August test, but he must then take the battle to his opponents rather than dithering over his definition of democracy. There is nothing he will do, even if he grows the economy at unprecedented double digits, that will cause the animosity against him to abate or his enemies to grudgingly admire him. If he continues to shirk a fight, he should not be surprised that his inaction paradoxically endangers democracy as more and more activists and protesters ensconced in distant lands, like Mr Sowore, belabour him. He has made tremendous progress in arresting the drift towards the precipice, but his opponents, particularly the hurting mafias whose economic interests he has affected, will continue to gloss over those achievements and attempt to force him to backtrack. After the protests, he must find time and ways to now engage the public, empathise with them outside of Aso Villa press statements, and be the lightning rod of their anger, criticisms, discomfort and sufferings.

  • The benevolent JAMB

    The benevolent JAMB

    Oloyede’s NATAP-M Awards, an unsung part of his achievements, is transforming our tertiary institutions

    Tertiary institutions in the country, particularly those that have won the National Tertiary Admissions Performance Merit Award (NATAP-M) Awards before, would forever be grateful to the Professor Ishaq Oloyede-led Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB) for its invaluable contribution to the provision of infrastructure on their campuses. The award was instituted by the board in 2018, barely two years after Oloyede assumed office as Registrar/Chief Executive of JAMB in August 2016.

    NATAP-M Award was initiated to recognise tertiary institutions that are complying with admission guidelines, thereby spurring heathy competition among the institutions.

    Many readers would have expected that this piece would follow the usual pattern of regurgitating whatever new developments that have taken place in JAMB in recent times, concerning its core function, the conduct of the Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME). This is much more so as the 2024 Policy Meeting of the board that deliberated on matters pertaining to the exams was just held on July 18, at the Hairat Ade Balogun Auditorium, Body of Benchers, Abuja.

    You cannot blame commentators for following this pattern, though. The board has in the last eight years become an institution of one season, one innovation. So, there is always something new to say in that regard. Indeed, given where the board was before Oloyede took over, you cannot but continue to marvel at how he has turned around the fortunes of the place, such that it has become much more functional, rendering billions into the coffers of the Federal Government annually since then. ‘Ko sele ri’ (it never happened in the 38 years of JAMB’s existence before Oloyede came). The board is now 46 years old. Before him, JAMB had always been like the proverbial guinea fowl that laid six eggs and at best hatched only one. An institution that was to be a money spinner for the government became a drain pipe, drawing subvention from government annually to stay afloat.

    What has happened is that beyond, and in spite of these returns to government coffers, Oloyede has also gone some steps further that are praiseworthy. He has ventured into gigantic corporate social responsibility (CSR) projects of sort, instructively to develop institutions that the board feeds with students every year. That, indeed, is the nexus between JAMB and the NATAP-M Award.

    For instance, we have the Radio Console of the University of Ilorin FM bought with part of the N75 million that the university won in the previous award. There was also the case of Ogun State Polytechnic that built an ultra-modern Computer-Based Test centre with the prize money it won as the most compliant polytechnic in admission processes, among several other winners.

    To take JAMB to its present enviable position, Oloyede certainly took some painful decisions. These cut across all stakeholders, including the tertiary institutions, the computer-based test operators, members of the staff of the board itself, the candidates and parents as well as their various other publics.

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    When you wean somebody of something, you replace that thing taken away with something better. Life should not be all about stick; where carrot is required, you don’t hesitate to give it. If people or institutions are punished for breaking the law or subverting the process, then those that scrupulously adhere to them deserve encouragement. For me, this is the nexus between the board and the award.

    The maiden NATAP-M Awards for 2018, which was held in 2019, featured five categories, namely: the most subscribed institutions by candidates; the most-national institution in terms of admission spread and the institution with the highest number of admission of international students. Other categories were: the most-improved institution in intake of female students and the most compliant institution in keeping within the guidelines, rules and regulations of admissions.

    I am interested most in the last; that is the one having to do with compliance with guidelines and rules on admission because this had been a major issue before the advent of Oloyede in JAMB, and we can still see traces of it despite his zero tolerance for abuses related to admissions. Here, what immediately comes into mind is the issue of irregular admissions carried out by some of the institutions in the past. This used to be a sore point until the immediate past Minister of Education, Adamu Adamu, gave a deadline for its eradication. Thousands of students who were involved in these would have had their fate hanging in the air but for the minister’s magnanimity. Any institution or candidate that engages in that now that the deadline is over is on its/his/her own.

    This is only one of the anomalies in several institutions. So, if you are punishing non-compliance, I see nothing wrong in rewarding compliance, to incentivise those that have chosen the narrow and straight path.

