The Nation Newspaper

Category: Discourse

  • Geopolitics: When opportunity knocks

    Geopolitics: When opportunity knocks

    By Timothy Ash

    All the focus at present is on the on-going war between Israel and Iran, but this just reminds us again of the importance of geopolitics and its ability to impact on markets and the global economy.

    Uncertainty and risks are back with us. The fear is that we see escalation, with potentially devastating impacts on global markets. For example, if we see regional energy sector assets subject to attack, the closing of the Straits of Hormuz could see a repeat of events in the 1970s with potential for an oil price shock to the global economy?

    Markets have a difficulty in figuring out geopolitics, and we saw the impact of that with Putin’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, when the market was largely unprepared and the result was a big move in global markets, a further inflation shock, higher central bank policy rates in response and a negative hit to global growth.

    Explanations as to why markets struggle with geopolitics are varied but I think it is partly the fact that geopolitics is a multidisciplinary subject, often involving foreign affairs, but understanding domestic factors influencing decision making in a range of countries, defense and security, even environmental issues, geography, economics, trade, markets, and now cyber and AI looking forward. There are many moving parts, and few people have all the tools to accurately call events.

    I think also in markets, and analysis, there is often a desire to see the glass half full, hope for the best, and not want to think about the uncomfortable and difficult to fathom results of out-of-the-box or black swan events. A bias to mean reversion when, actually politics globally appear to be going the other way, with more extremism, and likely more extreme, even systemic risks looming.

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    Often, I also think there is a bias to think that we all share the same information set, have the same objectives and apply the same kind of logic. That’s a mistake, I think, if we look back at Putin’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, as one example. think also people ignore the impact of “opportunity” in the decisions that our leaders make.

    Just explaining all that around Putin’s decision to invade Ukraine. I think most people failed to understand the existential importance of Ukraine to Putin, and what he was willing to sacrifice in his decision to invade.

    Most outside observers heard the warnings of crippling Western sanctions on Russia and assumed that Putin would not be crazy enough to risk the Russian economy in order to invade and capture Ukraine. But for Putin, Ukraine was an important enough prize to take that very risk.

    We could also argue that he had a different information set or evaluated the risks differently – either he did not expect aggressive Western sanctions or, even if he did, he had spent the last decade building up Russian buffers, and assumed they provided enough insulation, should he decide (I would argue he decided long before) to invade.

    But for Putin the opportunity presented itself in 2022. He saw the West as weak and divided, with limited military capability to intervene on Ukraine’s part. The US withdrawal from Afghanistan sent a signal that the Biden administration was weak and uninterested in foreign military adventures.

    He saw himself as having leverage on Europe as it remained reliant on Russia for energy supplies – and he had spent the past twenty years buying and corrupting Western politicians and interests. On the issue of energy, he saw the energy card as potentially weakening with the carbon transition – the longer he left it, the weaker his leverage over Europe would become. He saw the Ukrainian military as relatively weak still, but rebuilding – and the longer he left it, the greater defense capability they would present, and more able to resist invasion.

    And he still thought the Russian military were capable and had overwhelming superiority over its Ukrainian counterpart. For Putin, it was a now-or-never moment – in his mind, the stars aligned in 2022.

    Others (not yours truly – I argued back as far as 2015 that a defining war between Ukraine and Russia was inevitable) simply failed to see that, or did not want to see the obvious. The obvious being the huge Russian troop build-up in 2021 and then early in 2022, and Putin even writing his essay in mid-2021 on why Ukraine was not really a state, and Russia and Ukraine were one nation. He even spelt out – quite literally – what was coming.

    One might also look at Azerbaijan’s defining wars with Armenia in 2000 and then 2023, the latter in particular reflected opportunity. Opportunity from the fact that Russia, which had a security alliance with Armenia, was tied up in Ukraine and had little military capability to intervene against Azerbaijan, and its military backer, Turkey, which Russia needed to maintain access to markets given Western sanctions. But also, the opportunity provided by technology, and the advantage provided by Turkish drones. Relating all this now to events in the Middle East – and drivers for events from Oct. 7, at least. First, Israeli PM, Netanyahu needed an opportunity to turn the news cycle against his own political and legal problems building up to Oct. 7. This could have been a political disaster for him, given criticism of the lack of preparedness of Israel for that attack – on Netanyahu’s watch.

    But events of October 7 provided an opportunity for Netanyahu by removing the constraints on Israel for military campaigns, against Hamas in Gaza, in the West Bank, in Lebanon, Syria and now Iran. Fortunately for Netanyahu, the Biden administration was weak, going into a difficult election. Biden faced internal pressure from the left of the party, more pro-Palestinian in orientation, and this forced Biden to adopt a much more hawkish pro-Israeli line. It gave Netanyahu almost Carte blanche to act in Gaza et al, with the one constraint then being not to escalate to an all-out war with Iran – Biden did not want higher oil prices as he headed to elections. But that removed the constraints on Netanyahu elsewhere – Gaza, West Bank, Lebanon et al.

    And technology added to the opportunity for Netanyahu – which we saw in the pager attacks in Lebanon against Hezbollah, but also now against Iran proper. The same Western technological advantage seen in Ukraine – third generation NATO kit, beating fourth generation Russian kit, plus use of drones, AI et al, is also playing out for Israel against Iran.

    Netanyahu escalated to attack Iran over the past few weeks not because Iran was closer to moving to build a nuclear weapon but because events and technology, and Iran’s own weakness, presented him with an opportunity for an all-out victory.

    This was not about taking out the latent, but not real, nuclear threat but about removing a long-term strategic threat from Iran to Israel, and it’s about regime change. The opportunity was just too good for Netanyahu not to let up on.

    Now we can debate whether or not the Trump administration was involved or supportive of the decision by Israel to strike. But whether it knew, or approved or not of the attacks, I think Netanyahu knew that this US administration contains so many ardent religious supporters of Israel, that whatever it did, there would be no sanction on Israel for its actions. And understanding the egotistical personality of Trump, he knew that as long as the mission was successful – which he was sure of – that Trump would eventually fall in line, and behind Israel, as he has done so far.

    Now as events are transpiring, it seems that Israel does not quite have the military capacity to take Iran’s full nuclear capacity out, or to deliver regime change given the Islamic regime is entrenched, and has durability built over many years of being tested by the U.S. and its allies, plus Iraq under Saddam.

    Netanyahu needs the US to complete the job – albeit it is unclear whether regime change will produce a better, more sustainable long-term outlook, and the experience there from US past intervention in Iran, Iraq, Libya, Syria, etc., is not good.

    The question is whether Trump will join Israel now in its fight with Iran.Will the U.S. get involved?

    Trump’s America First mantra for MAGA suggests no more foreign adventures. And this week, the likes of Bannon, Carlson, Gabbard, et al have pleaded with Trump to hold fire, and not get dragged into another Iraq.

    But I sense here that Trump cannot help himself – and Netanyahu is playing to Trump’s ego. Likely the pitch from Netanyahu to Trump will be that this can be his place in history. By providing a limited military intervention, with limited risks given the Islamic Republic is on its last legs, Trump can save the world from Iran’s nuclear threat and free Iran of a brutal regime. It can be final payback for the Iran embassy hostage siege, for the US embassy in Lebanon and marine barracks bombings.

    And while Trump’s peace efforts in Ukraine and Gaza are failing, Netanyahu will be presenting this as low hanging fruit and an opportunity for Trump, gifted to him by Netanyahu himself. Meanwhile, the Christian fundamentalists in the GOP, and the Iran hawks will be lobbying aggressively for Trump to seize the opportunity.

    Can he resist in favor of cutting a diplomatic deal with Iran, which might fall short of the mark, and leave him open to criticism that TACO – that Trump had the ability to end Iran’s nuclear program once and for all, and to bring down the regime, a long run enemy of the US, and he bottled it?

    I have my doubt, the opportunity, or temptation just looks too enticing for Trump.

    •            This article was first published in www.kyivpost.com

  • Addressing security challenges through constitutional amendment

    Addressing security challenges through constitutional amendment

    As the nation grapple with series of security challenges, there has been clamour for various reforms to enhance the workings of the nation’s security personnel. Some, including state governors, legislators and many Nigerians alike have advocated for the establishment of state police, while some others have argued against it for fear of abuse. The 10th House of Representatives have introduced a new dimension to the review system, bringing together security chiefs to make their own input into the constitution review process. TONY AKOWE reports.

    Since the return to democratic rule in 1999, the Nigerian constitution has gone through five different alterations by the National Assembly. However, for the first time, the National Assembly, especially the House of Representatives are putting the security agencies into consideration why trying to amend the constitution. Although the 10th House of Representatives has promised to deliver a new constitution by December 2025, they have brought the security agencies in the country into the picture. The aim, according to Benjamin Kalu, Deputy Speaker and Chairman of the House Committee on Constitution Review is to get the views of the security chief on areas they need constitutional amendment to enhance their operations. He said the central aim he said is to synthesize and collate, directly from the security chiefs who are the key actors in the national security architecture, their candid perspectives on the “sickness” in the constitution that impedes the effective delivery of their mandates.

    He said “over the years, laws have been crafted on various aspects of national life, including security governance, often without a proper diagnosis of the real gaps and challenges as experienced by those on the frontline. To proceed with constitutional amendments without first hearing from you would be akin to a medical doctor prescribing treatment without a thorough diagnosis or treating a patient without listening to their symptoms. As legislators, we recognize that the work of parliament is much like that of a physician: we must depend on accurate laboratory diagnosis to prescribe the right medication to cure an ailment. We are here to listen to you, those who wear the shoes and know exactly where it pinches. Whether the issues are rooted in inter-agency harmonization, command authority, intelligence coordination, or other critical aspects, your insights are indispensable. You, our security sector stakeholders, are best positioned to articulate the constitutional and operational bottlenecks that hinder your effectiveness.”

    He said the outcome of the dialogue will help the legislators to make an informed decision in the course of the review of the constitution. To the Deputy Speaker, the overall objective of the dialogue aimed to advance the ongoing Constitution Review process, focusing on security and policing reforms, facilitate inter-agency collaboration for a unified approach to national security, discuss and refine legislative proposals, particularly those on state policing and intelligence coordination, enhance border security strategies and promote regional stability and encourage robust public engagement and stakeholder input. He said “Our commitment is to first diagnose, by gathering your experiential knowledge, institutional challenges, and actionable recommendations. Only then can we, as legislators, responsibly frame the “prescriptions”: the constitutional amendments and legislative reforms necessary to address these challenges. Importantly, this is not a one-off event. Before the finalization of the constitution review process, we will return to you, the stakeholders, to review the proposed prescriptions, collate further feedback, and ensure that the final version of the constitution truly reflects the needs and realities of Nigeria’s security sector. This approach ensures that the solutions we design are comprehensive, inclusive, and sustainable. The legislature, as we always say, is the solution hub for the hydra-headed problems facing our country. Through this collaborative, diagnostic approach, we aim to craft a legislative framework that delivers long-lasting national solutions”.

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    This view is also held by Speaker of the House, Abbas Tajudeen who stressed the urgent need to review existing laws, close and streamline overlapping one and enact new ones to strengthen and reposition the security architecture to be able to confront existing and emerging security challenges that now threaten the nation. The Speaker said the complex and dynamic nature of the security challenges facing the nation demands new approaches and strategies that are multi-dimensional, adaptable, inclusive, and technology-driven. He said these new approaches and strategies must be backed by legal and institutional frameworks that would ensure enhanced capacity, capability, and competence for overall effectiveness. He stressed the need to deepen discussions on the constitution review by focusing on how best to achieve comprehensive security and policing reforms, improve cooperation and coordination between security agencies, enhance border security for national and regional stability as well as make inputs into proposed security related bills including the bill that seeks to establish state police.

    Speaker Abbas said further that terrorism, banditry, piracy, militancy, and oil theft in different parts of the country combined to make life difficult for Nigerians. We therefore resolved to take the necessary legislative measures that would support the government’s drive to end insecurity. He also reiterate the need for renewed attention on House Bill 617, which supports the creation of state policing systems. This topical issue continues to generate public interest and concern. H also spoke on the need to enhance border security saying “the issue of border security is also critical and needs urgent legislative attention. The porous nature of Nigeria’s expansive border makes it vulnerable to crime and criminality. Although we have enacted the Control of Small Arms and Light Weapons Law, 2024, legislation on border security is necessary to strengthen this law and make it more effective. Stronger legal support in these and other critical areas can improve safety and give our people more confidence in our security agencies. Community involvement is also key to making our country safer. Security is not just the job of the military or the police; it is the collective responsibility of all Nigerians. Therefore, our reforms must reflect the voices of everyday Nigerians, and this justifies the importance of this dialogue. I am confident that the outcomes of this dialogue will meet our collective expectations”.

