Category: Tuesday

  • Ghost of Oshiomhole

    Ghost of Oshiomhole

    How does one frame this piece: return of the tortoise or the ghost of Oshiomhole?  Both sweetly capture the shattering fate of Yobe Governor Mai Mala Buni, the APC provisional national chairman, who just hobbled himself.

    But that was after he had run countless rings round the party put in his care, following the conspiratorial overthrow of Adams Oshiomhole and his APC national executive.

    The tortoise, in the Yoruba folktale, swore he wouldn’t return to base until he was disgraced.  Well, Buni would return from Dubai, via London, not exactly soaring high — no thanks to alleged devious ploys by the body he heads.

    In Shakespeare’s Macbeth, the evil Lady Macbeth thought the woes of her pliant, regicidal husband would end with Macbeth’s murder of Banquo, whose sole crime was the watery witches’ prophecy that Banquo would not be king but would father kings.

    Yet, Banquo’s ghost unnerved the Macbeths more than a living Banquo ever could; thus turning their rogue royal dreams into cold ash.

    Like Banquo, like Oshiomhole — Buni and co are finding out.  A much more powerful spectre of Oshiomhole laughs, to cold scorn, the stunning manoeuvres of the APC plotter ensemble, more than Chairman Adams ever could!

    An alleged plot in Buni’s macabre drama was to gift former PDP President Goodluck Jonathan the APC ticket, pair up with him and, after one term, gun for president!

    Goodluck Jonathan!  Under whom everything crashed though he had much more cash?  Would that be Buni and co’s ultimate “change”, when the party had more solid stuff to point to, despite the eternal droning of the woe-begotten nay orchestra?

    To be sure, that charge could be wild rumours, as APC’s coven of plotters turn upon themselves; but belch out bizarre stuff to roast Maradona Buni for out-dribbling all.

    Everyone is a thief, that cynical Nigerian quip goes. But only those caught are the confirmed barawo!  So, it might well be for Buni.  No tears from here!

    Still, however the Yobe governor emerges from it all, his nimble stealth and ghostly feigns, which have prolonged the tenure of his Caretaker Extraordinary Convention Planning Committee (CECPC) from six months to nearly two years — and still counting — are nothing but extraordinary!

    Extraordinary caretakers?  Spectacular perfidy?  Tremendous undertakers?  Ha!

    But again, right there, you have a stark Oshiomhole-Buni contrast: the one, the legit chair, for party love, held back pressing his legal rights; the other, the contrived chair, sits tight, as long as it bloody takes, juggling sundry tricks, party love be damned!

    At the peak of Oshiomhole’s trials, his ruthless traducers even contrived to denude him in his native Edo, vital elections and all. Yet, the man stood firm.

    Now who laughs last?  In Abuja, Buni gets his comeuppance!  In Benin City, Godwin Obaseki, emergency PDP governor, brawls to no end with new partisan sweethearts!

    To boot, Philip Shaibu, Obaseki’s deputy and Oshiomhole’s life protege-turned traducer-in-chief, just received a fitting tongue-lashing from a garrulous Nyesom Wike!    Obaseki himself joined the fray to tongue-lash Wike!  The Edo rogue revolution is consuming own children!  Who laughs last?

    But back to sitting tight to skew party stuff for personal gain: while Chairman Buni was at his alleged high-wire national manoeuvers, Secretary John James Akpanudoedehe was also accused of feathering his nest on his alleged Akwa Ibom governorship!

    But all of these skullduggery couldn’t have happened without a rich nest of plotters party-wide, bent on gaming others, in the push towards 2023.

    The APC governors, to start with.  From privileged party picks in the last set of elections, they decreed selves czars who must be obeyed, else their party dies! Their war cry?  Governors, by hook or by crook, gobble up the party!

    Yet, many of these folks are no more than butterflies that kid selves they are all-mighty eagles — eagles that could soar, to any height, to corral whatever they crave.

    By Buni’s hobble, however, it just might dawn on them that they fatally mistake fleeting formal power for eternal control of the partisan street.  Some costly delusion there!

    The bit about Buni cobbling a sweetheart deal with Goodluck Jonathan may well be wild.  But not so Buni’s fixation with PDP and its elected cadres — and well, even some certified noisemakers that add little or no value.

    Indeed, among the most perplexing, of Buni’s frenzied partisan “sign-ons”, was the “unveiling” at Aso Rock, of the loquacious Femi Fani-Kayode, as APC’s latest capture — and before a petrified president, razed countless times by FFK’s reckless tongue!

    To be sure that was, for President Muhammadu Buhari himself, a fitting purgatory.  If he hadn’t succumbed to pressure from anti-Oshiomhole forces, perhaps he would have escaped the FFK ordeal which, frankly, added no value — not to the president; not to his party.

    Before and after FFK had come other Buni “sign-ons”, in the fevered season of cross-party raid-and-capture: Ebonyi’s Dave Umahi (arguably by miles, South East’s best developmental governor); and Cross River’s Ben Ayade — two decent blokes.

    Still, whatever their gubernatorial strides, they had no right to take PDP mandate into APC.  The law on that may be muddied up but its immorality is crystal clear.

    True, it’s sweet karma seeing PDP being paid back in own bad coins.  Under President Olusegun Obasanjo, the ruling PDP was a menace to the opposition, subverting them at will; and preening and bragging about its toxic conduct.

    Still, how did that all end for PDP?  And why should Buni not have learnt from the former ruling party’s mistake?  In any case, the current tenure ruckus involving Umahi might soon engulf Ayade, and Zamfara’s Bello Matawalle — and poof!: Buni’s party-growth-by-partisan-raid rogue doctrine goes up in smoke!

    Yet, there was an alternative — admittedly a harder road to follow, among deluded fellows: party discipline, party supremacy and shared values in the party’s social democratic charter, which Oshiomhole tried so hard to push.

    Yes, not a few accused Oshiomhole of high-handedness and stuff — fair calls, perhaps. But with hindsight, could the ruling party under Oshiomhole, warts and all, have fared worse than this shifty mess Buni has foisted on everyone?

    Buni’s flighty CECPC seems as far from delivering the APC convention to elect a new national executive, as it was in June 2020 when it assumed office in a stunning railroad.

    Though APC continues to bandy a March 26 date, its path is littered with a slew of booby traps, allegedly planted there by Buni’s sit-tight CECPC.  Yet, the 2023 elections are around the bend!

    Pastor Tunde Bakare, nobody’s poodle, shuttled once on the Lagos-Ibadan rail and crowed: whoever comes after Buhari must continue on his twin-strides of infrastructure (rail, roads and air) and agriculture — two relatable sound bytes Buni should have grabbed to grow the APC as interim chair.

    Instead, Buni’s CECPC blundered into a jungle of intrigues, got fixated with sterile PDP capture, and risks hobbling off in disgrace, leaving their party in peril.

    Buni’s is the classic tragedy of a sane path insanely not taken!

