Category: Discourse

  • What Chima Amadi should know

    What Chima Amadi should know

    By Declan Emelumba

    We may never know for certain whether all is well with Mazi Chima Matthew Amadi. His case is like that of the man for whom the Devil finds work because of idle hands. Two clear years stand between us and the 2027 Imo elections, yet Amadi is already shadow-boxing, gorging on self-importance, and attempting to spar with a governor in his final constitutionally allowed term – as though heckling from the sidelines could somehow install him in Douglas House.

    In the last couple of months, Chima Amadi has been all over the place seeking attention, craving visibility, and imagining himself as the saviour of Imo State. Whatever or whoever fed him the fantasy of riding on attacks against the Imo State Government to realise his vaulting ambition of becoming governor through rabble-rousing has done him a terrible disservice.

    An unknown political quantity in the state, Amadi’s entry behaviour betrays a desperate and clumsy plot to curry public sentiment in his quest for power. In his rush to execute this plot, he has failed to be meticulous, failed to be circumspect, and above all, failed to be procedural.

    Only a political neophyte begins a political journey by doing the last things first and the first things last. In our party system, anyone desirous of elected office will naturally start by joining a political party, popularising himself within it, and galvanising the faithful to buy into his vision. Thereafter, he proceeds to contest the party primaries for the office he seeks. A general campaign follows after clinching the ticket. Yet, as we speak, Chima Amadi is not known as a member of any political party, but he has already begun a general campaign to be governor. This is pitiable, he may well end up never securing the ticket of any political party.

    So obsessed is he with ambition that it has clouded his thinking. The result is predictable: the prize he seeks will elude him. Matters are made worse by his preference for playing to the gallery instead of sticking to substance and facts.

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    He and his ilk abuse the unfettered democratic space provided by Distinguished Senator Hope Uzodimma. The governor has created an atmosphere for open political discourse in Imo State, granting everyone the freedom to speak, regardless of the rationality of their views. Unfortunately, some politicians have abused this right, crossing the line into sedition. While this administration welcomes constructive criticism, what Amadi has been engaging in is nothing short of sedition.

    For clarity, sedition is “the organised incitement of rebellion or civil disorder against authority or the state.” Another word for rebellion is insurrection. Therefore, when Amadi bandies around huge sums he claims Uzodimma has squandered, or says there is “nothing to show for it,” without proof, he crosses into seditious territory. In law, he who alleges must prove.

    At a recent seminar organised by the Catholic Men Organization (CMO) in Owerri, Amadi made damaging, baseless allegations against the Uzodimma administration. He falsely claimed that Imo State records the highest maternal mortality rate in Nigeria, 1,863 deaths per 100,000, due to poor health facilities. The truth is that the actual figure is 163 per 100,000 live births, a statistic that validates the state of our health facilities. Worse still, Amadi relied on 2018 data, predating Uzodimma’s tenure, to mislead his audience. In fact, a recent report by an international health journal clearly lists states with high maternal mortality rates, and Imo is not among them. Is it not wicked to attempt to incite the public with such falsehood?

    Amadi was equally reckless when he demanded that the government account for all monies received from the Federation Account from 2019 to date. A little effort would have shown him that Chapter 5, Part 2, Section 125, subsections 1 and 2 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) clearly spells out how public accounts are rendered. It does not require the government to account personally to Amadi or any other individual. A responsible citizen’s concern should be whether the government is complying with constitutional provisions. Clearly, Amadi is unaware of this, as his outing at Assumpta revealed his ignorance of the Nigerian Constitution. But perhaps he should do well to learn the elementary lesson of governance which is that public administration is driven by laws not whims.

    And speaking of stewardship, perhaps in Amadi’s world all the rehabilitation work on 305 health centres across the state counts for nothing unless each matches the National Hospital in Abuja. Likewise, all the recognition awards from reputable bodies, including international organisations, mean nothing unless issued by Amadi himself.

    When he claimed nothing was happening in the local governments, he had to capitulate when confronted with evidence, five kilometres of road built in each of the 27 LGAs. He would rather see such kilometres built monthly. Yet he remained silent on the uninterrupted power supply projects funded by LGAs or the fact that local government staff are being paid regularly. Naturally, if asked to prove that Uzodimma has seized LGA funds, he would have no evidence.

    Amadi’s incitement continues until the government accounts to him for every kobo generated since 2020. By arrogating to himself the  powers of the House of Assembly, he will only be satisfied when he assumes a supervisory role over the state’s finances. That is why he will not acknowledge that Uzodimma has added two new universities to the state’s lone existing one. To him, until 10,000 teachers are recruited, education is unfunded. He conveniently ignores that before Uzodimma, even lecturers were owed salaries, and that it takes substantial resources to pay the staff of three universities, one polytechnic, and one college of education while executing capital projects in the sector.