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu admitted that the country stand at the crossroads of constitutional responsibility and national necessity. The President said “for decades, our Constitution has served as the bedrock of our democracy. Yet, the pace of change in technology, in the complexity of security threats, and in the dynamics of our federal structure has far outstripped the capacity of some constitutional provisions”. He said the time has come to realign Nigeria’s security architecture with her live realities, saying “our national experience has shown that neither centralisation nor fragmentation alone can secure the vast and diverse territory of Nigeria. The growing agitation for State Police, the complex demands of cybersecurity, and the urgent need for efficient intelligence sharing among agencies all point to one truth: our constitutional framework must evolve or risk becoming a danger to the very unity it was meant to protect”. The President said consensus security in the 21st century is cooperative, not competitive, adding that “terrorism in the North East, banditry in the North West, piracy in the Gulf of Guinea, farmer-herder clashes in the Middle Belt, and separatist agitations in the South East all share one characteristic: they transcend the capacity of any single agency or tier of government. This is why this dialogue is timely. It offers an opportunity to entrench constitutional provisions that encourage real-time intelligence sharing, joint operations planning, and unified strategic responses. As the commander-in-chief of our armed forces has emphasised repeatedly, security agencies must act as one, united in purpose, coordinated in action”.

    He said further that through enhanced intelligence fusion, joint task force operations, and synchronised air and ground offensives, Nigeria’s security forces have successfully dismantled several terrorist camps in the North-East, dislodged criminal enclaves in the North-West, and reduced incidents of piracy in the Gulf of Guinea. This integrated approach has led to a noticeable reduction in high-profile kidnappings and bandit attacks, with improved responses to cross-border threats, demonstrating the effectiveness of a whole-of-government strategy in safeguarding national security.”

    Chief of Defence Staff, Gen. Christopher Musa is worried that security agencies are impeded in their operation by certain legal constraints, saying as security threats continue to evolve, ranging from terrorism and insurgency, cyber warfare and hybrid threat,  it has  become imperative that a legal and institutional framework  evolves in tandem. General Musa stressed the need for a more robust, agile, and responsive national security system, adding that the Armed Forces of Nigeria is presently operating with a legal structure that is increasingly inadequate to address the complex future environment in which it function, saying “Our current laws were not designed to support the potential welfare of communities, particularly as we achieve threats and non-trivial future engagements. Operational ambiguities regarding command authority, undefined arrest and detention procedures during internal operations and traditional overlaps with other security agencies are adversely affected by efficiency and operational coherence.  These are concerns that have practical implications on mission success and the safety of our citizens. Therefore, Legislative reforms, particularly to the Armed Forces Act and key sections of the Constitution are not just overdue, but are critical.  They must be pursued with urgency and clarity of purpose”. He highlight some key legislative areas where reform is urgently required to include the recognition of modern security threats, including terrorism, cyber warfare, and misuse of digital platforms. The review he said should “consider the establishment of a field court martial and a sitting court martial in all military divisions and commands for speedy justice and accountability and the creation of a permanent commercial tribunal within each military division to ensure consistent access to justice. In the same vein, we advocate for explicit constitutional recognition of court-martial as superior courts of record, with concurrent judicial powers alongside federal and state high courts. This review should also consider empowering the armed forces to detain and investigate suspects during internal operations. This will reduce delay and enhance efficiency of kinetic and non-kinetic efforts.  Furthermore, the Nigerian Navy should be constitutionally authorized to collaborate with the Nigerian Customs and Immigration Service along the inland waterways to combat piracy and smuggling challenges, which remain persistent in our coastal and riverine areas. We also recommend the introduction of the merit-based selection process where the Chief of Defense staff provide three nominees per service to the President for appointment. This will foster transparency, professionalism, and constitutional continuity. We also propose the insertion of a clause enabling court-martial to try individuals captured in act of terrorism and insurrection under martial law conditions.  This will streamline the justice process in hiring scenarios and a high-stake authority”. The security chief said security is not merely about boots on the ground or advanced system.  It is also about the strength of our law, the clarity they bring, and the power they confer,  and the protection they guarantee”

    The National Security Adviser, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu said security and constitutional order are inseparable, adding that resilient, inclusive and forward-looking constitution is one of our most effective tools in preventing the conditions that give rise to insecurity.  Ribadu said “the constitution is not just a legal document.  It is the bedrock of national unity, justice and stability.  In our diverse and complex society. The constitution must continue to evolve to reflect the hope, and challenges of the Nigerian people.  At the Office of National Security Advisor, we understand that addressing national security requires more than just a kinetic approach.  It involves addressing grievances, protecting human rights, fostering trust between citizens and the state and ensuring that every Nigerian, regardless of ethnicity, religion, or region, feels a sense of belonging.  These are all constitutional issues.  I commend the National Assembly and all stakeholders here today for initiating this dialogue. It is only through inclusive, consultative, and transparent processes such as this that we can truly build a constitution that strengthens our federation and enhances our national security”. 

    While drawing a nexus between economic crimes and terrorism financing, Minister of Interior, Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo said “most of what we have in Nigeria today is economic crime. Most of these people they come to Nigeria to kidnap, raise funds to be able to fund insecurity in neighboring countries. So, there is a lot we need to do. If we continue to pay lip service, we don’t really look at the issues on ground, we will just be joking. Again, in reviewing our laws, we can’t deal with insecurity and not talk of terrorism financing. We must look at the EFCC Act and strengthen it. We must look at the issue of our border. Nigeria is at a point now that the US was before 9/11 attack. After the attack, the US sat down. They looked at emerging threat. When we talk about internal security, the first thing that come to mind is the military. That is a sign of failure of our internal security agencies. Let’s tell ourselves the truth. For me, the police in terms of adequate funding, I do not see a reason why the police should even rely on budgetary allocation. When you are fighting internal security, you must mobilize your citizens. We must sit down and look at our laws. With the attention we are paying to cyber security, we are still living 20 years behind.  You cannot continue to run a cyber security architecture on an ad hoc arrangement. There must be proper security framework. Let us look wholistically at our challenges. Let us anticipate broadly. Look ahead. Look at emerging security threats and proffer solutions to them.”

    The EFCC Chairman, Ola Olukoyede pick holes in the border control system of the country which allow the entering of illegal aliens into the country to operate freely. He disclosed that just recently, the commission arrested about 194 foreigners in one single operation at a building in Lagos for various offenses, adding that investigation revealed that about 15 of those arrested were ex-convict from their own countries.

    He said 50 of those arrested have already been convicted by the court and have started serving their sentence, stressing the need to focus on emerging security challenges, while also amending the nation’s laws to remove operational challenges faced by agencies in carrying out their responsibilities and prosecuting offenders.

    State Police

    The President also join the debate for state police. He said the debate over State Police is no longer theoretical. It is grounded in the daily fears and lived anxieties of Nigerians. According to him, “farmers afraid to tend their fields, traders unsure of safe passage, and communities abandoned to self-help”. He said the dialogue between the lawmakers and security operatives “must courageously interrogate the constitutional shifts required to move policing from the Exclusive List to the Concurrent List, enabling States with capacity to assume greater responsibility for their own security, while preserving national cohesion. We must learn from global best practices, adapting decentralised policing models that enhance local accountability without sacrificing national oversight”.

    The Inspector General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun believe that there was no need to amend the constitution to allow for state police. He believe that instead of having state-controlled police which can be abused, there was the need to strengthen the Nigeria Police and well-funded to carry out its constitutional responsibility. The Police boss the Nigerian Police Force is constitutionally established under section 214(1) of the 1999 constitution as amended, which provides that “there shall be a police force for Nigeria which shall be known as the Nigerian police force and subject to the provisions of this section, no other police force shall be established for the federation  or any part thereof.  Furthermore, section 215(1) provides for the appointment of the Inspector General of Police by the President on the advice of the Nigerian Police Council.  It also places the operational command and administration of the force under the leadership of Inspector Gener of Police. These constitutional provisions make clear the centralized character of policing in Nigeria and the operational authority entrusted to the Inspector General of Police under the supervision of the President and Police Council.

    He said “one of the most pressing and controversial issues under discussion today is the proposal to amend the constitution to allow for the establishment of state police, including the evaluation of HB 617, which seeks to provide legislative authority for this. Let me state  unequivocally that the National Police Force  acknowledges the rationale  behind the demand  for state police,  including the desire  for locally responsive policing,  quicker reaction to community-level threats,  and decentralized law enforcement presence. However, our assessment based on current political, institutional and social economic realities suggests that Nigeria is not yet decisively or politically prepared for the initialization of police powers to the state level. Key concerns include the possibility of political misuse of police powers at the state level, lack of funding capacity by most states to maintain and equip a state control force, the potential for fragmentation of national security, intelligence and command,  the absence  of a regulatory architecture  to ensure standard  and operational cohesion. Instead of fragmenting our policy authority, we propose that the focus of constitutional  and legislative reform  be directed towards  strengthening the Nigerian Police Force  through improved funding  and autonomy, establish state and community policing frameworks under the Nigerian Police Force’s provision,  standardize recruitment, training,  and discipline across any policing  functions. We urge the National Assembly  to consider legislative reforms  that prioritize enhanced  federal policing capacity  while allowing  for structured auxiliary support  from sub-national units  under strict  constitutional  and operational  safeguards”. 

  • Inter-Agency Unity: The power of collective action in national security

    Inter-Agency Unity: The power of collective action in national security

    By Tunde Ogunsakin

    There is no doubt that maintaining internal security in any country is a collective responsibility and the need for synergy among distinct security bodies cannot be overemphasized. Maintaining internal security is fundamentally anchored on maintaining inter-agency unity which means cordial relationships and cooperation among security agencies. It is quite apparent that each of the component elements of security agencies in Nigeria has a different, but complementary role to play.

    Inter-agency unity refers to the collaboration and coordination among different agencies, organizations or departments to achieve common goals. The power of collective action is significant as it can lead to more effective solutions, improved resource allocation and enhanced problem-solving capabilities.

    According to Weiss (1987), inter-agency unity exists when two or more organizations/agencies that share a problem area agree to deal with the issue by establishing a link via a formal contract that provides for resources and for the adjusting of internal and/or external procedures to support the new arrangements adequately.

    Inter-agency unity is a vital mechanism for managing conflicts and containing insecurity. Several successes have been recorded in the sphere of inter-agency unity; this is because each of the security agencies has a unique capability and operational skills that can complement one another, and the Nigerian situation cannot be an exception.

    The essence of inter-agency unity can be outlined to include: the need for security synergy and exchange of ideas and information among security agencies; to create a platform for collective networking and planning of security activities, thereby building a database for preventive action; to provide a forum for the analysis of conflict indicators and processing of security-related information for early warnings and timely response; and to serve as a channel for the dissemination of security reports to all stakeholder’s efforts.

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    Inter-agency unity in Nigeria has become necessary because one or more agencies has not been performing its responsibilities optimally considering the ever-increasing and dynamic security challenges. The combination of two or more hands has become necessary. A government agency may be willing to perform its responsibilities effectively but may be constrained due to the huge cost of running these agencies. However, concerted efforts have been known to produce maximal results in this regard.

    In appraising the roles of the different security agencies, it would be justified to state that if these constitutional roles are well played, especially in cooperation in the spirit of inter-agency unity, crimes, criminalities and violent conflicts in the society will be minimal.

    Although, there has been a continuous emphasis on the essence of interagency unity, however, nothing appears to have changed in the level of un-cooperativeness among the agencies. This situation calls for the urgent action of the top echelon of all the security agencies in order to ensure national security and achieve maximum results in the security management of the country.

    The core security institutions charged with the responsibility of ensuring security are: Nigeria Police Force; Nigeria Security & Civil Defence Corps; Nigerian Army; Nigerian Navy; Nigerian Air Force; Department of State Security (DSS); Defence Intelligence Agency; National Intelligence Agency (NIA); Nigerian Customs Service; Nigeria Immigration Service; National Drugs Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA); etc.