     

  • Ekweremadu and  Ebeano family

    Ekweremadu and Ebeano family

    As the 2023 general elections draw near, many states are boiling over as political gladiators plot the rise or fall of their opponents. Enugu State is no different, except that the temperature somehow simmers near the boiling point. But it has not always been peaceful in the eastern front, especially at the beginning of the present republic. We recall that it was while Senator Chimaroke Nnamani from Enugu East senatorial zone held sway as state governor that the political alliance was forged in blood, tears and sorrow.

    Perhaps, it was the usual business of a maternity ward that was at play? Despite the misgivings of many, the Ebeano family has survived several political transitions, even if regicide remains its ascension policy. When Governor Nnamani ascended the throne, the rules of the family were carved. The high points were that the state governor should deal ruthlessly with any opposition, hound any putative godfather into political exile, and reign as the czar of the political family, apologies to Russian Vladimir Putin, the butcher of Ukrainians.

    So it was that Chief Jim Nwobodo, who championed the election of Governor Nnamani, while he took the senate seat as his redoubt, sooner than later became a persona non grata in the state. Hounded by his political children, he was retired after only a term in the senate. With Nwobodo out of the way, Nnamani reigned as the supreme commander of the new political family he forged. He allowed no opposition, and the consequences of defiance were too steep.

    At the end of his eight-year tenure as governor, Chimaroke installed Sullivan Chime from Enugu West senatorial zone, his erstwhile commissioner for justice, and moved over to the senate, which road he had paved in advance, by tactically upstaging Senator Nwobodo after only one tenure. The godfather and his followers believed that all will be calm in the eastern front. But as soon as Governor Chime consolidated as governor, Senator Nnamani faced the fate of his own political godfather.

    Governor Chime unceremoniously retired Chimaroke from the senate, and became the reigning czar. It was in this political environment that Senator Ike Ekweremadu was chiselled and forged. As the campaign manager of Governor Nnamani in 1999, he was there at the beginning. And he has seen the rise and fall of political gladiators in the state at the behest of the state governors. But perhaps he has not taken note that Governor Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi from Enugu north senatorial zone is a different kind of czar. Ugwuanyi has not only rehabilitated former Governors Nnamani and Nwobodo, his immediate predecessor Governor Chime, is enjoying his new political life unhindered.

    But before I delve into what may have changed in the Ebeano political family, with the emergence of Governor Ugwuanyi, let me attempt a deconstruction of the Ekweremadu political persona. Perhaps, having closely witnessed the treatment meted out to others, the five-time senator has learnt the survival instinct better than any other person in the political family. Arguably, within the Ebeano political family, Ekweremadu has fared better politically than any other member. Following the triumph of Nnamani, in 1999, he started off as secretary to the state government.

    In 2003, as part of his consolidation effort, Governor Nnamanni apparently sent Ekweremadu to the senate as his forbearer to the national political scene. I recall that Governor Nnamani with his nation-wide lectures was assiduously positioning himself as a national intellectual and a potential presidential candidate in 2007, before the Obasanjo’s third-term political tsunami sent everyone scampering for safety. Before the tsunami, with the hope of going to the centre, Nnamani had sent the young political Turk, Ekweremadu, to help prepare the way.

    Unfortunately, not only that Nnamani’s presidential dream suffered a still birth, his underbelly was thoroughly exposed by the EFCC probe, and Senator Ekweremadu joined the winning team, led by the reigning Governor Chime, to decapitate his former boss politically. Ekweremadu also succeeded in taking the price of the deputy senate president, and so became de jure and de facto superior to his former boss, who was a rookie in the senate.

    By the time Chime had done two terms as governor, and perhaps feeling that the two-term deputy senate president Ekweremadu was morphing into an uncontrollable political behemoth, he decided to retire the senator. Again in fairness to Governor Sullivan, strong political interests in Enugu west senatorial zone were clamouring for rotation of the seat to another cultural zone, with the retiring governor who is from the same senatorial zone touted as a potential replacement.

    But Ekweremadu had become a primed survivalist. Instead of begging for the senate seat, he went for the political jugular of PDP in the state. Again, instead of joining the breakaway PDP at the centre co-led by the then senate president Bukola Saraki, to join APC, Ekweremadu stayed in PDP, and with cunning and federal support, organised the recognised 2015 state party primary election. With that manoeuvre, the political hold of godfather Governor Sullivan Chime became traumatised, and a political compromise was reached, with Senator Ekweremadu taking his prize of returning to the senate, unhindered.

    Arguably, with the privileges as deputy senate president, Ekweremadu has substantially raised an army of followers in his senatorial zone and beyond. So in 2019, instead of begging for his senatorial seat from the governor, as is the custom in the state and across the country, he had the opportunity to nominate and sponsor some of his own followers for political offices. But that opportunity is also because Governor Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi, with a staggering peaceful political persona, was the governor in 2019 that Ekweremadu did not need to fight to return to the senate.

    No doubt, Governor Ugwuanyi, popularly called Gburugburu, has brought a different panache to the leadership of the political family in the state. The result has been tranquillity in the political arena, and this column as an interested party urges all sides to emulate the governor, in the interest of the state. While Ekweremadu is entitled to contest the governorship of the state, as he has vowed recently, it will be disingenuous for him to claim that there is no agreement to rotate governorship position in the state. While the political gladiators may not have signed off on it as he claimed recently, they have been practising it in the state, since 1999.

    If Ekweremadu wants to torpedo the delicate political arrangement in the state, which has served him and his political family well in the past, he should not blame it on the absence of an agreement. The clamour for rotation of power is associated with prebendalism, and Senator Ekweremadu has fared well with his famed accumulation of staggering wealth.

  • Enemies of Buhari

    Enemies of Buhari

    As we count down to the end of President Muhammadu Buhari’s presidency, this column urges him to watch out for political enemies, especially those operating within. As the Igbo adage says, it is the rat living in the house that will tell the bush rat that there is fish in the house basket. So, the president has to be wary of those who would try to loot the nation’s treasury from inside, as their parting gift.

    He should also be chary of those who due to their incompetence or malice would further blunt his few redeeming legacies. While he would soon become what political sociologists call a lame-duck president, he still possesses the power to do away with such aides whose action deprecates his efforts in the past seven years. Some of those the president should watch out for include those who have succeeded in denting his legacy of stable fuel supply.

    That stability in fuel supply in the past seven years, albeit at huge cost to the nation’s treasury, was one of the few things the ordinary Nigerians gained from his presidency. President Buhari will remember that among other unforced errors which the emergent All Progressive Congress (APC) took advantage of to unseat the bumbling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) was the fuel crisis. Nigerians will not forget in a hurry the Occupy Nigeria protests, some of which President Buhari championed.

    To show that his legacy of stability of fuel supply is a thin one, Nigerians would not forget that the then contestant Buhari boasted that the fuel subsidy was a scam, which he will deal with accordingly. So, while it is bad enough that he has spent trillions of naira to pay for the so-called phantom fuel subsidy, the people are once again exposed to the excruciating pain of fuel scarcity across the major cities of the country.

    Many Nigerians believed that it was the fear of being dealt with ruthlessly by the Buhari that made the bandits who traded on our common misery, give artificial fuel scarcity a wide berth. Who would forget in a hurry the elevation of fuel subsidy scam to a national policy under the past regime? So when Buhari brought stability after a hefty increase in the pump price, many Nigerians were willing to gift him the benefit of doubt, as to his sincerity of purpose.