    Nor will Amadi acknowledge the billions invested in critical infrastructure across the state. When he drives through Imo, he should ask about the state of those roads before this administration. Perhaps he should ask his political associates from previous governments what Uzodimma did to make Imo roads motorable again. It is not enough to be loquacious, or even garrulous, in questioning the governor’s integrity. Like doubting Thomas, he wants to be led to each of the more than 120 completed roads before believing.

    Unfortunately for Amadi, Uzodimma will not be distracted by unsubstantiated allegations. These same tired claims of underperformance failed to stop his re-election, with Imo people returning him 100 per cent. People like Amadi could not even win their wards, let alone their LGAs, exposing their political irrelevance.

    Overwhelmed by Uzodimma’s record performance, they resort to deceit, lies, and incitement. When a man abandons the theme of a seminar to hurl mud at the government, it shows he has no ideas to sell. Amadi’s only campaign material is a virulent attack on the administration. He says he will release a manifesto in the future, I can hardly wait to see how he convinces Imo people he is not a wolf in sheep’s clothing.

    His undoing will be his fondness for throwing false allegations. It is telling that whenever there is a security breach, Amadi and his accomplice, Ikenga Ugochinyere, are first at the scene. This smacks of interference with evidence or confirming that their plans have been executed. Their haste in providing money and materials to victims of the recent Arondizuogu killings raises more questions than answers.

    But as Chief Security Officer of Imo State, Uzodimma will never shirk his responsibility to protect lives and property. He is not bound to reveal his security strategies outside the Security Council, nor does he need showmanship to prove he is doing his job. He works diligently with the federal government and security agencies to tackle crime.

    The arrest of those behind the beheading of a local government chairman, two years after the crime, proves the long arm of the law will reach criminals wherever they hide. Sponsors of such crimes are understandably jittery. Uzodimma has long said insecurity in Imo is politically motivated; unfolding events keep vindicating him.

    What Chima Amadi should know is this: those who peddle false allegations against the government will meet a disgraceful end. Those who hope to gain electoral mileage by inciting the public will face a bitter and crushing disappointment.

    Emelumba is Imo State Commissioner for Information, Public Orientation and Strategy

  • As people defect in and out, Kwara PDP remains intact, strong

    As people defect in and out, Kwara PDP remains intact, strong

    I read your story titled ‘24 PDP Leaders Defect to APC, ADC as Saraki loses grip in Kwara’ written by Adekunke Jimoh. It is a surprise that the same story had earlier been published word for word in the Phoenix online platform under the byline of  Adebiyi Abolaji. We can take it that both names represent the same writer or that plagiarism is at play. Anyway,  I believe the real writer, whatever his real name is, has exaggerated the small fact that he got to create a salacious piece.

    For us in PDP, not only in Kwara State, but on the national level, we believe this is the transfer season for politics. It is the same way you have a transfer period for professional football across all the countries with a functional league system. Players move from club to club for several reasons. Some were even forced out of their clubs because the clubs need to create space for others, while some go to look for greener pastures in other clubs.

    In the same way in our polity, politicians change parties for several reasons. The majority of those changing parties want to belong to the ruling party. Some others leave because they have calculated that the ticket for the elective offices they are seeking will not be given to them in the party they belong to. So they move to where they can get the tickets. Some others move because they have lost relevance to younger elements and new players in their current party. This group moves elsewhere to seek relevance.

    Now, to the question raised by your article. I don’t know where you got the figure of 24 politicians leaving PDP in Kwara State or how you came about that figure. Indeed, a few individuals who have occupied key elective government offices and secured prominent appointments on the platform of the PDP in Kwara State defected simply because our party is now in opposition, both at the state and federal levels. They have their reasons, and these reasons are not different from the ones I listed in the second paragraph of this write-up. We believe they have simply exercised their fundamental right of freedom of association.

    The question remains: What is the level of acceptance, grassroots popularity, electoral value, and political relevance of these individuals at the time they left the PDP? Some of them remained one of the reasons the PDP lost elections in 2019 and 2023. Some of them personify the mistakes PDP was said to have made while in power between 2003 and 2019. We can also submit that some of them left PDP because the party leadership in Kwara State adopted a new model of recruiting young, vibrant, popular, and brilliant men and women to take up leadership at the wards, Local government areas, and state as a way of rebranding, remodeling, refocusing, and restructuring the party. The party decided that the old players should step into the background. A few of our prominent members went to the APC, where they are now silenced and turned into League B players. Some went to ADC, where they have been struggling for existence and relevance.