    FACTORS MILITATING AGAINST INTER-AGENCY UNITY IN NIGERIA

    Challenges to national security have expanded significantly from the traditional state-based threats of the Cold War era to include unconventional threats from non-state actors.  New threats are diffuse and ambiguous and include terrorism, cyber-attacks, drug trafficking, infectious diseases, and energy threats.

    They arise from multiple sources and—because their interrelated nature makes it difficult, if not impossible, for any single agency to effectively address them alone—they therefore require that governments enhance collaboration with intera-gency and international partners, among other actions.

    The challenges militating against inter-agency cooperation for the Armed Forces of Nigeria and other security agencies in national security operations are many, some of them are lack of strategic guidance for inter-agency cooperation, inadequate intelligence, technical equipment, and insufficient capacity for national security operations. It must also be noted that Nigeria’s porous borders facilitate the infiltration of adversaries from West Africa, which means that four countries in the region rank among the ten most terrorized globally.

    As a result of Nigeria’s porous borders, no single agency can effectively tackle the complex security issues facing the nation, which calls for deeper collaboration among security agencies. We must understand that modern security threats, and coordination influenced by technology and non-state actors, require a coordinated response to ensure national security.

    The operating environment has evolved to a point where no single service or agency can effectively and independently tackle the threats to national security. It is therefore crucial that synergy is developed with other security agencies in the implementation of the whole of societal approach to the threats.

    Where synergy is lacking among security agencies, there can never be a coordinated approach to the prevailing security challenge. In the Northeast for example, the Nigerian Air Force provides air support, aerial surveillance, casualty evacuation and logistics airlift for troops while the Nigerian Navy has deployed its Special Boat Services and operationalized its Forward Operation Base in Baga as part of the overall operations on the Lake Chad waters.

    There is also the institutional constraints. Many of the allegations leveled against security agencies and its personnel, include arbitrariness in exercising its power, corruption, perversion of justice, and delays in the administration of justice. Some of these issues can militate against inter-agency cooperation.

    Inadequate manpower due to numerous on-going operations is also a problem. The challenging security environment has necessitated numerous deployments in ongoing operations across the country. This can sometimes impede the possibility of different agencies coming together to carry out joint operations. This situation does not give effect to inter-agency unity and the gains of collective action. 

    Poor conditions and inadequate equipment constitute another factor. The poor condition of service of the average security officer and inadequate funding of agencies can also militate against inter-agency unity. Mammus (2010) asserted that the major challenge of inadequate security is the dearth of the workforce, shortage of funding, lack of logistic support and infrastructure, absence of technological equipment to cover all the areas of the state are responsible for the current state of the general national insecurity in Nigeria.

    What about absence of inter-service communication! This is required to ensure prompt command and control, and it hampers the quick relay of information among the services, especially when clashes are in the formative stages. Absence of inter-service communication hampers inter-service unity and thereby largely deprives us of the gains of collective action.

    The issue of superiority complex is also there. Sometimes, instead of emphasis being placed on the gains that can be realized from inter-agency unity, there is misplaced emphasis on one security agency being superior to the other. This does not allow for the much-needed unity that is required to bring about collaboration and synergy towards ensuring adequate security of lives and properties.

    This was enunciated by Samuel (2014) that instead of collaboration and cooperation, each attempted to see his agency as superior to another. This often stemmed from poor judgment, ignorance or/and poor training among our security agencies as to see themselves working for the same common purpose towards the overall security of the nation.

    Differences in agencies’ structures, processes, and resources can hinder successful collaboration in national security, and adequate coordination mechanisms to facilitate collaboration during national security planning and execution are not always in place.

    Also constituting a problem is a situation where personnel often lack knowledge of the processes and cultures of the agencies which they ought to collaborate with.

    THE POWER OF COLLECTIVE ACTION THROUGH INTER-AGENCY UNITY

    Available evidence indicates that poor inter-agency collaboration among Nigeria’s security institutions is one of the major factors militating against effective conflict resolution and security management in Nigeria.

    The consequences of not working effectively together culminate in increasing fear of insecurity and diminished trust in the capabilities of the security system to protect the lives and property of civilian populations across Nigeria in general and terror zones in particular.

    From Boko Haram in the Northeast, banditry and criminal kidnapping in the Northwest, secessionist agitations in the Southeast and Southwest, the security system in Nigeria is practically overstretched.

    In this situation, only the working together of the units that make up Nigeria’s security system will de-escalate conflict and neutralize security threats through complementary operations and credible intelligence sharing among others.

    CREATING STRUCTURES

    I have always been a proponent of inter-agency unity, From 2012 to 2014, as the Commissioner of Police, Special Fraud Unit in Lagos. I was able to establish collaborative efforts and synergy with numerous agencies and stakeholders. At the Special Fraud Unit, I set up a Stakeholders’ Forum comprising different individuals, corporate bodies, institutions and entities from all walks of life.

    This afforded us the opportunity to regularly brainstorm and leverage on superior knowledge and expertise in the performance of our duties. Prof Adeyemi a United Nations consultant also Dean and professor at the University of Lagos was the chairman of the stakeholders’ forum and we were able to draw from the academic perspective and integrity of investigation of cases to achieve some breakthroughs in the cases we were handling at that time.

    In 2012, sequel to a presidential directive, I conducted investigation into the Fuel Subsidy Fraud and in the course of this investigation, I collaborated with the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), The Nigerian Navy, The Nigeria Custom Service and numerous financial and regulatory bodies.

    This collaboration, in no small measure assisted me in ensuring that a thorough and in-depth investigation was conducted into the fuel subsidy fraud. I also collaborated with the Nigeria Deposit Insurance Corporation (NDIC) and all the financial institutions while investigating fraud cases at the Special Fraud Unit, Lagos.

    One of the gains of collective action that is noteworthy during my tenure as the Commissioner of Police, Special Fraud Unit was the building of an Interrogation Office fully equipped with state-of–the-art technological equipment for interrogating suspects. With the assistance of the stakeholders’ forum, we built a 3-storey standard forensic investigation laboratory office with modern investigative equipment to ease the performance of our duties.

    Also, in 2014, I was the Commissioner of Police, River State Police Command where I launched serious onslaught against kidnapping and other violent crimes. I collaborated with the military and other security agencies in crime fighting. My posting then was at a time when there was upsurge in kidnapping and oil bunkering. However, through inter-agency unity, I was able to tackle the upsurge in crime at that time and there was relative peace in the state.

    Through collaborative efforts and synergy from the military and other security agencies, I also launched a programme ‘SAY NO TO KIDNAPPING’. This programme was largely very successful as it changed the mindsets of many of the youths to embrace other legitimate means of livelihood instead of embracing kidnapping and other forms of crimes.

    The programme exposed the ills of kidnapping and other criminal activities to the youths and other inhabitants of the state. Suffice it to say that through inter-agency unity, we were able to restore peace and sanity in the state as people were able to sleep with their two eyes closed.  

    In the same spirit, as an Assistant Inspector-General of Police, in 2015, I oversaw the Zone 6 Police Command in Calabar, then comprising Akwa-Ibom, Cross River, Ebonyi and Rivers State Police Commands. Through inter-agency unity with the military and other security agencies, we were able to jointly put in place new operational strategies towards the elimination of kidnapping, pipeline vandalism, crude oil theft, illegal oil refining and illegal oil bunkering and other criminal activities.

    The zeal to restore sanity in the area was so profound that I requested from the Inspector-General of Police at that time to deploy Police helicopters to my Office to join the massive onslaught against the criminals, which he graciously granted. It is heartwarming to state that the gains of our collective action through inter-agency unity in this regard were monumental. There was no hiding place for the criminals as many of them were arrested and prosecuted. 

    Furthermore, in 2016, apparently based on the enormous successes recorded as the Assistant Inspector-General of Police in charge of the Zone 6 Police Command in Calabar, I was posted as the Assistant Inspector-General of Police, in charge of the Zone 12 Police Command then comprising Bauchi State, Borno State and Yobe State Police Commands.

    On assumption of office in Bauchi, I stepped up my inter-agency unity drive which is very critical in combating terrorism and other criminal tendencies that were rife in my area of responsibility. It should be noted that the rate of insurgents’ activities in Borno and Yobe States which were under my command and control then was on the rise at that time.

    This scaled up efforts were evident in the collaboration and partnership between the Nigeria Police, the military and other security agencies; and this impacted positively on joint operations and other important assignments that were carried out while ensuring that normalcy was restored to the area.

    LESSONS FROM THE US AND OTHER CLIMES

    The 9/11 Commission observed that United States government’s single greatest failure preceding the September 11, 2001, attacks was the inability of the United States federal agencies to effectively share information about suspected terrorists and their activities.

    However, consequence upon the failure of inter- agency unity in the US which made 9/11 possible, the American security agencies came out of the ruins of the 9/11 episode stronger as there has not been any successful foreign terrorism planned attack on US soil since 9/11.  How have they done it? Let’s recall.

    Let’s recall “Operation Chevrolet,” the plot to kill Saudi ambassador to the USA. An Iranian car salesman domiciled in the USA in connection with terror merchants within Iran and in a Mexican drug cartel had planned to assassinate the ambassador in Washington at a popular upscale restaurant.

    But the unity among the security agencies of FBI, CIA, DOJ, led by the USA Terrorism Task Force put in motion a counter terrorism counter intelligence that goaded on the perpetrator and on the eve of their dastardly plans, arrested the contractor and others when his flight to Mexico from IRAN was diverted to New York. He was arrested, and charged to court and convicted with a life sentence.

    Another instance was the 2006 largest counter terrorism global inter-agency collaboration which was launched as operation “overt” involving CIA, FBI, the British intelligence crime mapping system, and M15. Through this collaboration, the telephone and email conversation of the terrorists in Britain to Pakistan and USA were monitored. The terror point was to take off at Heathrow airport. Eighteen (18) potential suicide bombers were to be distributed to nine (9) flights to destinations in USA and Canada simultaneously. Different components of the explosive devices were to be assembled inside the planes and detonated over the Atlantic

    To foil their clandestine plot, over 1000 British intelligence and surveillance officers were deployed while operatives in Pakistan were put on alert for coverts intelligence.

    As their D-Day became closer, the plotters were placed under close watch, their movements were monitored on CCTV, cameras and bugging devices were planted in their homes and cars to pick up all their conversations

    Having gathered sufficient information, the ringleader of the terror plot, Rashed Rauf, was eventually arrested by the Pakistani authorities. His arrest provided intelligence for the British crime agencies raid the homes of the terror merchants which led to the arrest of 25 of the plotters in the UK.  Details of the blueprint of the terror plots were recovered in their homes and their computers seized. There was thus enough evidence to charge them to court which -subsequently led to their conviction.

    MOVING FORWARD

    We must as a matter of urgency organize a regular leadership conference to harness our shared vision of a secured Nigeria. This leadership meetings would be expected to permeate to the states and LGAs with a view to engendering a harmonious and united workforce among all the security agencies. Inferiority complex and superiority battles between and among security agencies only aggravate the insecurity of everyone and deepens national insecurity

    We must put in place a proper Command and Control mechanism for institutionalized control mechanism that would avoid rancor within the agencies. This Command-and-Control structure will supervise and ensure proper intelligence gathering, monitoring and sharing nationwide.

    Using technology, Artificial intelligence. We must as a matter of urgency set up a criminal data base project, and merge all identification, databases NIN, passport, driver license, sim registration are identity databases linked to the NSA office and utilize facial recognition and artificial intelligence in public areas, Airports, prisons and key urban areas.

    Banditry in the Northwest has exposed how unmanned or poorly manned border zones can compromise national security. The widespread smuggling and use of illicit drugs by criminals have also been implicated as a contributor to growing security and its unfolding dynamism.

    The use of drugs by bandits, Boko Haram terrorists, kidnappers and armed robbers is no longer a secret. As of 2017, 14.3 million Nigerians between 15 and 64 years old used hard drugs such as Cannabis, Tramadol, Codeine or Morphine, and this affects the nature of criminality and conflict in Nigeria.

    That the use of these drugs continues to proliferate implies that the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency, NDLEA, cannot do it alone without effectively collaborating with other security agencies.

    To leave the border posts, airports and seaports alone to the Customs and Immigration without the support and collaboration of other security agencies will amount to opening our country to terrorists, drug lords, proliferation of arms which would ultimately fall into the hands of bandits, robbers, secessionists, oil thieves etc. and create problems for other agencies.