    But as his tenure draws to a close, the Minister of State for Petroleum Resources Timipriye Silva and the Managing Director of NNPC Mele Kyari, and other officials in charge of the fuel supply chain are assiduously working hard to leave a messy legacy behind. The first salvo was to supply bad fuel to Nigerians, which they may have taken a humongous price to clean up, without any person taking responsibility. Considering the awe with which the president was held, it is strange to his die-hard supporters that those managing the industry have treated the Buhari persona with scorn by importing such large quantity of adulterated fuel.

    To further compound the threat to his legacy in the fuel supply chain, these stragglers have not only ignored his directive to deal with the importers of adulterated fuel, they have added fuel scarcity to the menu. Now just like in the better-forgotten era, Nigerians spend hours at filling station to buy fuel. So, all the boast by the NNPC ltd of having millions of litres of fuel in reserve to wipe out the scarcity within days have become tales by the moonlight.

    Another playing ground for enemies of the president is the ministry of education. Again the common belief that the Buhari persona would solve the lingering crisis in the nation’s university sector has proved a mirage. Just like in the era of Presidents Olusegun Obasanjo and Goodluck Jonathan, perennial strikes by the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASSU), have remained a national nightmare. Those whom the president sent to sit with the union in the many conferences between government and ASUU have suddenly woken up to tell Nigerians that the agreements cannot be kept.

    To further compound the legacy of Mr. President in the university sector, many Nigerians are wondering what manner of Minister of Education was unable to engage in an ordinary dialogue with students as to the challenges of the sector. If Minister Adamu Adamu could not efficiently marshall out reasons why the crisis is persisting before the visiting students, any wonder he is unable to convince the teachers to sheathe their sword. If the minister is competent, he would have used the opportunity of the NANS visit to explain the challenges facing the government to the students.

    But rather because of the inefficiencies of those tasked with resolving the problem of ASUU and federal government, his legacy in that sector is in tatters. This column wonders why the Minister for Labour Dr Chris Ngige is only coming out now to tell Nigerians that the agreement with ASUU cannot be implemented after he had severally told Nigerians that money has been released to ASUU, in furtherance of the same agreement. So all the while the minister was more interested in painting ASUU in bad colours than solving the crisis.

    Last week, the Minister of Transportation Rotimi Amaechi gave a snippet of the coming blame game for the tawdry performance in that sector. He told the nation that the Chinese contractors whom Nigerians thought were Amaechi’s darling have started playing politics with the rail project. The minister threatened to report the Chinese contractors for the Kano-Kaduna rail line to Nigerians this week, if they don’t find their own money to continue the project. According to the minster, the Chinese had promised to fund the project.

    On the Port-Harcourt to Maiduguri rail-line which this column had written severally about the unfairness of the minister in his decisions, the minister lamely stated that some money has been released to the contractors. For reasons best known to the minister, he maliciously excluded one-half of the country, from the rail-line modernisation programme of President Buhari, while shamefacedly promoting the Katsina to Niger Republic rail project. Now that he cannot deliver his preferred rail lines as he had boasted, he is trying to conflate them with the neglected Port-Harcourt to Maiduguri project.

    No doubt, the Buhari presidency has had its bright spots, which this column has written about. But in the injury time of his presidency, apologies to the football world, the president must oversight his ministers so they don’t make a mince-meat of his few legacies. Those of them who are wearied or hell bent on helping themselves with the scarce nation’s resources, under one dubious project or the other, can still be shown the way out.

  • Finally, the meltdown…

    Finally, the meltdown…

    To those who once touted the magical body language of our dear president, the current inertia both in the polity and governance as a whole must have come as hard lesson in the danger of overselling a product, the folly of proclaiming heroism when the battle is yet to be engaged, and the tragic reluctance to confront the truth when it matters most.

    With barely a year and half to the end of the two-term tenure of President Muhammadu Buhari, state-wide atrophy is now beyond denial – certainly not with the full and untrammelled anarchy loosed on the landscape. Three weeks after some crooks and their enablers in the high places decided to bring in cargoes of adulterated fuel into the country, not only are spasms unleashed on the economy and on the people yet to abate; the administration’s pretences to virtue and performance are being blown on all fronts.

    As at the weekend, there were still no suggestions as to when the latest nightmare would end. By this I refer the long queues of motorists waiting for fuel to buy with reports in parts of the country showing that a litre of petrol goes for as high as N400! Now add to these the anguish of our hordes of manufacturers and those in the heavy haulage sector who must now cough out N500 for a litre diesel –the same critical actors forced to endure the latest pangs of grid failure, we are talking of a nation being corralled precipitously towards the slope.

    True, Nigerians may have started out with a ‘petrol problem’; what have become apparent in the last few weeks are  far more complex than the usual regulatory lapses could explain. For while the symptoms are manifest in the daily pains that Nigerians suffer, their roots lay buried in the pretentious but definitely overrated leadership on which they invested their hopes.

    And so to those who once regaled us with the famed body language of Mai Gaskiya  – at some point daring to poke the fun on the rest of us – the so-called unbelieving, the joke tragically is on them – a mocking and dramatic twist at that. From a season where forms are glorified over substance, when inanities are allowed to supplant prudence; theirs is now era where the most heinous and intolerable are rationalised since, apparently, their supposed hero have no guile. For the typically questioning and assertive society, suddenly feigning ‘deaf and dumb’ in the face of the hell that living in Buhari’s country has become must have come at a cost of painful adjustment.

    Anyone still in doubt as to how bad things are?  Take two sectors – the electricity and petroleum sectors which the administration could easily have staked its honour for instance. By now, Nigerians know the story of the refineries only too well – same of the same – or worse. From the familiar statist arguments about retaining control to privatisation and now back to the same point where we started from, the country has been made to go full cycle by an administration that does not seem to know what it wants. Suddenly, the same inept national oil corporation under whose watch the edifices were ran aground, is posturing as their latter-day salvagers with no hard questions asked! And because Nigerians are said to want their refineries back and running –the costs are not supposed to matter –thanks to Buhari’s school of leadership by abdication – we can recline, hope and pray that things turn out right in the hand of the certified undertakers!

    Same with the subsidy story; the administration started off with a denial of the obvious; and when the truth sank in, it took some half-hearted measures to address it and soon after relapsed into its familiar inertia. The latest official line is that the burden of the subsidy – as against the baffling inertness of the administration; an administration that had seven years to think through a comprehensive programme to address the situation – is intolerable!  Talk of a government that popped champagne on the signing of a Petroleum Industry Act waking up the very next to discover that the very basis of the law does not even exist!  How about that for the record?

    Last week, Nigerians were finally reminded that they still have a minister in charge of the power sector. If before September last year, they thought they had Mr. Anonymous in charge of the critical sector, the incumbent, Abubakar Aliyu, would seem to have been cut of the same cloth.

    Only last week, the minister claimed that the country’s total installed electricity capacity currently stands at 18, 000 megawatts of which 8,000 megawatts is generated daily for consumers’ consumption.