    These interventions, with the winner-institutions, sometimes alongside the board deciding what they actually need, in tune with their prize money, have been helping in closing the infrastructural gaps in the institutions.

    Of course it is common knowledge that many of our tertiary institutions, particularly the universities, lack vital infrastructural facilities, including lecture theatres, modern science laboratories, state-of-the-art computer centres, among others. We thus have situations where many students literally perch on windows or hang around in some universities to take lectures because lecture halls have not kept pace with the rate of students intake. We have situations where many computer undergraduates, for instance, do more of theory work when they should be more involved in practicals, because of lack of modern facilities.

    Coming from the university system, Oloyede knows where exactly the shoes pinch. He was Vice-Chancellor of the University of Ilorin, his alma mater, for five years. Under him, the university became highly-ranked even in Africa, and the most sought-after university in Nigeria. Oloyede also served as Chairman of the Association of Vice-Chancellors of Nigerian Universities and Committee of Vice-Chancellors between 2011–2012, among several others, including international appointments. You see what I mean?

    However, one question that may agitate the minds of people on the awards is the wide gap between the institution that wins the first position and the others. For instance, with this year’s prize money increased from N710 million to N750 million, the university that came first would get a whopping N500 million. The others, including polytechnics, colleges of education and others, share the balance. The reason is simple: Oloyede explains that this is to enable the winner do something tangible with it. As they say, anything worth doing at all is worth doing well. The idea is to encourage all to strive to be the best, and not play a second fiddle. But then, the overall winner cannot win again until after five years. I think this is fair enough; at least to give others an opportunity to win. It is significant to note that the awards started with N125 million prize money.

    It is also heartwarming that in order to ensure transparency and fairness, the board brought in the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission (FCCPC), among others, to assess the qualified institutions.

    However, my main concern is how JAMB monitors progress on the projects to ensure that the money is judiciously spent so that the projects won’t be victims of the characteristic ‘Nigerian factor’ that would lead to their abandonment or unending contract variations, which would ultimately defeat the purpose of setting up the award. Most of these facilities that JAMB is enabling the institutions to procure through the awards are sorely needed and indeed ought to have been provided as early as yesterday. Subjecting them to further undue delays would be counterproductive.

    But, beyond coming from the university system, one other thing that cannot be discountenanced in the giant strides the board has made under Oloyede is the fact that a round peg has been put in a round hole. It is also what happens when professionalism meets with character. Moreover, he has a cooperative team as well as supportive and understanding bosses.

    This is where I give credit to the Muhammadu Buhari government that appointed him, for taking its eyes to the market when scouting for a helmsman for the board. Dit to the renewal of his mandate when his first term expired, which was a big relief to stakeholders who wished the country’s educational sector well.

    It is significant that despite committing N750 million to the NATAP-M Awards this year, the board was still able to remit over N3.5 billion to the Federal Government coffers, in spite of the economic crisis that the country has been going through. And, despite the fact that it has not increased its fees for application forms! That is to say, where many others are experiencing a casting down, JAMB’s experience has been that of lifting up. This should count for something.

    One other thing that has been working for Oloyede is that he is lucky to have had ministers of education that have shown understanding and have been largely supportive. In the same vein, we have to commend the immediate past Buhari administration again in this regard. Like millions of other Nigerians, I have issues with his government’s performance. But his decision to allow Oloyede Iive his dream for JAMB is highly commendable. I want to believe that Buhari would have been inundated with calls to do something about Oloyede when he began the reform in JAMB, because he must have stepped on many powerful toes of people who have no regard for due process but would rather want to offer admission to their relations and cronies right on their complimentary cards.

    Today, it is not only Nigeria that is benefitting from Oloyede’s reforms in JAMB, his achievements have attracted recognition even from outside our shores.

    We must praise all those who have graciously permitted the JAMB boss an almost unfettered discretion in performing his functions because many people in public office who might have had big dreams when they were appointed had been denied the opportunity of realising them, due to lack of understanding or cooperation from those who appointed them.

    All said, it is important to stress that in all of these approvals to operate or spend, that Prof Oloyede has enjoyed, trust is key. It is possible for the government not to let him come this far if it doesn’t trust him or doesn’t wish him well. Everybody, from the former President Buhari to the incumbent President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, down the line, trust Prof Oloyede. That is why he has been able to come this far. He should not take this for granted.