    If other security agencies do not work with NDLEA, for instance, those who get high on drugs will deploy it to do banditry and kidnapping which will then become a problem for the police, army and NSCDC. Security agencies in Nigeria must close ranks and eliminate rivalry. Security is arrived at when every part of the security system (police, army, NSCDC, NDLEA, Immigration, Customs and others) discharges its roles efficiently and balances its weaknesses with the strength of other security agencies.

    A national policy framework on inter-agency unity/cooperation should be designed by the government for national security (national inter-agency cooperation model).

    A centralized intelligence gathering database should be provided for coordination and information dissemination among security agencies.

    Training and re-training of security personnel on security management.

    There is the need for public-private partnership and community engagement to combat general insecurity in the country

    Improvement of the general welfare of all the security forces is very essential. Good and excellent reward packages for the workforce in all the security agencies would serve as a motivating force to propel them for better performance. The quality of remuneration will mitigate frequent frictions among them, as each will focus on their duties and be ready to synergize and collaborate when the need arises.

    The mass and social media too could be of immense help by maintaining an unbiased posture and ensuring that the clashes that sometimes arise because of the conduct of security officers and men of the different security agencies are not blown or reported out of proportion to the extent of causing tension and degenerating into major inter-agency rivalry.

    For compliance with the terrorism (prevention and prohibition Act 2022), the NSA office should be a meeting point for proper coordination and collaboration and synergize for the greater purpose of ensuring the general security of the country. The NSA should develop a template for mandatory reporting. This will bridge the gap of inadequate cooperation and dissemination of information among sister agencies.

    The NSA can institute a directorate of strategic planning, communication and civil engagement with representatives from all the security agencies which will constantly engage with the populace on policies and conflict with a view to finding solutions to national security problems.

    Tied to this is the need for regular joint training, workshops and intellectual exchange among the different agencies to foster inter-agency unity and enhance better coordination during joint operations.

    Agencies can enhance and sustain their collaborative efforts by establishing compatible policies, procedures, and other means to operate across agency boundaries, among other practices.

    CONCLUSION

    There is a challenge and a big task before us all.  Inter-agency unity is not served on a platter of gold. It must be worked out knowing the gains that can accrue therefrom. Before me here are service chiefs, officers at the top echelon of respective services with very intimidating credentials. Our agencies’ missions and visions are better realized when we work together in one accord. I challenge you all to come together, notwithstanding the agency you belong to, consciously embrace one another with our common goal, security and secured nation as the only target.

    Inter-agency unity exemplifies the power of collective action, showcasing how collaborative efforts can yield benefits. By harnessing the strength of diverse organizations, a unified approach fosters innovation, effective problem solving, and resistance in addressing complete issues for successful

    inter-agency collaboration, establishing clear communication channels, mutual respect and shared objectives as a sine qua non.

    The common goal is peace and a secure nation to foster economic growth. Let us work together in the same direction to achieve peace and security as in doing so everybody (every agency) wins. Achieving peace and security should be considered a TEAMWORK because Together Everyone Achieves More. You can take the bull by the horn and put an end to interagency rivalry. The time for inter-agency unity is now.

    Being speech delivered by Tunde Ogunsakin, Assistant Inspector General of Police (Rtd) at Tansian University Umunya, Anambra State where he was awarded honorary doctorate degree for his outstanding contributions to human development in Nigerian society, on March 29, 2025.

  • The many lives of June 12

    The many lives of June 12

    • By Olatunji Dare

    To military president, Ibrahim Babangida, who was compelled by circumstances beyond his control to stage the presidential election of June 12, 1993, ostensibly the final act of his transition programme that had been eight years in the making, the poll was so shot through with bribery, coercion, intimidation and manipulation that it could not be countenanced as a test of the people’s will.

    He was forced to make a ragged, tearful retreat from office and from power by the nationwide protests.

    To Ernest Shonekan, head of the misbegotten Interim National Government that was charged with supervising the poll, it should be regarded as having passed into “the dustbin of history.”  In the end, it was Shonekan himself who was swept into that receptacle.

    To Clement Akpamgbo, officially Attorney-General and Secretary for Justice (ha) but in fact the regime’s forensic cardsharper, the election was a crime, and anyone who invoked it stood to be charged with treason.

    I know of one young man who felt sorely tormented that Akpamgbo, being chair of the Body of Benchers, was going to be the presiding personage at his Call to the Bar, and that he was supposed to regard him as a model.

    General Sani Abacha, who ended Shonekan’s pretence of being a Head of Government after 93 turbulent days, called the election a “watershed” and then set about to muddy and pollute the waters, only to expire in an orgy of concupiscence.

    In his Inaugural Address, President Olusegun made not the slightest allusion to June 12.  In his tenure spanning eight years, he could not bring himself to mention MKO Abiola’s name in public – Abiola, the winner of the annulled poll.  But every anniversary of June 12 helped keep that day and its epochal outcome splendidly in focus.

    Obasanjo would designate May 29, the day he took office as an elected civilian president, as Nigeria’s Democracy Day.  It was as if June 12 never happened. True believers in June 12 were unmoved. The day refused to go away.  Indeed, the harder they tried to erase it, the more tenaciously it clung to our consciousness.

    It was probably this tenacity that led Gani Fawehinmi, the redoubtable attorney and crusader for democracy and human rights, whom nobody ever accused of humbug, to declare that June 12 was a “spiritual force” that one dared to suppress at one’s peril.

    And then, a president from the North produced by a coalition of progressives from the Southwest and the North, yielded to pressures to accord June 12 its rightful place in Nigeria’s history.  Thus ended May 29’s sham pretence of being the symbol of the democratic will of Nigerians.

    And in double-quick time, June 12 was proclaimed Nigeria’s Democracy Day and declared a public holiday. With his release from a secret pact he had been forced to make with the Babangida regime and its powerful confederates, Humphrey Nwosu, chair of the national electoral body that conducted the election, published the official results that confirmed what had been known 48 hours after the poll.

    Abiola won decisively on every front and across Nigeria. He was no longer the “presumed winner” of the poll.  He was the uncontroverted winner and an authentic martyr of democracy, who refused to bargain away the people’s mandate for release from prison and privations of the shabbiest kind, this man of commanding presence who had lived in splendour and empowered hundreds of his compatriots to do the same, a person of storied kindness and compassion and legendary philanthropy.

    Sooner or later, a sturdy lie that was sown and watered and nurtured begins to wither from attrition, unable to withstand the relentless battering of countervailing facts.

    So it has been with the June 12 election and the elaborate scaffolding of falsehoods and obfuscations built around it.

    Read Also: Democracy Day: Soludo to speak on national rebirth at June 12 ‘Platform’

    Its calculating protagonist is nothing if not alert to the arc of history.  Sensing that his version of the events of that tumultuous period was becoming increasingly tenuous and that he was about to be unmasked as a reprobate unworthy to be called an officer and a gentleman, he changed tack abruptly.

    Several years ago, without any mental discomfort, Babangida told an interviewer that the June 12 election he annulled was the fairest and freest Nigeria had ever known and that it was completely devoid of violence.  So free and fair, he might have added, that it had to be annulled to protect a public that was not equipped to process it!

    And at every opportunity, he affirmed the true election outcome, maintaining however that it had to be annulled, even as he washed it clean of a battery of malpractices he had recited as justification. It was a monumental volte face, executed without regret or contrition.

    He reserved his peroration for the launch of his memoir, A Journey in Service, on February 20, 2025. The volume and the occasion, I contend, were designed more to monetise June 12 than to enrich history and public discourse. Even before a full accounting is done, the book has already gone down as the greatest money spinner ever produced between two covers. And how he milked it!

    Only certified gushers in the oil field can generate so much wealth at such velocity, but there, one must reckon with the muck and the dangers of life on the rig and the tax man.

    Babangida’s memoir spouted cash faster than the speed of sound. A handful of grateful contractors and beneficiaries plonked down N16 billion in a matter of minutes.

    The Naira is no longer what it used to be, but N16 billion is a great deal of money in any economy. It is bigger than the annual budget of all but a handful of states in Nigeria.

    All the reasons Babangida had solemnly advanced for the annulment – the “security reports,” the “tremendous negative use of money,” resort to tribal and religious incitement, he finally admitted, were manufactured through and through.

    “We now know better,” he said.

    What did he know, and when did he know it?

    If Babangida knew that all along and still went ahead to annul the election, then he has the blood of hundreds who were killed during the June protests on his head and the pains and privations of the thousands who lost limbs and livelihood on his conscience.

    The annulment, then, was not a historic mistake. It was, and remains, a historic crime.

    If he came to know what he now admits only much later, then he stands guilty of wilful and sustained deception that plunged a nation on which he had foisted himself into a convulsion from which it is yet to recover.

    • Dare contributed this piece from Caledonia, Michigan.
  • June 12 and its abiding spirit

    June 12 and its abiding spirit

    • By: Opeyemi Bamidele

    June 12, 1993 was truly a watershed in our post-independence history as a federation of diverse people. It was a day that no fewer than 14.29 million voters trooped to their polling units nationwide to elect a new civilian president and put paid to the regime of tyranny that eclipsed our fatherland. Before us were two presidential candidates – Chief MKO Abiola of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and Alhaji Bashir Tofa of the National Republican Convention (NRC).

    United by our excruciating thirst for a democratic Nigeria, at least 58.36% of the accredited voters cast their ballots in favour of Chief MKO Abiola, a business magnate and a man of the people, whose influence transversed the length and breadth of Africa. The voters, perhaps by a collective resolve, put their divergence behind them to overwhelmingly elect the presidential candidate of the SDP. It was a decision without a dot of religion, tongues and tribes. More precisely, it was a decision taken consciously in defence of people’s aspiration, freedom and future.

    At least 3,000 election observers, national and international, were accredited to monitor the 1993 presidential poll. The figure also included 135 foreign observers that keenly monitored the process nearly from all developed democracies in Asia, Europe and North America, among others, Unlike the 1979 election that was largely skewed in favour of the establishment candidate and the 1983 process that was laced with fundamental flaws that later triggered violence, observers gave the 1993 process a clean bill of health. In their report, they reached a consensus that the election “was well-conducted, free, fair and therefore credible,”

    What else did a leader or a regime require to uphold people’s most critical decisions, especially at a time of national emergency when people took off their togas of ethnicity and religion to elect a leader of their choice? But the Federal Military Government under General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida refused to toe the path of honour and respect the will of the electorate. Rather, in collusion with the military hierarchy of the time, IBB annulled the June 12,1993 presidential poll without justification; installed the Interim National Government that lacked legitimacy and appointed General Sani Abacha, now late, as the guardian of that contraption. 

    This flaw, either by commission or by omission, subsequently plunged our fatherland into a six-year vicious reign of brute despotism, the kind of which Nigeria never witnessed since the end of colonial rule on October 1, 1960. It was also a reign of brutality and incarceration, extermination and subjugation, injustice and invasion, oppression and repression that evidently set back our development trajectory and earned us pariah status among nations.

    Rather than surrender to the whims of the late tyrant and his associates, June 12 bred bravery and courage, sacrifice and unity, aggression and rebellion in the hearts of masses and marketers, students and labour unions, intellectuals and professionals, political class and leaders of ethnic nationalities across the Niger. Indeed, it was a fierce battle of all against tyranny and not the state, against the despots and not the people, against the cruelty of regressive forces that sought to bring us back into subjugation.      

    These grim realities culminated in the birth of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), an amalgam of democratic adherents that transcended the primordial considerations that dominated our politics before that time or that criss-crossed all ethnic nationalities that constitute the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The forces never left the battle for the South-west because Chief MKO Abiola hailed from the region. For any consideration, they never saw it as the battle of the South alone; neither did they approach the battlefront with the mindset of the North against the South or the South against the North.

    For all democrats alike, it was essentially a battle for the soul of Nigeria. It was a battle for the future of Nigeria and her teeming people. It was a rescue mission that united all democrats against tyrants, masses against the despots as well as civil society against the mindless jackals that prowled our fatherland. And the battle was fought fiercely and won collectively, though with sore bruises that pro-June 12 advocates had to bear and the conscionable cost that they sacrificially paid for the liberation of our fatherland.