    His words: “I’d like you also to take away that we deliver 8,000mw of electricity daily through a combination of Grid, Embedded and Industrial Captive supply of Electricity (not 4,000MW as is frequently reported), much of this capacity added during the life of this administration. These are not my figures; this was an industry study conducted by KPMG recently.”

    Well Mr. Minister, the story out there is that things have fallen tragically apart under your watch. Entreating the ill-served electricity consumer to the boring power semantics did nothing to assuage their pains any more than Obasanjo’s revolutionary Power Sector Reform Act has changed the power landscape in any tangible way. Expecting the long-suffering consumers to figure out the meaning of generated power, installed capacity and perhaps what it means to have stranded power in a sector where more darkness subsists than light would seem one additional pain they could do without. All they want is power – from wherever they can get it – stranded or not!

    Interestingly, it was the same week that the minister would declare without shame that the erratic power supply currently being experienced in Abuja and other parts of the country is caused by low water level in the hydro dams. Thank God he did not say that some farmers encroached on the water route somewhere in Futa Jallon! After all, stories of serial shortage of gas to fire the power plants in a world leading gas producer have become not only commonplace but routine. One can only hope Nigerians will not be treated to another bizarre tale of snakes taking over the turbines as we once had in the past.

    And someone tells me that the administration is not on the lame-duck mode yet. Good heavens!

     

  • Putin peril

    Putin peril

    Adolf Hitler is long dead.  But his blasted memory continues to haunt nervy humanity, still stunned by his all-round evil.

    Which is why Russia’s Vladimir Putin, playing Hitler again, should worry everyone — even if you’re assailed too, by the mealy-mouthed hypocrisy of the Western powers.

    Around February 21 — three days before the Russian invasion — “Why Ukraine?”, by one Thomas Gentry, started making the rounds on WhatsApp and sundry social media, chalking the proverbial 1, 001 reasons Russia covets Ukraine: greed!

    But on greed, can the West throw the first stone?  Might the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union (EU), both now playing crusading angels against Satan Putin, be ogling Ukraine’s stupendous wealth too?

    On naked greed, neither the West nor Russia are angels!

    Still, that shouldn’t blunt the present Putin peril — clearly not lost on the 168-strong Body of Nobelists, including Nigeria’s Prof. Wole Soyinka, who just threw Vladimir Putin under the bus, for his aggression against Ukraine, citing a chilling Hitler parallel.

    In 1939, Nazi Germany blasted through Poland with an overwhelming blitzkrieg — Warsaw saw war!

    In 1941, the Nazis pummelled the defunct Soviet Union, of which Russia was the prime state, the Nobelists just reminded everyone.

    Yet in 2022, Russia is applying similar strong-arm tactics, and birthing rogue territories, because it feels it could corral Ukraine with raw might?

    So Russia, bullied by Nazi Germany, could itself bully Ukraine — which, by the way, co-bore the brunt of that Nazi lunacy?

    But the Nazi invasion of the defunct Soviet Union — how did it end, after its “initial gra-gra”, to borrow that picturesque pidgin?

    Is that the catastrophe Putin is setting up to snare his beloved Russia, as Hitler did his Nazi Germany, by this Ukraine campaign?

    Herr Hitler (sorry, Putin) has gone mad again!

    Still, the Putin peril didn’t start with the unfolding Ukraine debacle, with all its avoidable human suffering and misery.

    Rather, it started with Putin’s likely diseased thinking, as gauged from a rambling, classless broadcast, teeming with weird history, base insults and vulgar abuse.  That broadcast ordered the February 24 invasion.

    Putin not only echoed Hitler with mind unhinged, he also beamed, like a blinding flash, the Karl Marx bit of history repeating itself as tragedy and farce.

    In his farce, Putin railed at the “neo-Nazis” of Ukraine, dismissed the Zelenskyy order as drug-crazed, ultra-right monsters bent on cleaning out Ukraine’s ethnic Russians.

    But to that Nazi sabre-rattling, history chuckles.  Volodymyr Zelenskyy, Ukraine’s president, is Jewish!  A neo-Nazi Jew?  But that irony appears totally lost on Putin!

    Putin also swore to get Zelenskyy and co first, before they got his beloved Russian minority folks, thus projecting a fearsome Russian ultra-nationalism — not unlike Hitler’s reckless touting of the Aryan superior race theory.

    To walk his talk, Hitler — sorry, Putin — carved out two new states, bastion of ethnic Russian separatists, out of Ukraine’s troubled Donbas!

    Hitler, even at the apex of his power fancy, never deluded himself that his victims would roll over; and hail him as a liberationist hero.

    Yet, here we were: Putin telling his would-be vanquished in Ukraine to not only roll over but also take up arms and overthrow their President, Zelenskyy, who only in 2019 harvested 73 per cent of the vote.  What farce!  What outlawry!

    But while Russia’s bombs pound Ukraine’s prime cities and bloody its ill-fated people, a no less explosive Vladimir-Volodymyr tangle blazes.  It’s a classic David versus Goliath stuff!

    For starters, Top dog Vladimir versus Underdog Volodymyr.   You could feel that in how the West-dominated global media frame the Ukraine cause — and rightly so.

    Then, Vladimir the killer, locked with Volodymyr the suicidal.

    Vladimir, dour but formidable power brawler faces off Volodymyr, ace actor and nimble mobilizer, rallying his people, out-gunned and out-bombed, to resist to the last man!

    But with mere words, Volodymyr seems to have fared better than Vladimir, with fierce bombs.  Despite Russia’s tanks, Ukraine’s will remains strong.

    CNN has shown stunning live pictures that should truly worry Putin.  Russia just captured a city. Yet, its band of unarmed denizens told the Russian troops to go to hell.

    Halyna Yanchenko, young woman and Ukraine member of parliament, swore to CNN Russia would prevail only if it killed every Ukrainian.

    Another CNN live picture spotted panicky Russian troops shooting at unarmed locals to break up an anti-Russia protest, hitting a protester in the leg.

    Though bloodied, these folks aren’t exactly rolling over — not the exact picture in Putin’s head, as he ordered his short-and-sweet campaign! This mess could linger for much longer!

    Yet, Putin couldn’t even tell his people he is waging a brutal war.  The official lingo is “special military operation”; and independent media, like Radio Echo and TV Rain, that balked at that euphemism have shut down, threatened with a new law prescribing 15 years’ jail for “fake news” (read grim truth) on the Ukraine War.

    How long will the Ukraine resistance, much romanticized in the western media, last? As  long as it takes to spread Russia thin and make Putin blink?

    Or would Volodymyr Zelenskyy and co become the 2022 AD version of the 480 BC King Leonidas of Sparta and his out-matched 300 warriors, who fought and bravely perished at Thermopylae but glowed in the heart of antiquity, as much as their slayers perished from human memory?  Gripping stuff!

    But how long too, will Russia survive the economic siege the America-led western powers are laying to it: first, to cut off its cash; and then, cripple its fearsome arsenal — a strategic ploy that holds no comfort for Russia?

    Putin’s latest growl at these sanctions (which have degraded the Ruble and made global pariahs of innocent Russians) is to warn the West that Russia might deem sanctions as acts of war.  That followed his earlier threat to put his nuclear arsenal on high alert — to unleash Russia’s nukes on whoever dared to fight on Ukraine’s side?