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    We have no problem with the few people who left Kwara PDP. We want Mr. Adekunle Jimoh  to check out how many young men and women have since joined the PDP in Kwara State and how these men are mobilising the grassroots in the North, South, and Central Senatorial Districts Jimoh should check why the APC had to resort to wholesome writing of results during the last local government elections when the PDP young elements who were across the 16 LGAs and 193 wards swept the polls That is an example of what will happen during the 2027 polls. Mr. Jimoh should check why no PDP member who defected to APC in Kwara has remained happy or relevant as they were just boxed in and discarded like disused or out of fashion clothes. We need him to give us how many APC leaders have left since 2019. Many are now either in PDP or waiting to join it as the main opposition party in the state.

    Let me quickly dismiss at this point one claim in the write-up under review. The PDP or the Saraki Political Group has never in its activities, either during the over 40 years it controlled the politics of Kwara State or in the last six years that it has been out of power been a one-man show. Never. Decisions are taken by a collegiate leadership that operates at different levels. We have a bottom-to-top system in which decisions begin to evolve from the wards and are passed on to the state level where it is further discussed and endorsed by a group of leaders representing the entire state from across the three senatorial districts. That is the essence of having The Great Hall sessions, a feat many political groups have tried to emulate.

    That system remains till today. That system produced some of the people Mr. Jimoh mentioned as having complained about the system. It gave them the offices that made them ex-this – – ex-that. That system, by the grace of God, will continue to produce new leaders who will provide good governance not only in Kwara State but across the country.

    May God bless Kwara PDP. May God bless Kwara State. May God bless Nigeria.

    Olusola is the State Publicity Secretary

  • Makinde: Compacting the pact for greater impact

    Makinde: Compacting the pact for greater impact

    By Sulaimon Olanrewaju

    Sony was already a global brand before it came up with its Walkman on July 1, 1979. This device, which allowed individuals to enjoy music of their choice wherever they were and anytime they wanted, revolutionized the electronics industry globally and played a major role in pushing Sony to the fore as the leading electronics company because the product sold over 400million units.

    The Walkman was developed at the instance of Sony co-founder, Masaru Ibuka. Ibuka, a music enthusiast, loved to go about with Sony TC-D5, so as to be able to enjoy music wherever he was. When he had to make some long flights in 1979, he requested one of the company’s engineers, Norio Ohga, to develop something smaller and more portable than TC-D5 so that he could enjoy music on the flights.

    Working with Sony Pressman, a portable, monaural tape recorder, Ohga was able to design a device that enabled Ibuka enjoy his choice of music on his trips. Thus was born the Walkman.

    But rather than build on this feat which earned it a fortune, Sony embarked on a long chest-thumping binge. By the time it returned to reality, Apple had built on the Walkman to develop the iPod. Thus, despite giving the world its first mobile stereo music device, Sony failed to move to the next stage. Apple beat Sony to it by coming up with the iPod.

    This is known as the Sony slip.

    Although Sony is still running, it is no longer a front runner in the industry it once dominated. Complacency is always costly.

    Armed with the Roadmap for Accelerated Development 2019-2023 and the Roadmap for Sustainable Development 2023-2027, both of which constitute his pact with the people of Oyo State, the former for his first tenure and the latter for the current tenure, Governor ‘Seyi Makinde has birthed unprecedented development in Oyo State. He has constructed more kilometers of roads than any governor in the history of the state, he has employed more civil and public servants than any of the governors that came before him, he has promoted agribusiness more than any governor in the country, he has renovated more schools than any of the governors since 1999, he has appointed more permanent secretaries than any of his predecessors in office, he has funded security outfits more than any of the governors that preceded him, he has championed inclusivity more than any other governor in the history of the state, he has reduced the dependency of the state on FAAC allocation more than any other governor in the state’s history, he has put the state on the world stage more than any of his predecessors through his domestication of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), being the first sub-national to do so, he has attracted more investments into the state than any other governor since 1999, he has supported primary healthcare more than any governor in the history of the state, he has established more institutions and agencies than any governor in the history of the state, he has taken urban renewal to a height never experienced before in the state, he is the first Oyo State governor to achieve independent power generation. Indeed, Makinde has shown the people of Oyo State that his understanding of leadership is service to the people. 

    His unmatched performance has left the people in awe. Consequently, the applause from all the zones, cities, towns, wards and villages across the state has been deafening. But the governor has always maintained that he is not doing any of the things he is doing for the applause, but for impact.

    So, unlike Sony, which plateaued after reaching a significant height, Oyo State governor, ‘Seyi Makinde, keeps revving up despite his unparalleled accomplishments. For Makinde, complacency is a sacrilege, slowing down is a sin and resting on the oars is a crime against the people who entrusted their collective destiny to him. For him, the tempo of service delivery has to keep rising until he breasts the tape in the final seconds of May 28, 2027. Therefore, rather than rolling out the drums to celebrate the feats he has accomplished, Makinde believes he has to roll up his sleeves to deliver more dividends of good governance and exceptional leadership to all and sundry in Oyo State.