    In the battlefront were Pa Anthony Enahoro, Pa Adekunle Ajasin, Chief Bola Ige, Chief Abraham Adesanya, Air Commodore Dan Suleiman, Alhaji Balarabe Musa, Amb. Walter Carrington, Com. Frank Kokori, Dr. Fredrick Fasehun, Rear Admiral Ndubudi Kanu, Chief Ayo Adebanjo, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Chief Ganiyu Dawodu, Dr. Beko Ransome-Kuti, Dr. Olikoye Ransome-Kuti,  Sir Olaniwun Ajayi, Sir Alex Ibru, Com. Chima Ubani, among others. All these titans of the struggle for democracy either died while the battle still raged or at some points after the battle was won. Nevertheless, they were all heroes of the June 12 struggle. And they will ever be remembered for standing firm against the rage of the military junta.

    The struggle also paraded the fearless warriors without firearms that are still living till date. The list, though inexhaustible, eminently comprises Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu, now the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Prof. Wole Soyinka, Col. Dangiwa Umar, Gen. Alani Akinrinade, Chief Ayo Opadokun, Oba Olu Falae, Chief John Odigie-Oyegun, Prof. Bolaji Akinyemi, Chief Cornelius Adebayo, Hon. Olawale Oshun, Chief Olisa Agbakoba, Chief Femi Falana, Dr. Amos Akingba and many more. Till this moment, they all occupy a prime place in the heart of our collective struggle that brought about transition to civil rule on the 29th May 1999.

    Read ALso: June 12: Tinubu to confer National Honours on select legislators

    The cost of the struggle was too hard to bear. The blood of the innocent was spilled on the streets of our major cities. The leaders of the struggle were murdered. In this category was Pa Alfred Rewane, who was murdered in his Ikeja home; Alhaja Kudirat Abiola, who was hacked down on the street of Lagos and Bagauda Kaltho who was torn into pieces in the heart of Kaduna. Even the murder of Rear Admiral Babatunde Elegbede, Dr. Sola Omatsola, Toyin Onagoruwa, Alhaja Suliat Adedeji and Mrs. Bisoye Tejuosho, among others, is still a source of sordid reflection that refuses to completely pale into the pit of our memory.

    In his own case, Sir Alex Ibru survived the gunshot of the despots. But he was never the same again until God finally called him home on the 11th November 2011. Perhaps by providence, Pa Abraham Adesanya and Air Commodore Dan Suleiman were shot at a close range, but came out unhurt. Scores of the June 12 advocates ended up in underground detention. The list includes Chief Olu Falae, now the traditional ruler Ilu-Abo in Akure North Local Government, Senator Olabiyi Durojaiye and Chief Lam Adesina, who was paraded on the street of Ibadan as a prisoner of war.

    The media was not exempted from the victims of the June 12 struggle. The fearless in this industry fought convincingly with their pens. The ink of their pens still bears witness to the gore of that slain that smeared our cities, the agony of incarceration that eclipsed the hearts of the victims and the undesirability of political asylum that became an option they never hoped for. Obviously, June 12 is one historic event that Dare Babarinsa, Nosa Igiebor, Chris Anyanwu, Soji Omotunde, Kunle Ajibade, Babafemi Ojudu, Dapo Olorunyomi, Niran Malaolu, Chris Anyanwu, George Mbah, Ben Charles Obi and Bayo Onanuga, among others, will ever relish to commit their ink to scribble down their own battles against the regime of tyranny. In varying measures, they all had their own share of the bitter bile that the regime of despots served them, whether in detention or in exile, whether in brutality or in harassment, whether as fugitives or in the trench of guerilla journalism.     

    As an attorney that just kicked off my legal practice, I was a victim of the vicious military junta. I still remember most vividly how I was enlisted in the legal team that fought for the restoration of the June 12 mandate. I also remember how Chief G.O.K. Ajayi, now of blessed memory,  led the team of eminent legal luminaries to reverse the annulment of the June 12 election. I remember how I argued for the release of 11 students of the University of Abuja before a Federal High Court in the FCT. I remember how the agents of the vicious regimes invaded my law office in Abuja because of my resolve for the release of the 11 students. I remember how my chamber assistant contacted my wife to inform me about the invasion of my law office. I remember how my wife, then a registered pharmacist with Garki General Hospital, organised an ambulance to rescue me from where I was hiding. All these scenarios marked the beginning of my journey into exile. But why did the agents of the junta invade my Abuja law office? They were, according to my chamber assistant, looking for arms and weapons they presumed I stockpiled in my law office and private residence.

    History is now our living witness that bears abundant testimonies to what Nigeria and Nigerians went through under the reign of despots. In June 1998, however, the wrath of God descended up the vault of the tyrant. And that regime, again by providence, came to an abrupt end. At home or in exile, nearly all June 12 advocates could glaringly behold a ray of light at the end of the tunnel. Just at this point, the last death knell loudly rang from the cave of power in Abuja, announcing the demise of Chief MKO Abiola. What a conspiracy! What a tragedy!! What a disappointment!!! It was the end of an era that sealed the theft of people’s mandate. Chief MKO Abiola became the last victim of the struggle when we had already beheld the light.

    The narrative is entirely different today. Our civil space is more participatory than ever before. Our politics is open to virtually all Nigerians without discrimination. Our courts are now sacred sanctuaries where the oppressed can freely seek redress. Unlike that era, we can freely make our choices without intimidation or exercise our rights without trepidation. Whether by law or by rights, we now enjoy all these benefits because the heroes and heroines paid supreme sacrifices for the liberty our children are now exercising in the digital space, the rights they are always willing to enforce in the court of law and the privileges they most times take for granted since the return to civil rule.  

    Sadly enough, the significance of this day rarely resonates with our present generations, especially those that were born shortly before June 12, 1993 and those that came after. Our upcoming leaders too are not in sync with the essence of the struggle that brought our fatherland to this new era of political liberty. These are dangerous signposts to our collective heritage. And as a consequence, the next generation may entirely lose the essence of what June 12 represents in the history of this federation if we do not brace for the task before us. The onus, first of all, rests upon us as a government or as a federation to sustain the spirit that drove the June 12 struggle and bequeath it to the future generations.

    The struggle was driven absolutely by the unity of purpose. It was sustained by the spirit of self-sacrifice at a cost no actor could ever quantify. It was won by a sheer commitment to the cause that unites us rather than the fault line that divides us. These are the core  drivers that then enable the spirit of the June struggle. As a federation, we must sustain and uphold the values that drove the struggle in the task of building a federation that works for all. This is the only way we can build a resilient democracy together. This is the only way we achieve a viable economy together. This is the only way we can ensure a functional democracy that purely serves the overriding public interests..

    The quest for a more democratic Nigeria is not just for the government in power. The opposition also has a frontline role to play  in the task of building a functional democracy. The onus now rests upon the opposition to offer credible alternatives that can reposition our economy and stabilise the political system. This is not the era to campaign for a shadow government, an idea that does not demonstrate the spirit of the June 12 struggle or that will further endanger the unity of our fatherland. It is the era that works for the unity of our fatherland and fights all divisive tendencies that threaten our collective prosperity.    

    • Bamidele is Senate Leader 
  • Uba Sani: Upholding the ideals of June 12

    Uba Sani: Upholding the ideals of June 12

    By Henry Ugbolue

    The June 12, 1993 presidential election remains one of the most poignant chapters in Nigeria’s democratic history. It was not merely an election — it was a referendum on justice, unity, and the people’s right to determine their future. Nigerians, across ethnic and religious divides, defied cynicism and cast their votes overwhelmingly for Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (M.K.O.) Abiola of the Social Democratic Party (SDP). Abiola’s campaign, “Hope ’93,” was a national movement for equity, prosperity, and dignity — a moment where the Nigerian spirit found its voice.

    Yet, that collective voice was silenced when the military regime of General Ibrahim Babangida annulled the election. This act of authoritarian suppression ignited a storm of resistance across the nation, birthing a generation of democracy advocates who risked everything to defend the people’s mandate. Among those brave patriots was a young Uba Sani from Kaduna — a name now indelibly etched into both the story of Nigeria’s democratic evolution and its current renaissance in purposeful governance.

    Uba Sani’s role in the June 12 pro-democracy movement is both profound and sometimes underappreciated. As a passionate activist aligned with the Campaign for Democracy (CD) and the Joint Action Committee of Nigeria (JACON), he was instrumental in challenging the perception that the struggle to reclaim Abiola’s mandate was a sectional affair. Operating from northern Nigeria — a region often seen as monolithic in its political leanings —  Uba Sani defied stereotypes and built bridges between northern activists and their southern counterparts.

    His activism was more than symbolic. It involved real risks — arrests, harassment, detention — all for daring to demand that Nigeria honour its commitment to democracy. Alongside allies such as Shehu Sani (who was imprisoned for his activism), and northern leaders like the late Mallam Balarabe Musa and Col. Dangiwa Umar, Uba Sani carried the torch of June 12 with clarity, conviction, and courage.

    June 12 shaped Uba Sani. It was a political and moral crucible in which he learned to view governance not as a tool for dominance, but as a platform for service. Today, as Governor of Kaduna State, his administration embodies the principles for which Abiola stood: inclusivity, equity, justice, and economic liberation.

    Read Also: Democracy Day: Igbo group hails Nigeria’s impressive departure from military dictatorship

    When Senator Uba Sani assumed office as Governor of Kaduna State on May 29, 2023, the weight of history seemed to converge on him. The state was grappling with multiple afflictions — sectarian tensions, entrenched poverty, infrastructural decay, insecurity, and mass exclusion from financial services. In just two years, Governor Uba Sani has spearheaded what many now describe as a “Kaduna Renaissance.”

    This renaissance is not defined by headlines, slogans, or political grandstanding. Rather, it is a deeply strategic, people-centered transformation that draws from his activist roots and his unflinching commitment to democratic ideals.

    One of the most revolutionary aspects of Governor Uba Sani’s leadership is his refusal to politicise governance. This is a man who believes governance is sacred — a trust bestowed not just by voters, but by the weight of history. As he has repeatedly explained, “From Day One, I made it clear that we must relegate politics and focus on governance.” This rare ethos has yielded remarkable results: peace across political divides, mass defections from the opposition based not on coercion, but confidence in leadership, and a unified political landscape once deeply fragmented.

    Shaped by several years of civil rights activism, especially the June 12 struggle, Uba Sani views security as not just merely about arms and patrols. He insists that security is about addressing root causes: poverty, illiteracy, and alienation. In his words, “We are reversing the ugly trend of hopelessness and lack of economic prosperity.”

    From this perspective, his administration developed a dual-pronged approach: kinetic operations against criminal elements, paired with the non-kinetic extensive community-led peacebuilding to reclaim Kaduna’s social fabric from the brink of collapse. The effects have been tangible. Violence-ravaged zones like Birnin Gwari have returned to economic productivity, with commerce reviving in previously shuttered markets.

    With improved security came bold infrastructural development especially in hitherto underserved and unreached rural communities. Uba Sani views roads, bridges, and transport as instruments of justice — ways to bring opportunity to the most neglected corners of society. This effort aims to enhance urban mobility and connect rural areas to economic hubs.

    This commitment to connectivity echoes Abiola’s vision of inclusivity — of a Nigeria where no region is left behind, and where development is not a privilege, but a right.

    Governor Sani’s education reforms mirror the egalitarianism that defined the June 12 movement. He has drastically reduced tuition fees, invested in learning infrastructure, and prioritized teacher training. “Kaduna was number 12 in WAEC rankings. Now we are number 7 — and rising,” he said. His target is excellence, but his method is equity.

    In healthcare, the transformation is just as dramatic. Under his leadership, 250 primary health centers have been upgraded to level two — the highest by any state in Nigeria. The conversion of Kafanchan General Hospital to a Federal Medical Centre is both a functional upgrade and a testament to federal confidence in Kaduna’s health sector.

    Uba Sani’s most radical reforms may lie in his economic justice agenda. He speaks passionately about the exclusion of over 85% of Northwestern Nigerians from financial systems as of 2023. “We must look at ourselves in the mirror and apologize to the people of Northern Nigeria,” he declared — a moment of rare political introspection.

    But Uba Sani is not content with apologies. His administration has rolled out aggressive financial inclusion programmes targeting rural women, youth, and MSMEs. The Kaduna Enterprise Development Agency (KADEDA) now supports entrepreneurs with grants, training, and low-interest loans. In just two years, these efforts have created jobs, unlocked potential, and begun to correct long-standing economic imbalances.

    Transparency is a cornerstone of the Uba Sani Renaissance. Procurement has been digitized, budgeting processes opened, and Kaduna has become a magnet for foreign direct investment in agro-processing, logistics, and infrastructure.