    Hitler all over again, insane threats and all?

    Yet, America and co should also be very careful to not overplay the sanctions.  Just apply enough for harried Putin to abandon his gambit. The League of Nations collapsed — and World War 2 came — because the price of peace for defeated Germany, with harsh reparations from the Treaty of Versailles, was just too stiff.

    That fuelled the rise of Hitler, following the collapse of the Weimar Republic.  A trapped Putin, with Russia’s nukes, could well go that path!

    Still, might can never be right.  So, the globe has a moral duty to save Ukraine from Russia’s aggression — fired more by Putin’s dark grudges than by Russia’s interests.

  • Of TNM and messiahs

    Of TNM and messiahs

    Third Force” is fast becoming the prime soap of Nigeria’s election circuit — and The National Movement (TNM) would appear the latest proof.

    On vital election eves, sundry dreamers grab the garb of emergency messiahs come to down the major partisan order — like some hi-tech supersonic bomber.

    It’s empty bombast that nevertheless fires up the naive.  Enter, the perennial “Third Force”!

    On 1 February 2018, former President Olusegun Obasanjo, glitz and dash, announced he had enrolled in his Coalition for Nigeria Movement (CNM).  That self-massaging spin reeked with sweet platitudes, all too familiar with Obasanjo’s public persona.

    After public letters to de-market the Muhammadu Buhari order, the Owu chief came zeroing on his last-ditch pre-election racket.  Many a starry-eyed bawled “third force”!

    But the Owu chief would later hand the African Democratic Congress (ADC) the CNM franchise.  Still, neither CNM nor ADC — both Obasanjo’s Hobson’s choices — drew much traction in popular response.

    So, Hobson (and choice) vanished — until the next election season: to preach fresh preachments, yet little difference.

    The racket is alive and well — and Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso’s TMN appears its latest reincarnation!

    However, not only Obasanjo’s CNM postured as 2019 “third force”.  The Nigerian Intervention Movement (NIM), which Olisa Agbakoba, SAN, led, also jostled for it.  So did Chief Olu Falae’s Social Democratic Party (SDP).

    Somewhat, “third force” comes with evocative names: CNM; NIM. From SDP came the added ring of grand resurrection: the platform that delivered Abiola’s stunning June 12 mandate seeking radical vote insurrection to save Nigeria!

    How sweet!  How quaint!  How brave!

    So, if Alhaji Kwankwaso’s TNM comes charging with chest-thumping bravura of national redemption, it has some pseudo-history driving it!

    Still, TNM comes with sundry side drama.  Enter again, the political Titan for all seasons, our irrepressible Ebora Owu!

    CNM dawned in 2018.  Its softening fire, like a brutal battling army’s, was the artillery of thunderous letters, calling the extant order horrible names, to wild media roar.

    With the current TNM soap, Baba has become the patron saint of youths and their political dreams.  In 1999, Gen. Obasanjo became elected president at 62.  In 2007, he completed his second term at 70.  Yet, Jagunlabi — as the Yoruba would joke — craved a third, though illegal term!

    Had he got that third term, how would the youths’ political dreams, which he now champions, stand today?  But perhaps post-power, Baba’s Saul turned to Paul, after a blinding flash, between Ota and the Abeokuta Hill top!

    Of course, there’s nothing to any age campaign.  Yahaya Bello, Kogi governor, is the youngest of the current brood.  What value has his youth added to his rule?

    But tweak that: so a smart, young Bola Tinubu, who ran rings round President Obasanjo, despite his imperial pretensions, becomes dumb just because he has added a few years — during which he even engineered the fall of Obasanjo’s PDP from central power?  Or a young, indifferent Bello would turn sudden genius at old age?

    Please!  The age campaign is empty beyond ultra-cheap mischief!

    Still, TNM boasts own exclusive, if bathetic, side soap: which high drama could have trumped Solomon Dalung’s Oscar, at TNM’s formal presentation in Abuja?

    Dalung, lawyer and President Buhari’s first-term Sports and Youth Development minister, craved a heart-felt apology!

    “We must sincerely apologize,” Dalung, Biblical ash, sack cloth and all, rued on behalf of his ruling APC, “because we never promised Nigerians that they would be buying rice at N35, 000 at this time instead of the N7, 000 we met.”  Eeyah!

    But flip that verbal theatrics and you’ll see searing emotions slam at hurting pockets.

    Assuming the base claims are earnest — and not soapbox hyperbole — what was the real cost of that N7, 000 bag of rice, beyond its alluring pocket-friendliness?

    For starters, it was imported rice: the cash Nigerian farmers should gross for honest sweat, parcelled to foreign farmers.  If reckless imports feed foreign labour, how does Nigeria attain a thriving local economy and achieve food security?

    If a boom in local rice leads to higher rice milling, would the price not eventually crash, aside from tackling head-on the twin-plague of youth joblessness and mass penury?

    Of course, Dalung’s take is all belly economics.   Somehow,  the glorious tribunes of belly economics wail loudest over hunger in the land!  That irony is lost on them!

    Dalung also talked the talk on insecurity: “I will appear before God on the day of judgment and one question would be, Solomon Dalung, and you went and mobilized Nigerians and when they are killing people, bandits raping women and children, what did you say?”

    Legitimate, if dire, query!  Still, what is leadership?  Just sweet lamentation?  Or thinking hard to push rigorous alternatives?  If sweet lament is all Dalung and his TNM crowd can crow, what difference would they make?

    But that is the point: opportunistic droning, the hallmark of cheap politics, soars because of media failure.

    Notorious fact: Muhammadu Buhari’s Nigeria is no el-dorado.  Things are hard!  But even at that, in seven slugging years, Nigeria rose from nowhere to become Africa’s No. 1 cultivator of rice.

    Within the same period — with two crippling recessions: one, by past reckless looting; the other, by COVID-19 — Nigeria also became the world’s No. 1 producer of yam tubers.  Grow what you eat, eat what you grow!

    Meanwhile, from Goodluck Jonathan’s all-round near-paralysis (though swimming in more cash), critical infrastructure are sprouting — rail, airports and game-changing roads and bridges, many of them permanent vote-scammers of the PDP era.

    Yet, Nigeria grosses much less in oil earnings; thus needing loans to do these critical investments — loans that the poverty wailing orchestra nevertheless demonize, resorting to cheap scarecrows.

    Yes, there are areas the administration has not done well.  Power is one, with DisCos that supply bulk darkness fleecing their customers with premium bills.

    Security is another.  Boko Haram has been curtailed.  But insecurity has snowballed into banditry and kidnapping.  That offers fresh challenges.

    A more diligent media should clinically have tracked it all; and using 2015 as base, presented definitive thresholds: of progress, retrogress, or stagnation.

    But how can it do that after making easy peace with free-wheeling gloom and doom?

    At every critical electoral juncture, what the lazy media projects is total hopelessness.  Hopelessness begets hustler-saviours mouthing cheap bluff, never superior thinking.  That breeds election-season platitudes.

    That is the harsh reality of TNM.  Enough of this pantomime of fake saviours!