  • The legend of the happy warrior Tribute to a master satirist

    The legend of the happy warrior Tribute to a master satirist

    Many readers of Olatunji Dare, master satirist and doyen of polished, felicitous writing, must have felt a pang of pain tinged with regret as the nobleman from Kabba signed off from his long-running column on this paper this past week. As this writer told him in a private tribute, many compatriots, yours sincerely included, have grown so accustomed to reading him from his days as the bus stop journalist, that they could not imagine life without the column and the columnist.

     But columns do die, and so do columnists themselves eventually. What is important is the lasting impression stilled in the consciousness of the populace and the impact on national conscience. Judging from the torrents of tributes as he clocked his eighth decade on earth last week, there can be no doubt that Dare has been hugely impactful and consequential for the nation both as a teacher of journalism and its active practitioner in Nigeria.

      Yet he remains an elusive quarry and quantity for many of his compatriots.  Diffident, retreating and self-effacing almost to the point of self-erasure, Dare is worth his weight in gold. It will be a mortal error for anyone to mistake his quiet retreating nature for lack of resolve or to confuse his diffidence and discretion for a namby-pamby complicity with evil. The notable columnist is a man of steely disposition and iron fortitude. On the occasion of his sixtieth birthday about twenty years ago, yours sincerely volunteered to fly over from San Antonio to his Peoria base only to be politely told not even to bother. The occasion was for quiet reflection and family members.

      Nigeria has thrown up many notable satirists, among them cartoonists who mock and damn with their brush rather than their pen but who remain under-celebrated and in glorious anonymity. This is probably because unlike the traditional painter or sculptor, the cartoonist illustrates with his brush what has already been painted in words or what has already been conceived in someone else’s imagination. As this writer once observed, even among geniuses there is a pecking order. In the league of super-satirists, Olatunji Dare belongs in a class of his own for reasons we shall adumbrate shortly.

    In his epic slugfest with the late Alade Odunewu in 1973 over diarchy, a combination of military and civilian rule,  Zik cunningly baited the great journalist by asking him whether he was ready for some preliminary skirmishes before the main tournament. A noted prize fighter in his youth, the Owelle of Onitsha was also a storied master of psychological intimidation and attrition in political warfare.

      By dropping heavy hints of the dire prospects that awaited Allah-De in entering the same ring with him, Zik was following the rule of engagement as laid down by the patron saint and military progenitor of Fabian warfare, Fabius Cunctator. The great Roman general it was who noted that preliminary skirmishes must never be fought with main artillery.  Always reserve the sucker punch and the overwhelming firepower for the last moment when the enemy might be deluded into thinking he was winning the war or the argument as the case may be.

      Like a compulsive combatant, Zik relished literary confrontations or the odd political discombobulation till old age. In advanced years the old duelist often cut the figure of an elderly hawk with its powerful talons primed for immediate deployment. No slight or contumely escaped his eagle-like surveillance. Those who tangled with him managed to extricate themselves with deep claw marks and bruises as if they had survived a Mammy wagon crash. Ask Ajie Ukpabi Asika who he woundingly dismissed as a lapsed Doctoral candidate. And ask the Oyi himself, Chuba Okadigbo, who barely escaped those waiting to physically fraternize with him at Flora’s funeral.

        Olatunji Dare is of a different breed and brood; a happy warrior at the level of professional and stylistic consciousness. Even though he has collected quite a few political and journalistic scalps in a long and distinguished career he goes about it in a civil and civilized manner and with a cheeriness and playful deadliness  which a few may find galling because it does not conform with the fierce urgency of the moment and its sectarian tempest. That is the nature of satirical writing in a charged and combustible atmosphere where even the most astute could be wrong footed.

       It will be appropriate at this point to say a few words about the notion of the happy warrior. The motif has travelled far and wide particularly in America. But it originated from an 1807 poem by William Wordsworth with the title, “Character of the Happy Warrior”. It was modeled on the career and life of Admiral Horatio Nelson of Trafalgar, the ultimate selfless patriot and noble man of action. Before he was taken down by a French sniper at the battle of Trafalgar, Nelson had already lost an eye and an arm in heroic exertions at the behest of his nation.

        In more recent times, this was the nickname of Herbert Humphrey, a notable American politician and statesman. The distinguished senator from Minnesota was the losing presidential candidate of the Democratic Party in the race to succeed Lyndon Baines Johnson in 1968. Richard Nixon was the winner. Combative and battle-joyous, Humphrey was ready to jump into the ring with anybody at short notice. But he was also known for his benign and benevolent politics.