    This reflects the moral foundations instilled in him during the pro-democracy struggles of the 1990s. Like M.K.O. Abiola, Uba Sani believes that poverty is not inevitable — it is a policy choice, one that can be reversed with courage, integrity, and people-first policies.

    His philosophy of leadership: quiet, intentional, and resolute, is perhaps best summarized in his refusal to be distracted by the politics of 2027. “Leadership is about lifting others,” he maintains. And through every kilometer of road, every revitalized school, every empowered entrepreneur, he is doing just that.

    Two years into his tenure, Uba Sani has proven that the sacrifices of June 12 were not in vain. His journey from street protester to state governor is a moral arc that bends toward justice, much like that envisioned by Abiola himself. He has taken the ideals of that struggle — unity, dignity, equity — and translated them into living, breathing governance.

    Kaduna State is now a reference point for purposeful leadership in Nigeria. It is a laboratory for what is possible when political ideology meets social vision, and when democratic values are lived, not merely preached.

    In many ways, the story of Uba Sani is the continuing story of June 12. It is the saga of a country that, though battered by cynicism, still dares to dream. It is the chronicle of a man who, shaped in the fires of struggle, now shapes the future of his people.

    Interestingly, Governor Uba Sani sees in President Bola Ahmed Tinubu a kindred spirit, not just in the struggle for the actualization of the June 12 mandate of Chief Moshood Abiola but in renewed hope in what is possible in today’s Nigeria. Governor Uba Sani believes that like M.K.O Abiola, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s leadership is speedily healing Nigeria and truly renewing the hopes of the people. Uba Sani stands as both a bridge to our past and a blueprint for our future. The spirit of June 12 lives on, not just in memory, but in motion, in the renewed streets of Kaduna, in the hope of its youth, and in the work of a Governor who knows that leadership is service, and service is destiny.

    •Henry Ugbolue, is a Media and Communication Professional

  • A portrait of Nigeria’s health sector in two years

    A portrait of Nigeria’s health sector in two years

    • By Ebitimi Osaretin

    When President Bola Ahmed Tinubu assumed office in 2023, Nigeria’s health sector stood at a difficult crossroads. Stretched thin by decades of underfunding, weakened infrastructure, emigration of health workers, and low trust from the public, the task seemed daunting.

    Yet, within just two years, the winds of reform have begun to blow through the corridors of hospitals, clinics, laboratories, and primary healthcare centers across the nation.

    Under the banner of the Renewed Hope Agenda, the Tinubu administration has initiated a bold journey to reposition Nigeria’s healthcare system, restoring confidence, improving outcomes, and investing deeply in both people and institutions.

    Despite the laudable efforts, it is a journey still unfolding, but one that has already begun to transform lives and rewrite stories.

    The first sign of renewed commitment came in the form of the Nigeria Health Sector Renewal Investment Initiative (NSHRII) Sector Wide Approach (SWAp) Compact, signed in 2023 with governors, development partners, and private sector actors.

    This was followed by the Health Sector Strategic Blueprint blueprint, a document that would later become a guiding torch for reforms. At the heart of these reforms lies a fourfold mission: to strengthen governance and accountability across the health system; improve the quality and equity of care for all Nigerians; unlock the value chain of health products through local production; and boost national health security by enhancing preparedness and response mechanisms.

    A sector-wide approach now anchors collaboration between federal, state, and local governments—one that includes quarterly review meetings, joint communiqués, and transparent performance tracking.

    The revitalisation of primary healthcare, the first and most crucial point of access for millions, has gained unprecedented momentum.

    By the first quarter of 2025 alone, over 37 million Nigerians had accessed services from revamped PHC centres. Model facilities in Rivers, Edo, and Plateau now serve as shining examples of what is possible when leadership meets investment.

    Beyond infrastructure, the administration has focused on maternal and child health through the Maternal and Neonatal Mortality Reduction Innovation Initiative (MAMII). In just a year, 6 million pregnant women received essential micronutrient supplements, and more than 4,000 free caesarean sections were successfully carried out across empaneled health facilities.

    To further equip the frontlines, over 60,000 midwifery kits were distributed nationwide, an initiative led by the First Lady, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, to empower nurses and reduce maternal deaths.

    Nigeria’s health workforce is being reimagined with bold steps to halt brain drain and strengthen training. Training capacity has increased by 32%, with over 61,000 frontline health workers and 3,874 health managers trained since 2023. Enrollment in nursing programs grew from 28,000 to 115,000, while 120,000 new workers are expected to be trained by 2027.

    The launch of the National Health Fellows Programme, which deployed 774 young health leaders, one from each local government, represents a long-term investment in leadership and innovation across the system. This effort was complemented by asynchronous learning sessions, boasting a 74% module completion rate and near-perfect engagement in live sessions.

    In recognition of these efforts, President Tinubu was named the African Union Champion for Human Resources for Health and Community Health Delivery.

    For decades, Nigeria’s health insurance coverage stagnated at around 9%, leaving the majority vulnerable to health-related financial shocks. That tide has now turned. Over 4 million Nigerians were newly enrolled within one year, including vulnerable groups covered under the Basic Health Care Provision Fund (BHCPF). The 2025 budget allocated N25 billion under the Catastrophic Health Insurance Fund, which now covers costly treatments such as cancer care and dialysis. The reform of the National Health Insurance Authority (NHIA) is unlocking private sector engagement, mandating individual coverage, and delivering access to high-impact services such as caesarean sections, VVF surgeries, and treatment at 106 CEmONC facilities across the country.

    Read Also: Health sector challenges: Experts see light at end of tunnel

    In what can only be described as a watershed moment, Nigeria’s health sector is receiving record domestic funding. Over N86.8 billion has been disbursed under BHCPF from 2023–2024 alone. An additional $200 million was approved by the President to bridge funding gaps after the exit of key international donors. The Project HOPE initiative is set to inject over $1 billion into PHC infrastructure and services, while $3.4 billion in pooled funding is mobilised through the Health Sector Renewal Investment Initiative.

    Significantly, the administration has improved access to medicines by supporting pooled procurement and signing executive orders that waive import duties and VAT on essential raw materials and medical devices.The launch of the Presidential Initiative to Unlock the Healthcare Value Chain (PVAC) is building an enabling environment for local manufacturing.

    From ultrasound machines to rapid diagnostic kits, Nigeria is forging new partnerships with global health brands to begin in-country production. More than 70 bankable projects worth over $5 billion are now underway, supported by additional financing from development banks and the private sector. Tertiary hospitals across all six geopolitical zones are receiving historic upgrades. From advanced diagnostic centers in Ilorin and Enugu to cardiac and pathology facilities in Sokoto and Ibadan, the scope of transformation now touches 503 projects across 61 federal hospitals. The long-neglected battle against cancer is receiving renewed energy through dedicated infrastructure investments and targeted equipment procurement.

    Routine immunisation has recorded major successes. Two million children under age two receive Penta-3 vaccines quarterly. Twenty-five million children have been vaccinated against measles. Twenty-two million received Yellow Fever vaccines, and 14 million adolescent girls are now protected by the HPV vaccine. In addition, 105,000 children received the new malaria vaccine.

    In the face of the worst diphtheria outbreak in decades, the administration mounted a rapid and effective response. The same resolve led to the historic introduction of the Mpox vaccine, making Nigeria the first African country to do so.

    Public trust in the health system is rising steadily. In just two years, approval ratings have jumped, with 47% of Nigerians affirming a positive direction, and 54% expressing confidence in government health emergency responses—a notable leap from 2023 levels. Citizens are not only benefiting but being heard.

    The government has prioritised citizen feedback and adapted accordingly, proving that governance is not just about delivering services but building trust. With strong foundations now laid, the next phase is focused on deepening impact and sustaining momentum.

    The expansion of the Vulnerable Groups Fund and Catastrophic Health Fund is underway. Completion of cancer treatment centres and rollout of advanced equipment are in progress. The administration is scaling up malaria control interventions and local net production and delivering on the target of 17,000 revitalised PHCs. The Social Action Fund (SAF) is being operationalised to power community-led health solutions. The journey is still unfolding, but Nigeria is rising.

    With unity across federal, state, and community lines, the vision of a resilient, equitable, and people-centered health system is no longer a distant dream. It is becoming the new reality. And in the words of the President, “No Nigerian should die because they are poor.” Indeed, under the Renewed Hope Agenda, the health of the nation is finally becoming the wealth of the people.

    Hence, from scaling up the MAMII initiative in 172 LGAs to completing cancer infrastructure and operationalizing the SAF, the Tinubu administration is not slowing down. Plans are underway to scale malaria interventions, boost local production, and deepen citizen engagement.

    This is not just a transformation—it is a reawakening. The health of Nigeria is finally being placed where it belongs: at the heart of national development.

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has not only delivered a scorecard—he has charted a new course for the soul of the nation. And while challenges remain, the foundation has been laid. With sustained commitment, Nigeria is poised to become a continental leader in health resilience and equity.

    The journey has only just begun.

    • Osaretin is a health expert and writer.
  • Benue insecurity: A note of caution to ill-informed Alia critics

    Benue insecurity: A note of caution to ill-informed Alia critics

    • By Donald Kumun

    Benue State, often dubbed the “Food Basket of the Nation,” currently groans under the suffocating weight of relentless insecurity occasioned on her by the killer herdsmen, terrorists, bandits, advanced, and well serviced criminals. The unprovoked attacks on the poor, defenceless, downtrodden, and marginalized members of the state, have become a daily nightmare, leaving a trail of sorrow, displacement, and deaths.

     This dire situation has rightfully become a source of profound concern for the Benue State Governor, Rev. Fr. Dr. Hyacinth Iormem Alia, and indeed all well meaning members of the society both within and beyond the State. Every segment of society, from the revered traditional institution, to the diligent local government chairmen, and most acutely, the visionary Governor, His Excellency, Fr. Alia, are deeply concerned about what has befallen our homeland.

    Yet, amidst this palpable crisis, a disturbing trend has emerged: a chorus of ill-informed criticism from the opposition, seemingly designed to undermine the concerted efforts of the Governor’s administration rather than contribute to in bringing about a lasting solution.

    The depth of this concern was vividly brought to the fore during Governor Alia’s appearance on Channels Television on Friday, June 6, 2025, on POLITICS TODAY. In a candid and poignant interview hosting by the erudite Seun Okinbaloye, the Governor laid bare the menace of insecurity, revealing to the world the harrowing siege on Benue State by terrorists and criminal killer herdsmen.

    His words painted a grim picture of communities ravaged, livelihoods destroyed, and innocent lives tragically cut short leaving the state in a situation where it will barely play its traditional role of feeding the nation. He articulated the profound frustration and despair that have gripped the populace, emphasizing the urgent need for a united front against these existential threats.

    Moreover, Governor Alia equally x-rayed the layers of interventions made by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the security architecture as well as the major decisions taken by the military and police hierarchy to roll back the menace. The Governor’s address was not merely a lament; it was a call to action and a clear identification of some of the elements and situations that have fuelled the problem, either directly or through their divisive rhetoric. He pointedly alluded to the activities of undesirable elements whose actions, wittingly or unwittingly, exacerbate the already fragile security situation.

    The Governor’s allusion to such individuals is not a personal vendetta but a necessary spotlight on those who, rather than offer constructive engagement, have decided to trade in misinformation, disinformation, and attempts to destabilize the state for selfish political gains. Their public utterances and clandestine machinations, serve to muddy the waters, spread panic, and distract from the critical task of restoring peace and order.

    It is disheartening, to say the least, to witness the unpatriotic stance adopted by certain critics of the Governor’s administration, including a number of members of the National Assembly representing Benue State. And even those who constituted the immediate past administration in the State. While constructive criticism is an essential pillar of any thriving democracy, what is currently being peddled by these individuals often crosses the line into outright sabotage. Their pronouncements, more often than not, lack a fundamental understanding of the complex security challenges facing the state and the multifaceted strategies being deployed by the government.

    Read Also: Akume not silent on Benue killings, SGF’s aide counters Alia’s claim

     Contextualisation is often at full play. Instead of rallying support for security initiatives, collaborating with state authorities, or lobbying for federal assistance, these critics appear more interested in scoring cheap political points and undermining the Governor’s credibility. This has to stop forthwith.