  • Prize of Putin’s folly

    Prize of Putin’s folly

    The Russian President Vladimir Putin is a bully, and as Chinua Achebe said, a bully gets excited each time he sees someone he can throw in a fight. Putin sees the Ukrainian president, Volodymyr Zelenksy, as a person he can beat in a fight. He says President Zelenksy is stubborn, because he is unamenable to his fancies as a modern day czar. As such he wants to dethrone Zelensky by all means, including inviting the Ukranian military to overthrow their president.

    But Putin is not only a bully; he is also a dumb fellow, to the extent that he played into the hands of the USA and her western allies by being an aggressor against a peaceful Ukraine in the eyes of the world. Some have argued that he attacked to stop Ukraine from joining the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), but this columnist thinks he could have achieved the same objective without engaging in an unwinnable war. With the attack, the dominant world media is effectively ringing the world against Russia.

    As the Igbo adage would say, when a man cooks for the community, they will eat the meal, but when the community cooks for one person, the person will not be able to consume the feast. The real enemies of Russia, the USA and her western European allies would be excited that Russia has foolishly entered into a trap. They will go ahead to portray Russia as a bandit nation, and help her deplete the resources its resurgent economy has amassed in recent decades.

    The USA and Britain which may have been apprehensive of the increasing economic interdependence between Russia, Germany, France and other mainland European countries, because of their increasing dependence on the enormous gas resources of Russia, would be happy in their closet that Russia has ended it with Putin’s misjudgment. So while Russia can defeat Ukraine in the battle, it would likely lose the emerging economic interdependence with her neighbours.

    Of course, unless Russia attacks a NATO country, thereby triggering NATO to defend her member, only Ukraine would be sacrificed to turn Russia into a rogue nation with all its consequences. Unless Putin immediately pulls the break, the huge resources he has amassed for his country, would be expended fighting off the economic strangulation that is coming, while the continuation of war will further extend the life span of the international economic imbalance created after the Second World War.

    A long occupation of Ukraine by Russia would cost an isolated Russia dearly such that by the time a full détente is reached, Russia would be as economically dissipated as the USA, which until recently saw itself as the policeman of the world. Perhaps, Russia, under the firm grip of a bullish Putin, did not learn from the misadventures of the USA as international policeman, most recently in Afghanistan. With the USA’s economy running on huge deficits over decades, her political leaders have learnt the limits of roguish benevolence.

    Of course, with the economic resurgence of Asian tigers, and a few other former third world economies, the exploitation of other nations to remain at the top of world economic ladder is becoming increasingly difficult for the West. Amongst the new prosperous nations are Russia, Brazil, India and China, and they are increasingly seeking a reordering of the existing world economic order. But with the foolish attack on Ukraine, the USA and her European allies will try to isolate Russia and finish her off, while continuing to contain the rest.

    With Russia considered a rogue nation, many countries will join the USA and her European allies in that venture. Again, the nations whose citizens have been badly affected by the folly of President Putin, as their nationals are stranded at the boarders of Ukraine with her neighbours, will hold it against Russia. Tragically for some countries like Nigeria, there is the lack of capacity to ensure the safe passage and repatriation of their nationals. Should harm befall the citizens of those countries held at the Ukraine borders, Russia bears blame.

    Putin did not also factor resistance from the Ukrainians, which may prolong the war. Unlike when Adolf Hitler tried to forcefully redraw the world map in favour of Germany, the world has significantly changed. The social media for one has made it possible for Ukrainians to collaborate in their defence strategies, and that has buoyed up the determination amongst ordinary citizens to confront the enemy. With many citizens learning how to make bombs, Russian soldiers may find it difficult when they get their boots on ground.

    Another fallout of the foolishness of Putin is that a pacifist Germany has decided to re-join the arms race, and the new German Chancellor, Olaf Scholz, has committed to spend over $100 billion to increase German’s defence capabilities, and such huge spending will become an annual ritual. Of course, with Russia losing over a million citizens to defend Stalingrad from the Nazi Germany during the Second World War, a militarily resurgent Germany is a greater threat to Russia than Ukraine.

    Save for Russia’s nuclear armament, which Putin has boasted is now on high alert, but he dare not use them, NATO would have used her superior military powers to deal with Russia once and for all. Since the huge armament amassed by NATO over the decades cannot be deployed to turn Russia’s cities to rubbles, for her to start all over again, the only way to deal with Russia is to turn her currency the Ruble to rubbles. So, the USA and her allies are using international trading instruments to tighten the grip on the Russian economy.

    If Russia is completely isolated economically, her citizens would turn the pressure on President Putin. The Russian oligarchs, including Roman Abramovich, the owner of Chelsea football club, is the best known example of the economic folly of Putin. Sensing danger from the United Kingdom’s parliament, Abramovich quickly transferred control of Chelsea to a Trustee, before the parliamentarians force their Prime Minister to nationalise the ownership of the club. The USA is also contemplating cutting Russia of the international banking swift, and that will effectively kill Russia’s international trade.

    The odds are against Russia, and so while Putin can win the battle against Ukraine, he will neither be able to recreate the United Soviet Socialist Republic (USSR), nor redraw the world economic map, to truly turn his country into a world power. If the war prolongs and the West succeeds in ruining the Russian economy, Putin may be the one to be booted out of power, instead of the Ukrainian President Zelensky. For an economically castrated Russia may be as good as a Russia bombed back to Stone Age.

     

  • An editor’s valedictory

    An editor’s valedictory

    Other than professional entertainers, Nigerian journalists constitute in my estimation perhaps the most self-absorbed occupational group in the world.  And I am not talking only about the tabloid press, or the misnamed social media.  They write so much about themselves and their work that it is a wonder they get to report the news at all when they aren’t for all practical purposes the news.

    If you stripped the day’s intelligence of their pet concerns and the predilections, it will hardly qualify as an account that defines the day and gives it meaning.

    I exaggerate of course, but never trust me again if you don’t find in any day’s paper several headlines similar in substance or tenor to the following, which are not entirely my fabrication:

    “Editor for Afro-Caribbean Summit.”

    “Editor’s car snatched at gun-point”

    “Reporter’s memoir for launch.”

    “Top newsman’s home burglarized.”

    “Editor-in-chief loses mum, a community leader.”

    “Editor’s wedding brings city to standstill.”

    “News anchor’s family welcomes twins.”

    “Buhari honors editor’s aunt.”

    “Editor’s brother graduates at Oxford.”

    “Top TV presenter loses dad.”

    “Pope blesses editor’s mother-in-law at The Vatican.”

    In and of itself the event may be newsworthy, but it is almost as if what best defines it is its association however vicarious, with a media person or institution.

    I was myself caught up in this manner of seeing and reporting the world when Wole Soyinka was named recipient of the 1987 Nobel Prize in Literature, the first African and the first Black.  Back then, he was writing a fortnightly column for the struggling newsweekly, The African Guardian, courtesy of Dr Yemi Ogunbiyi, a senior executive of the parent organization.

    This was a world historic event, to be sure.  But it was also in a real sense The African Guardian’s story.  It is not every day that a person associated with a newsmagazine is awarded a Nobel.  So, how do we frame the story, our story?