     In the mass hysteria that followed the assassination of the Kennedy brothers, he was a figure of reason and calm judgment. Not long after losing the presidential election to Nixon, he found himself in the White House on a bi-partisan mission. After the meeting, he was invited for a tour of America’s preeminent sanctuary of power and prestige. Upon being chaperoned into the master bedroom in its majestic and magnificent splendor, Humphrey rued in good-natured self-depreciation. ”You know Richard , If I had known it is this beautiful here, I would have worked harder.”

      Perhaps we need to go back to traditional Africa for the quintessential encapsulation of the legend of the happy warrior. At the end of Sembene Ousmane’s groundbreaking novel, God’s Bits of Wood, a cinematographic capture of class confrontations as they reached a tipping point, the lead characters were admonished to fight and battle to the end without allowing hatred and bitterness to dwell in their heart in the tradition of some ancient Africa warriors.

      But how is it possible to fight and battle to the bitter end without allowing hatred and bitterness to dwell in one’s heart, particularly in a society marked by inequities and injustice of staggering and idiotic proportions? This writer suspects that this is an antinomy that dogged Dare in his distinguished career.  An antimony is an epistemological impasse, an irresolvable contradiction, an impossible moral conundrum that defies totalization.  In Dare, the animus sometimes seeps through having escaped the guardrails of urbane reticence and immense self-discipline. At other times, it is deflected on the pathway of a torrent of delicious and felicitous ironies in a strategic feint.

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      Only few people in history have been able to completely overcome this contradiction. For example, Karl Marx, the great philosopher of change and past master of proletarian polemics, could not. Marx saw no reason for moderation which he believed is a vice in the pursuit of social justice. He hated and abhorred the old European feudal oligarchy and the emergent bourgeois master-class with equal passion. On his deathbed, Marx vowed to make the bourgeoisie pay for every one of the carbuncles that had turned his life into an unrelenting misery. On the other hand and probably because of his aristocratic and more privileged background, Friedrich Engels, Karl Marx’s confidante and collaborator, was far more benign and conciliatory.

      There are more than enough grounds and excuses in Dare’s chequered career to be angry and disappointed. But he has managed it very well. Nominally and peripherally from the north, he was ideologically and politically dissociated from its conservative politics as a result of a progressive upbringing as well as his own egalitarian worldview. He could not have expected rapturous approval from its feudal honchos. Its loud silence on his stellar accomplishments speaks volumes.

      But it was a case of double jeopardy. If the northern oligarchy had little or no time for him, the self-consumed and self-obsessed Yoruba political establishment was also tardy and remiss in making use of his abundant talents. Yet there is a play of ironic signifiers across binary divisions which must have impacted on Dare as a humane and compassionate composite.

      For every humiliation he experienced in the hands of rude and wanton boys as a teacher on the playing fields of Birnin-Kebbi, he will always remember the glorious example of Major Mustapha Jokolo whom he taught as a young chap in the same place and who has continued to accord him utmost courtesy and kindness. To compensate for the tardiness of the Yoruba establishment, there is always the example of Lagos State and its succession of governors who have treated him with utmost courtesy and kindness since the advent of civil rule.

      Having politically unbundled the man, that leaves perhaps his most significant part, which is Dare the stylistic exemplar.  This is the essence of the man. Nigeria has thrown up many stylistic titans, men who could command words to do anything for them. Even among this distinguished lot, Dare stands out for the integrity and passion that power his writing. It is said that a man’s word is his bond. Shakespeare famously quips that “words have become rascals since bonds disgraced them”. But the master satirist from Kabba would have none of that in the magisterial suzerainty he exercises over the written word.

      Hence his disavowal of sloppy writing, rude writing and writing that disgrace writing. Dare could smell the dabbler and dilettante of the written word from a distance. The dabbler merely lumps words together in a crude and inchoate manner hoping to create some effect. But the master is not impressed. Great prose is made of sterner stuff.

      Exceptional writing is the product of exceptional mental labour. In extreme concentration and like a mini-god of creation, the writer is transformed and transported to a supra-human portal where nothing else matters.   Nothing can be more intriguing and ennobling than to chance upon Dare as he finessed his delectable prose completely unaware of his immediate surroundings. It is like witnessing a lion in labour.  You quickly shut the door.

      In this writer’s life time the only other comparable experience was to happen upon Dele Giwa as the ace prose maestro knocked away at his typewriter oblivious of everything else even as he lapped at his favourite Benson and Hedges stick of cigarette as if it was a bar of honey. He was a picture of celestial rapture, a cherubic smile hovering around his lips as he fingered and figured out the most magical combinatoire on the keyboard. Dele Giwa was murdered almost forty years ago but his words continue to resonate. So will Dare’s own memorable disquisitions beyond our age and succeeding eons.