    Their narrative, a frequently dismisses the gravity of the situation, downplays the efforts of the security agencies, or worse, seeks to attribute the insecurity to the current administration, conveniently forgetting the deep-rooted historical context of these conflicts. This kind of ill-informed and politically motivated criticism is not only unhelpful but downright dangerous. It emboldens the perpetrators of violence by creating an impression of disunity and weakness within the state’s leadership. It vainly tries to erode public confidence in the government’s ability to protect its citizens and can inadvertently discourage potential investors and development partners.

    Let this message be unequivocally clear to the critics of the Alia administration, including those within the National Assembly: your efforts to frustrate the legitimate and well-intentioned efforts of the constituted authority will not go unaddressed. Benue State is facing an existential threat, and this is not the time for partisan bickering or political grandstanding. The consequences of such divisive actions and tactics are far-reaching and detrimental to the very people you claim to represent. When you sow discord, you reap instability. When you peddle falsehoods, you breed distrust. And when you prioritize political gain over the lives and safety of your constituents, you betray the sacred trust reposed in you.

    History will judge those who stood by and offered nothing but cynicism while their state burned. It will also harshly judge those who actively worked to impede progress and frustrate the efforts of those genuinely committed to finding solutions.

    The current administration, under the astute leadership of Governor Alia, is working tirelessly, engaging with security agencies at all levels, fostering community-based peace initiatives, and seeking both kinetic and non-kinetic approaches to quell the violence. This requires cooperation, not condemnation; unity, not division.

    Whether they like it or not, know it or not, or believe it or not, this current phase of insecurity is a dark chapter in the history of Benue State, but like all dark chapters, it is destined to pass. The resilience of the Benue people is legendary, their spirit unyielding. The commitment of Governor Alia and his administration to restoring peace and normalcy is unwavering. They are not merely reacting to events; they are actively formulating and implementing strategies to secure the state, protect its citizens, and ensure that justice is served.

    To the beleaguered masses of Benue State, those who have borne the brunt of these barbaric attacks, be assured: better days are indeed ahead. The government is acutely aware of your suffering during this moment of grief, your losses, and your yearning for peace.

     The sleepless nights of the Governor, the traditional rulers (Tor-Tiv and the Och’Idoma), all heads of the  security apparatuses in the State, and the Federal Government of Nigeria, under the close watchful eyes of the President, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, as well as the local government chairmen, are dedicated to finding lasting solutions for peace to be restored in Benue State. The sacrifices being made by security personnel on the front lines are not in vain. This administration, undoubtedly, remains committed to creating an environment where every Benue indigene can live without fear, pursue their livelihoods without apprehension, and contribute to the growth and development of the state.

    While the Governor works round the clock to seek help, mobilize security agencies, and foster inter-governmental collaboration, some elements of the opposition — driven by blind ambition, outdated vendettas, and sheer ignorance — have chosen to weaponize this humanitarian crisis for cheap political capital.

    The path to lasting peace will be arduous, fraught with challenges, and will require the collective effort of every well-meaning individual. It demands that political differences be set aside in favor of a common purpose: the security and prosperity of Benue State. It is a time for all hands to be on the deck, for empathy and understanding, and for unwavering support for those in leadership positions who are striving to navigate these turbulent waters, than pull Benue State down to collapse, under Governor Alia, amidst his conspicuous achievements, within two years in office. What do you have to bring on board? Don’t do it with levity.

    The sun will surely rise again over Benue, and when it does, it will illuminate a State reclaimed from the clutches of insecurity, a testament to the resilience of its people and the resolute leadership that refused to bow to adversity, or be deterred by ill-informed criticism.

    • Kumun is the Principal Special Assistant to the Benue State Governor on Print Media, and writes from Makurdi the capital of Benue.
  • Literature as human experience

    Literature as human experience

    By Chijioke Uwasomba

    The question may be asked: what has literature got to do with the whole lot of issues that have been raised so far. This question is important if we take into consideration the views of some writers and critics who insist that literature does not have any utilitarian value. The poet-soldier, Christopher Okigbo, who died fighting on the side of Biafra against Federal forces, in an interview he was of the opinion that “…the writer in Africa does not have any function. That is, personally, I have no function as a writer, I think I merely express myself, and the public use these things for anything they like.” Similarly, Ogungbesan stated that “…it is a betrayal of art for the writer to put his writing at the service of a cause, even if it is such a laudable and uncontroversial cause as the education of the people.”

    These positions differ from our conception of literature. Literature is concerned with humankind and human life in its entirety. This includes everything that impinges on human life; it covers every aspect of experience and aspirations, politics inclusive. And interestingly enough, it does not deal with a closed sphere of human experience as mentioned by Amuzu: “…it admits of all human activities and experiences dealing with the whole life.” And according to Strauch’s statement “…the literary work manifests man’s understanding of the meanings of human experience…”

    Ngugi wa Thiong’o, the writer whose works are the subject of our discussion, has demonstrated in his creative and critical works that the writer is a product of society, and has a responsibility towards it, wherein he unequivocally says in his prison memoir, Detained, that literature is not “…something belonging to a surreal world, or a metaphysical ethereal plane, something that has nothing to do with man’s more mundane, prosaic realm of attempting to clothe, shelter and feed himself.”

    In contemporary Africa, we can construct some axioms that “… writers and their works are implicated in the larger struggles which define political life in wider society”; hence the subjection of Africa to colonialist brigandage and imperialist capitalism in various guises has made it supremely important for the enlisting of literature and art in the task of liberation from imperialism and of redressing social inequalities within individual national boundaries; literature and art have a primary commitment to freedom and can only thrive in a free state, and that “… in a situation bedeviled with unfreedom, the primary responsibility of art is to enlist in the service of freedom.”

    Walter Rodney’s How Europe Underdeveloped Africa (1972) and Amilcar Cabral’s National Liberation and Struggle (1980) reveal the political, economic and social circumstances that formed the sensibilities of most African writers. Thus, they illuminate the various types of approaches and mentalities or ideologies that inform African revolutionary writings. In addition, these works help the reader to determine if a writer’s portrayal of African society fully reflects its social relations, political arrangements, and economic factors. These critical writings also help in the debate on the definition of African literature, because they bring forth the historical connections that make it possible for us to analyze African literature dealing with the pre-colonial, colonial and neo-colonial phases of African history.

    In class societies like Africa, culture, art and literature take on class character where literature is fully implicated as evince of a consciousness that seems to conserve society on behalf of privileged interests or in contrast, exude a revolutionary consciousness congruent with the objective interests of the oppressed class engaged in class struggle to change the status quo. It is in the context of the latter interpretation that we place Ngugi’s works as not only discourses on cultural and political decolonization, but also as works that are in quest of a new socio-economic and political order.

    Petals of Blood

    Petals of Blood, Ngugi’s fourth novel, is seen by many critics as the most ambitious and important of his works. According to Palmer “…of all African novels…Petals of Blood probably presents the most comprehensive analysis to date of the evils perpetrated in independent African society by Black imperialists and capitalists” (1979:228). Also, Ngara (1982:81) and Anyidoho (1986:67) among others see Petals of Blood as not only breaking new grounds for the African novel in literary creation, but also as representing the height of Ngugi’s achievement. This is because Petals is seen as having subsumed the themes and concerns of all of Ngugi’s other works, including those written after it, into one volume. During the launch of the book, Ngugi hinted that

    … imperialism…can never develop a country or a people. This was what I was trying to show in Petals of Blood: that imperialism can never develop us, Kenyans. In doing so, I was only trying to be faithful to what Kenyan workers and peasants have always realized as shown by their historical struggles since.

    In both theme and ideological perspective, Petals begins where A Grain of Wheat stops. It deals, in the main, with neo-colonialism in all its manifestations: oppression, exploitation, social abuse and injustice, and thus

    … it probes the history of the heroic struggles of the people of Kenya, from pre-colonial times to the present day, within a comprehensive cultural perspective which embraces the political, religious, economic and social life of Kenya.”

    In A Grain of Wheat, the struggle between the bourgeoisie and the peasants is still in its embryonic stages and therefore is not expressed in explicit ideological terms, whereas Petals takes us to a later period in the history of Kenya and the development of Ngugi’s socialist vision.

    The novel begins in the present with four main characters – Wanja, Abdulla, Munira and Karega – in jail on suspicion of being implicated in the murder of three African directors of the Theng’eta Brewery – Mzigo, Chui and Kimeria. This revelation comes to the fore through Munira in the cell while writing notes to satisfy the demands of the probing police inspector. Thus, from the present the story moves twelve years back to when Munira came to Ilmorog as a teacher in the village, and periodically it returns to the present and shows Munira in the cell, and on one or two occasions goes further into the experiences of Munira in Siriana where he was a student in the 1940s and during the Mau Mau uprising of the 1950s. The scene of most of the events of the novel is the community of Ilmorog which grew from a traditional African village into a modern industrial complex. Through the historical presentation given to us by Ngugi, we are able to have glimpses of the glory of Ilmorog’s past as a truly peasant community untouched by Western values that moved gradually from “a nomadic one to an agrarian civilization.”

    There was prosperity, contentment and a sense of belonging before the penetration of imperialism with its distorting influence, and the intrusion of imperialist values which

    brought Ilmorog into its decline, hence the author informs the reader that

    …Ilmorog…had not always been a small cluster of mud huts lived in only by old men and women and children with occasional visits from wandering herds men. It had its days of glory: thriving villages with a huge population of sturdy peasants who had tamed nature’s forests and, breaking the soil between their fingers, had brought forth every type of crop to nourish the sons and daughters of men.… In those days there were no vultures in the sky waiting for the carcasses of dead workers and no insect-flies feeding on the fat and blood of un-suspecting toilers (120).

    For the first time in the novel, we discover that drought has started ravaging Ilmorog with consequential damage to the otherwise thriving community. The criminal neglect by the political authorities, in particular, Nderi the member representing Ilmorog in the Parliament, worsens matters. Nderi, like other political officials, is only interested in acquiring wealth at the expense of his constituency. Eventually, Karega, the bright, idealistic young teacher in the community puts forward the proposal that the people should march to the capital where their MP stays to confront him with their problems. Like the revolutionary-minded masses in Ousmane’s Gods Bits of Wood, they march to the city in search of their representative. This march and its accompanying achievement mark a turning point in the lives of the exploited segment of Kenyan society in general.

    Arising from the visit to the city and the plane crash in Ilmorog, the attention of the government is attracted to Ilmorog, as the people’s doubts are fully justified. The capitalists and their agents-Chui, Mzigo and Nderi-move in their development projects: roads, banks, factories, distilleries and housing estates. These developments quickly destroy the fabric of traditional Ilmorog. The destruction of the mysterious spirit Mwathi by a giant bulldozer is the concrete symbol of the annihilation of a once proud society by the ravaging forces of modernization, and notwithstanding, the deceived peasants lose their lands and all their possessions to the local profiteers and their international principals.

    Ilmorog is transformed into a proto-capitalist society with all the attendant problems of prostitution, social inequalities, misery, uncertainty, and inadequate housing. The new Ilmorog is now divided along class lines. There is the residential area “of the farm managers, country council officials, the managers of Barclays, and African Economic Banks, and other servants of state and money power” (p.280). This area is called Cape Town, while New Jerusalem is reserved for the downtrodden in the society. At this stage in the development of Ilmorog, Karega who had left Illmorog following his dismissal from the teaching service five-years before reappears. To his chagrin, Wanja whom he was in love with has become one of the “powerful” people in the society. He informs Wanja, Munira and Abdulla of his activities during the last five years, doing one menial job or the other. Karega’s return to Illmorog helps in arousing the consciousness of the people (especially, workers in the Theng’eta Brewery where he does his last job). The novel ends with a strong hope of a proletarian revolution, as there is the realization on the part of the Kenyan workers and peasants of the possibilities of overthrowing international capitalism and its neo-colonial agents.

    In this novel, there is a clear demonstration that imperialism can never develop Kenya in particular and Africa in general. According to Ngugi: “In writing this book I was only trying to be faithful to what Kenyan workers and peasants have always realized as shown by their historical struggles since 1895.”

    The spokespersons for Ngugi’s socialist solution are Karega, the lawyer, Abdulla and Munira. Ngugi through Karega shows concretely that socialism was a natural way of life in traditional African society and calls on the African society to go back to its former way of life. Ngugi is deeply conscious that imperialist capital is the real enemy in Africa today. To change the status quo, Karega becomes a trade union agitator who mobilizes the workers and the peasants to rid the society of exploitation. Karega’s union activities have politicized the workers and they are ready to haul defiance at their greedy employers as can be seen in the last part of the novel, “the last duty” indicating that the struggle continues – La Luta Continua. Ngugi hopes that out of Petals of Blood, Kenyans (Africans) might gather “petals of revolutionary love” (94).