    Various formulations were canvassed at the meeting of the board of editors.  The one that resonated the most was “African Guardian columnist wins Nobel Prize in Literature.”

    Seriously.

    Soyinka was a columnist for the magazine all right, and had just been awarded the Nobel in Literature.  However, to reduce Soyinka to an African Guardian columnist would be to indulge in an absurdity without parallel.  Cooler heads prevailed, and we settled for reporting the news in the proper context.

    Something tells me that this kind of debate takes place in newsrooms across Nigeria not infrequently.

    I was brought to these ruminations last January, following the retirement from Punch Newspapers of the chairman of its Editorial Board, (Olu)Segun Adediran, after 11 years in the post.

    In the valedictory, he recalled how he had arrived at the Punch some 22 years earlier via two Lagos-based magazines, The Nigerian Economist, and Policy Magazine, both now distant memories, intending that his sojourn in journalism would be “short and snappy.”

    But it went on for 22 delightful and fulfilling years, throughout which the paper offered him a “most “auspicious platform” to commit to serving God and humanity through advocacy and with an “uncommon passion for truth and a better Nigeria.’

    “There is no limit to what a man can do or where he can go if he doesn’t mind who gets the credit,” he once espied on a plaque on former U.S. President Ronald Reagan’s desk in the Oval Office. He parlayed the inscription into his guiding principle and inspiration in journalism.

    It served him well.  For he rose from member of the Editorial Board in 1999 through the ranks as it were to senior member, deputy chair and finally chair, the post from which he retired last January.  It was there he wrote, that he found personal and professional fulfillment.  He flourished.

    He led its Editorial Board of “passionate, bold, courageous professionals to win awards in editorial writing year after year. “We studied very hard and researched harder. We engaged, dared, and challenged the powers-that-be, but never compromised on integrity. We were never given to the syrupy sentimentality of ‘Big Men’ and untouchables,” he wrote of his team.

    They defended human rights unequivocally in Nigeria and everywhere, championed good governance,” true federalism,” and sought to advance the cause of democracy.

    Tellingly, he wrote: “Most importantly, we never used the platform for the furtherance of any pecuniary interest or hidden agenda. We never pandered to any sectional political interests or whims of any Nigerian Big Men. We believed that as ‘societal judges,’ journalists should not have a cosy relationship with power holders. We took heed of the saying: “Conscience is the inner voice that warns us somebody may be looking.”

    Surely, it cannot be that he never wrote anything memorable nor launched any crusades in all that time, for as he stated in his valedictory, one of the reasons he entered journalism was to help make Nigeria better.  And he had every opportunity to pursue that goal at PUNCH.   Nor can it be that I missed virtually everything that he wrote.

    Yet, apart from the January 13 article announcing his resignation, I do not recall reading any of his articles, meeting him, or hearing his name or authority invoke in a discussion of public affairs.

    I had resigned my position as chair of the Editorial Board of The Guardian some three years before Adediran arrived at the Punch, and had relocated to the United States to take up a journalism faculty appointment.  And I lived there for practically all of Adediran’s time at PUNCH time.  While that may account for my not having met him, it does not account for nor excuse my not being familiar with his work.  Yet I have always prided myself on being very attentive to editorial content in the Nigerian news media!

    Was he too invested with the collective editorial product and consequently so burned out that that he had no time for signed articles, or cared not in the least for the vainglory of writing a column?

    Throughout his PUNCH sojourn, Adeniran seems to have bee impelled by a clear-eyed view of editorial writing and the imperatives that should guide it. Here and there, his valedictory may smack of grandstanding.  It is almost as if the Editorial Board over which he presided was composed entirely of perfect men and women actuated by the purest of motives.  He displays no battle scars; it is almost as it there were no costs to the paper’s many battles.

    He is too well-tempered to settle scores here; he is generous to PUNCH Newspapers and his colleagues. Some aspiring editorial writer reading his valedictory might well conclude that that is the place to work.

    Editorial writing is one of the most coveted positions in Nigerian journalism today.  It was not always like that. It used to be an adjunct of the of the production until the unforgettable Stanley Macebuh institutionalized an editorial board and recruited some of the brightest persons he could find to run it,  first at the Daily Times, and later at The Guardian.

    It is exciting and fulfilling work. You get to write a column in which you can sound off to your heart’s content on any issue.  You get to be known to large sections of the public. You get to be courted by policy-makers, especially if you are the board chair.  You get to rate a place in the social register and to meet persons of consequence.  You get to be talked about.

    The attention is flattering; seductive, even.  It takes a firmly grounded person, a person of character, not to let it get into his or her head. From his valedictory, I would say that Olusegun Adeniran fits that bill.

    Here’s wishing him a happy and contented retirement.  Having cultivated a life away from the limelight, he should suffer no withdrawal symptoms.

     

    A Note to Readers

    This column it taking a medical timeout.

    Our regular Tuesday Communion will resume as soon as circumstances permit;

    My grateful thanks to you all for your attention over years.

    Best.

  • Police recruitment fiasco

    Police recruitment fiasco

    The disastrous attempt to recruit police constables by the office of the Inspector General of Police (IGP) and the Police Service Commission (PSC) shows the tragedy of the present police structure in Nigeria. While the quarrel between the duo over who has power to recruit policemen is a distraction the country can ill-afford, the report that 90% of the applicants failed to secure up to 30% in the recruitment test says a lot about the quality of persons wishing to join the Nigeria police.

    Perhaps, but for the controversy which aroused public interest in the recruitment process, the applicants would have been recruited without much ado. Most of the applicants, some say, paid their way to be on the list, and of course, the mass failure is a reflection of the quality of those who usually get recruited into the police. Is it not likely that the quality of present applicants is not different from those who succeeded in the previous recruitment exercises?

    Most likely. For many commentators, it is such recruitment process that threw up the once celebrated super cop, DCP Abba Kyari and his likes that are now facing sundry criminal allegations. As the saying goes, if gold can rust, how much more iron. DCP Kyari, despite the strong allegations of strong-arm tactics and professional misconduct that trailed his career, was promoted and given rare honours by the political elites who of course were beyond the repercussions of his acts of professional misconducts.

    Spurred by such ill-conceived recognitions, DCP Kyari saw himself as untouchable regardless of his actions. While facing a criminal indictment and potential extradition to the United States of America, over aiding and abetting international fraudsters, he according to the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) continued his aiding and abetting trait in the narcotics underworld. Remorseless as it were, Kyari’s inherent trait of using his office to promote crime in the country has manifested in several dimensions.

    Some have argued that if a random test of traits of criminality is conducted on the entire police force, the result would be as disastrous as that of the recent recruitment exercise. The argument being that many members of the police force aid and abet criminality as part of their work schedule. While such potential huge number of criminality in the force is arguable, there is no doubt that the quality of policing across the country, is a manifestation of the poor recruitment process.

    As data analysts would put it, garbage in, garbage out. In essence, it is the quality of recruits into the force that has manifested in the kind of police officers and men we have. Of course, the police structure we run, allows persons who are completely alienated from the outcome of the recruitment exercises, to recruit the police men, under a centralised police force, legalised by a so-called federal constitution. It is this warped system that attracts mainly the poorly educated to apply to join the police.

    It is instructive that many states could not fill their quota in the recruitment exercise, and obviously it is the states with better educated population and better alternative opportunities that failed to show up in large numbers for the recruitment exercise. A recruitment exercise that attracts the least educated and least prepared in life should worry our policy makers if they care about the country. As things are, Nigeria is poorly policed, and it would be unmanageable tragedy if the few hands recruited are mainly dullards.

    So, our policy wonks must impress on the political leadership the urgent need to change the police structure in other to attract quality applicants. We cannot keep employing the dregs of our society into our police force and expect a better policing. Those who hold the view that the centralised policing structure can be tweaked through the so-called community policing should see that the gimmick is not working. The monster of insecurity in rural areas is not satiated by the highly promoted community policing.

    In my rural community, Imezi-Owa, in Ezeagu Local Government Area of Enugu State, the police post has been shut down since the advent of the unknown gun-men in parts of the southeast region. Similar shut-downs have become the norm is several rural communities where the few policemen that man the rural police posts have become soft targets for the bandits that have taken over our rural communities.

    Obviously, because of the centralised command of the police structure, the local authorities including the state command would continue to wait on Abuja to determine how to deal with the situation. I bet that if the state and indeed the local governments have powers to recruit police at their levels, the abandonment of policing in rural communities would not be the case, as we see across the country.

    Instead of being conquered by fear, the states which now rely on sundry groups with no legal rights to bear arms, except as approved by the president or IGP, would employ their own police, train and equip them to deal with the menace. Perhaps, it is necessary to conduct a comparative analysis of the quality of persons who apply to join the quasi-police structures across the states in the country, and those who applied for the recent police recruitment exercise, so as to appreciate the underlining challenges.

    If applicants for states’ quasi-police, like Amotekun, Ebubeagu, state traffic control corps, and similar others, attract more qualified persons than the federal police, then, those in-charge of the federal police should be very concerned. Should that be the case, what it implies is that despite the advantages attached to being a federal policeman, recognised by the constitution, as the only police in the country, with guaranteed authority to bear arms, with better assurances of payment of salaries, with other better privileges, attract lower grades of persons than the state quasi-police.

    In an address, the chairman of the PSC Alhaji Musliu Smith, appreciated the gravity of the challenge as regards the quality of applicants, when he said: “this is a sad reflection of the calibre of officers that will be patrolling our communities in the event that these persons actually end up enlisted in the police. Perhaps owing to disenchantment with the police, the inability of citizens to appreciate the value of police and policing has further impacted the quality of persons applying to work in the force.”

    While he understands the challenge facing the recruitment of quality police personnel, there are no signs that right steps are being taken to address those challenges. As a former IGP, Smith is in a good position to advise the federal government to change the paradigm, for the good of our country.

  • A joke taken too far

    A joke taken too far

    Show me an unelected official with countless trillions of naira and perhaps billions of dollars to play around with; a so-called number one banker without a bothersome manifesto yet insists on plodding on with the most ambitious development blueprint that has left the elected so-called change government gasping for breath; think of that lone, but nonetheless consequential player without the encumbrances of parliamentary controls being presented as Nigeria’s long-expected messiah and I’ll show you the pathway to the making of a grand delusion.

    Nigeria’s political delinquency obviously runs deeper than many would care to admit. This, after all is the season of delinquency – and this in full bloom. Year 2023 is around the corner, and like the proverbial reign of knives of various hues and shape on the death of an elephant, all manners of characters have since emerged in the race to the presidential spot as if to suffer the ordinary Nigerian to their chants of distraction.

    The other day, it was the gubernatorial upstart from the north-central, an individual who’s probably more tolerated for his amusement or more appropriately, nuisance value, than anything else informing Nigerians that he is destined to be the next president! Here is an absentee governor whose state capital not only reeks of filth but seems to have regressed from where Lugard left it more than 100 years ago and whose sojourn in the government house in more than six years has, far from adding value to the state and its people, has taken just about everything in the negative direction.

    Nigerians surely will get to hear more, not just about the anti-democratic practices of this accidental governor or his reduction of governance to banality, but also of the locust years that he foisted, in due course.

    Back to Godwin Emefiele. Today, the matter of  is no longer a question of ‘if’ but when the Central Bank of Nigeria, (CBN) governor will finally step out of from the shadows to claim the trophy that those dark forces pushing him believes he’s eminently entitled. Not that it would have mattered had the man himself stepped out of the comfort zone of the cushy job to pursue an ambition which he apparently has long nursed but which if Nigerians had long suspected, have more or less been treated as a kind of joke.  As it appears, the joke may have been on us!

    Yes; Emefiele wants to run. No problem with that. What is problematic is when he prefers to hide behind the fingers- and some dark – forces to proclaim or quite predictably, deny an ambition that bears every hallmark carry of opportunism and greed! Or when as he seems set to do, wilfully converts an office held in trust to further a personal ambition.

    As an individual that has dispensed not a few favours in the last few years as the number one banker, the man, more than anyone obviously know the best time to cash in on those. There are obviously legions of contractors as indeed other hordes of vested interests already lined up to underwrite the man’s bills whenever he finally makes up his mind. Not forgetting the big boys who have done little else than prey in the foreign exchange market. So, money will not be a problem. If anything, expect Emefiele’s apex bank to have one more problem in unmanageable liquidity.

    By the way, why should it surprise anyone that Emefiele is being corralled into running? Nature, it said, abhors vacuum. Next to the president and commander-in-chief of the republic, Emefiele of the CBN is probably the most powerful individual in the land today. That he holds the singular distinction of being an unelected governor is not even the issue; think of a single officer holder that could, with a single stroke of the pen, authorise the disbursement of billions of naira of intervention funds without the strictures of a parliament; not even our governors with their exaggerated sense of worth possess such powers.

    Never mind those high sounding programmes of the Buhari administration, the man, Emefiele – in the absence of an effective fiscal counter-foil from the executive branch – has quite easily become the author and finisher of all developmental activities of the current government.  From the rice revolution via the anchor programme to its other derivative – the Abuja rice pyramids; right up to other sundry interventions in industry, health or Covid-19, the man has long assumed the status of being the brain box of a terrifically inert federal government.

    I do understand the rule that requires the apex bank to be independent more so in a relatively volatile monetary environment such as ours. Once upon a time, it was possible to conceive of the apex bank’s independence in terms of the deployment of monetary policy tools to control inflation and to manage money supply. Not any longer. The CBN under Emefiele has not only become a jack of all trades, it has in a twist of role reversal become a lender of first and the last resort! Thanks to the anaemic financial system since fostered under the current climate, Emefiele as the nation’s topmost banker has since become the new god under whom every knee must bow. So, what is new if an individual who apparently thinks he has seen it all decides to add the number one office in the land to a role he has so artfully acted albeit in an unofficial capacity? He should by all means run!

    One more thing though. Emefiele should grant Nigerians the courtesy of an early exit from his current job so he can concentrate on his critical next call. That done, he would have less of the rice fields and the harvests to worry about; or even still, the thankless loan recovery jobs as he would about the harvest of those crucial votes needed to propel him to the plum office.