    In Petals, Ngugi uses his art to challenge the status quo. The Chuis, the Kimerias and the Nzigos who are agents of imperialism control the important spheres of life in Ilmorog. This can be seen in their directorship of Theng’eta Breweries and Enterprises Ltd. It is important to remember that this enterprise belonged to Wanja and Abdulla but the government through its agents handed it over to a multinational corporation. The economic deprivation and ruthless dispossession of the peasants finds its most effective symbol in the degradation of Wanja, the barmaid, who rises from prostitution to economic independence and womanhood but is forced back to the humiliating status of a prostitute who sells her body because nothing is obtained free, and the slogan becomes “eat or be eaten”. Ngugi’s combative spirit against neo-colonial agents and their masters continues in Devil on the Cross, a novel he wrote in detention in Kimathi Maximum Security prison in Kenya. Like Petals of Blood, the story takes place mainly in Ilmorog and partly in Nairobi. It is no wonder, then, that the major trope in Devil on the Cross could be neocolonial dependency, with the Devil on the Cross as the structuring symbol. This is best illustrated in Wariinga’s nightmare in which the white colonialist Devil is crucified by the masses (apparently, a reference to political independence) only to be resuscitated by the local comprador.

    Devil on the Cross shows the class struggle between the poor and the rich, the exploited and the exploiters. The novel begins with the story of Wariinga, a lady who had suffered a series of misfortunes, maltreatment and deprivation at the hands of some irresponsible men in the society. She was used, abused and abandoned by the rich old man of Ngorika whose child she was carrying. She had attempted suicide on the railway track but was saved by the timely intervention of Munti. After having her baby, she was able to complete her secretarial studies and found herself a job in Champion Construction Company. She later lost this job because she did not welcome boss Kihara’s attentions. Her undergraduate friend, John Kinwana, jilted her after accusing her of being Kihara‘s mistress; and she was thrown out of her one-room apartment for her inability to pay the rent which the landlord had increased, and the landlord secured the services of three thugs who threw her things out.

    On the matatu bus, we see Muturi, Wariinga and Wa Mukiraai with the invitation cards for the feast to choose the seven cleverest thieves and robbers in Ilmorog. Mukiraai is in favour of the competition, and he is of the opinion that the feast is not organized by Satan but by the organization of modern theft and robbery in Ilmorog to commemorate a visit by foreign guests from an association of the thieves and robbers of the Western world, particularly from America, England, Germany, France, Italy, Sweden and Japan. The creation of a Devil’s feast where national robbers and thieves with their foreign allies gather in order to reveal their tactics, strategies and motives provides Ngugi with the space for enacting or deconstructing, through the grotesque and the obscene, the banality of power, in a neo-colonial African society.

    During the feast we are confronted with the boastful thieves and robbers in the cave as the co-operation of the Kenyan bourgeoisie is seen as fruitful by the international representatives; the leader of the foreign delegation from the international organization of thieves and robbers headquartered in New York thanks the local thieves and robbers for the good work they have done performing, yet thieves who steal out of hunger are not allowed to compete. An example is Ndaaya Wa Kahuria in order to stop these noisy competitors who are watchdogs of imperialism that Wangari decides to invite the police, while Muturi who believes in the ability of the workers to arrest the thieves goes ahead to mobilize them. But the police who ought to arrest the thieves turn round to arrest Wangari, who should have been treated as an informant.

    The ability of the workers, students and other members of the exploited class to mobilize themselves is very encouraging. The clarion call and song of the masses in their revolutionary movement to overthrow capitalism and the rule of its agents are resonating:

    Come one and all, And behold the wonderful sight of us chasing away Devil And all his disciples:

    Come one and all (Devil on the Cross, 201).

    The resistance put up by the people, their massive struggle against the forces of law, shows that the masses can determine their fate.

    The realization of Wariinga’s life ambition to train as an automobile engineer goes a long way to show how the underprivileged in the society have worked hard to improve their condition, in spite of the brutal attempts by the powers that be to reduce them to nothingness. After Wariinga had worked strenuously to become an engineer, the forces of “economic strangulation” strike. Boss Kihara, in partnership with a group of foreigners from the USA, Germany and Japan , buys the garage and the surrounding piece of land for the construction of a tourist hotel. The shooting and killing of the devil’s accomplices, including the rich old man of Ngorika (whose son, Gatuiria, Wariinga has fallen in love with) show the determination of the masses to liberate themselves.

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    Devil on the Cross exposes the plight of the masses and the workers in the present-day political set-up in Africa in consonance with the belief of Ngugi that African writers should address themselves “to the crisis or conflict between the emergent African bourgeoisie and the African masses” (34). According to Edward Shills, ideologies arise in conditions of crisis and in sectors of society where the prevailing situation has become unacceptable. Ngugi’s commitment to Kenyan masses stems from loss of confidence in elite’s ability to build successful society as Devil deeply entrenched against people. Rich men release Devil, stifle opposition, silence dissenting voice. This situation pushes suffering people like Wariinga to seek redress. Wariinga mentally identifies with workers, gets gun from Muturi, and kills rich old man of Ngorika.

    Ngugi has through this novel shown that the sophisticated structures that have sprung up in the cities of Kenya – Ilmorog, Mombasa , Nairobi , Nakuru, Kisumu – do not have their corresponding enhancement in the standard of living of the general population. Rather, what we observe is the emergence of a new class structure the nouveau riche, an infinitesimal corrupt minority, having allied itself with the ex-colonialists to form a formidable barrier to the people’s share of the national resources. The battle is therefore between these “grabbers,” who strive to consolidate their hold and the deprived, who also strives to thwart them.

    The novel shows the class to which each character belongs; Muturi, Wariinga, Wangari, and Gaturiria represent the peasants and workers, while Gitutu Wa Gataaguru, Kihaahu and Muirevi represent the bourgeoisie. Hence, there is an intense struggle between the victims of exploitation and the exploiter class.

    Ngugi uses Matatu and cave as symbols. Matatu represents underprivileged world with limited freedom of speech. Matatu symbolizes lower class seeking freedom. Characters like Wangari, Maturi, Gatuiria, and Wariinga embody this struggle. Cave symbolizes devil’s domain controlled by profit-seeking men and leisurely women. Ngugi’s vision in this novel, like his other works, advocates for a collectively owned and controlled socialized economy. But the realization of this dream is dependant on unity, a factor Ngugi explains as “… until democratic-minded Kenyans, workers, peasants, students, progressive intellectuals and others unite…things will get worse, no matter who sits on the throne of power.

    Finally, some readers view Wariinga’s shooting of Ghitahy as savagery, but Ngugi sees it as a means to freedom. Violence is unacceptable if used to protect oppression. The action is ideologically relevant for overthrowing an unjust social order. Wangari’s failed action in inviting police still aids people in their struggle for a new society. It teaches peasants and workers that the law does not save them from capitalist exploitation, but rather sustains the status quo.

    In these two novels, progress and liberation in cultural and economic spheres are discussed by Masela (1979), Chesaina (1976) and Jeyifo (1985). Ngugi criticizes African ruling elite in Petals of Blood and praises people’s struggles against oppression by local colonialists. Devil on the Cross further explores this theme, exposing societal ills and emphasizing collective survival of exploited in Africa attacking the neo-colonial class structure causing poverty and insecurity in many modern African states.

    As political novels, the two works are unambiguous in their support of the views of the proletariat and in their condemnation of bourgeois philosophy and practice, as manifested in international capitalism, and therefore reject neo-colonialism as a viable way of life for Africans. The novels affirm that the coming together of the peasants and the workers in a united and collective manner against their exploiters will liberate them from the present state of bondage and life of misery and poverty.

  • How NASENI is powering the Nigeria First movement

    How NASENI is powering the Nigeria First movement

    By Khalil Suleiman Halilu

    In 1961, South Korea was a textbook case of despair. Per capita income sat below $100. Literacy rates hovered around 30%. Samsung was still a grocery trading company, and Hyundai was repairing fishing boats. But instead of outsourcing its future, Korea placed a bold bet—on its people, its industries, and on disciplined, deliberate execution.

    Today, Samsung’s market cap exceeds $260 billion. Hyundai earned over $120 billion in revenue last year. For perspective, Nigeria’s entire 2024 federal budget is about $20 billion. The lesson here isn’t to idolize Korea—it’s to recognize what becomes possible when a nation aligns purpose with policy, and ambition with action.

    At the National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure (NASENI), we see Nigeria’s opportunity in similar terms. With 220 million people, a median age of just 18, and nearly four million young Nigerians entering the workforce every year, we’re not short on energy or ambition. But to turn this into prosperity, we need more than potential—we need a movement that aligns strategy with action: One that transforms “Nigeria First” from a policy into a shared national priority.

    When President Bola Ahmed Tinubu signed the Nigeria First policy, it was not just a symbolic act. It was a hard reset: A new operating system for national development.  It is a deliberate shift toward prioritizing Nigerian-made solutions, Nigerian innovation and Nigerian enterprise. This is not politics. This is economics—with purpose.

    At NASENI, we see this not as rhetoric, but as roadmap. The data is clear: in Q3 of 2024 alone, Nigeria spent trillions of Naira on imports. A large share of that spending went toward products we have the capacity to build here—solar panels, software, machine parts, even furniture. What if we redirected even a fraction of that capital toward homegrown production? What if we bet on ourselves?

    The movement we are leading is about exactly that—putting Nigeria in motion, powered by local capability. This is not about isolationism. It is about inclusion. It is about choosing to reinvest value here at home—stimulating manufacturing, deepening our tax base, strengthening the Naira, and most importantly, creating jobs. This is not theoretical. The movement is already underway.

    In Katsina, our smart irrigation systems have doubled farm yields. In Ebonyi, we are testing locally built lithium batteries for off-grid communities. In Anambra and Ogun, we are working with manufacturers to remove friction using Nigerian-made technology. And just last year, NASENI launched 35 market-ready products, secured $3.25 billion in private and development capital, and trained over 5,000 local innovators.

    We are not only driving innovation—we are creating a new industrial backbone, built for and by Nigerians. But no movement thrives in isolation. Government must lead, but the private sector must scale. Public procurement—estimated to be 25–30% of GDP—is a powerful lever. With Nigeria’s GDP projected to reach $1.4 trillion in 2025, this means $350–$420 billion in procurement spending. Directing even half of that to Nigerian producers could unlock over 2 million jobs each year.

    This is not charity. This is smart economics. Every time a government agency chooses Nigerian-made goods—vehicles, equipment, software—they are investing in trust, signaling belief, and building the momentum of the movement. Patriotism must become more logistical than symbolic. It should live in vendor lists, procurement memos, and balance sheets.

    That’s why NASENI is scaling HatchBox—our incubation platform—to support over 10,000 innovators this year. That is why we launched the NASENI Innovation Hub with AfriLabs to provide critical infrastructure for startups. And that’s why we’re working with state governments to build regional manufacturing hubs focused on energy, agriculture, and IT—creating 10,000+ direct jobs and over 30,000 indirect ones.

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    We are also laying the groundwork for Nigeria’s first lithium-ion battery manufacturing plant—a critical step for energy independence and electric vehicle (EV) adoption. Alongside that, we are designing templates to make it easier for MDAs to source Nigerian technologies, targeting a 25% increase in local content for public procurement.

    All of this is part of a broader movement—one that says: we do not need to wait to be developed. We can build. But to do this at scale, we need coordination. Agencies must align. Budgets must serve solutions, not just systems. And policies must speak to each other—because when that happens, we go faster, together.

    Let us be clear: this movement isn’t about resisting globalization. It is about shaping it from a place of strength. It is about building a Nigeria that does not just consume value—but creates it: One that earns respect not because of our size but what we build and how we solve problems.

    We are not chasing miracles. We are compounding progress. This is what “Nigeria First” looks like—not as a slogan, but as a daily practice. One procurement decision, one innovation, one young entrepreneur at a time because our Samsung moment won’t come from imitation. It will come from commitment—to our people, our producers, and our collective power to build.

    •Halilu is Executive Vice Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure (NASENI) sent this piece from Abuja.