    Speaking on the theme “Reflecting on Omituntun 2.0: Towards Building an Enduring Legacy” at the Omituntun 2.0 Mid-Term Leadership Retreat held recently at the International Institute of Tropical Agriculture (IITA), Ibadan, Makinde told his cabinet members, heads of departments and agencies as well as permanent secretaries that notwithstanding the strides of the administration over the past six years, it was not yet time for backslapping or self adulation but a time to tighten the belt, work smarter and collaborate better so that the administration could finish on a high note.

    After thanking members of his team for their contributions to the success recorded, the governor threw some posers:

    “Have we made progress? Yes.

    “Are we where we need to be? Not yet.”

    Not one for theatrics, Makinde drove home the point. He said, “Across our Roadmap, there remain gaps — not of vision, but of delivery. Projects that began with promise now need a final push.”

    Expatiating on this, the governor said: “Several critical road and transport infrastructure projects are behind schedule. Our Agribusiness Industrial Hubs — Eruwa, Akufo, Ijaiye— are not yet completed. Solid Minerals Development is just gradually taking off. IGR targets, although rising, have not yet met the monthly benchmark we envisioned.

    “These are not failures. They are reminders that great visions demand deliberate coordination — across ministries, agencies, and partners.”

    He then gave the clincher: “Finishing strong requires inter-ministerial collaboration. No single ministry can build a legacy. Not Agriculture alone. Not Education alone. Not Public Works, Energy or Lands. But together, they can.”

    Makinde told his team members that the last half of the current tenure should not be about starting new projects but about completing ongoing ones. He urged them to consolidate institutional wins, while ensuring that all arms of government work in alignment.

    To leave no one in doubt about his determination to see that his administration delivers optimal benefits to the people, Makinde proposed an Oyo State Delivery Taskforce, a monthly review system among ministries to unlock bottlenecks, track legacy projects, and solve problems before they escalate.

    He also proposed a public-facing Legacy Dashboard to show citizens what is left to complete and who is responsible as well as quarterly cross-ministerial retreats, focused not on reporting activities, but on co-delivering outcomes.

    The governor said the Legacy Dashboard could be patterned after the Rwandan model known as the Imihigo Delivery Compact, through which ministers publicly state what they will accomplish, so the public can hold them accountable when they do not.

    Stressing that the exercise would not be an excuse to drop any appointee, Makinde said by deploying the strategy, Oyo State would be setting its own gold standard, which is grounded in coordination, not competition.

    The governor then announced the launch of Oyo State’s Performance Delivery Compact, which he said would afford each Ministry, Department, and Agency to identify three to five legacy deliverables that could be realistically completed before 2027. The deliverables will then be broken down into 6-month targets — what would be delivered by January 2026, and what would be completed by May 2027. The MDAs are to ensure that each deliverable is S.M.A.R.T. — Specific, Measurable, Achievable, Relevant, and Time-bound. These deliverables will then be published as their Oyo Legacy Pledge.

    He added that the MDAs should be prepared to stand before the public and say: “This is what we promised. This is what we delivered.” He also underscored the importance of collaboration among the MDAs through Joint Compacts, especially where outcomes overlap — such as infrastructure and commerce, education and youth, tourism and environment.

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    Governor Makinde said, “These compacts will be monitored quarterly and reviewed at our Legacy Retreat in 2026. They will guide resourcing, visibility, and decision-making for the remainder of this administration. The Oyo State Legacy Compact is not a slogan. It is a covenant. A pact between us and the people we serve.”

    The governor then gave a list of four things that must be accomplished for the administration to build a legacy that would transcend generations.

    He said completion must be prioritized: “We must finish the agribusiness hubs, upgrade our PHCs, deliver the airport and feeder roads.”

    Whatever works must be institutionalized: “We must protect effective policies through legal frameworks and performance-linked budgeting.”

    The process, not just the product must be celebrated: “We must make our delivery model transparent and replicable.”

    Successors must be empowered, not sabotaged: “A true legacy is one that outlives its architects.”

    He added, “We are at a defining point. The foundation is solid. The vision is clear. The next two years must be about intentional delivery, inter-ministerial synergy, and generational impact.”

    Then he delivered the crux of his presentation: “Let us remember: A legacy is not what you start. It is what you finish — and finish well. Let posterity say of this government, of this season: They came, they saw the gaps… and they closed them.”

    Makinde’s commitment to the development of Oyo State is both humbling and inspiring. At a time when other second term governors are strategizing for the next election and trying to position themselves for opportunities in Abuja, Makinde is compacting his pact with the people to the most important things and concentrating energy and resources on the most critical things that would positively impact the people and leave an impact for generations yet to come.

    Makinde, on assumption of office, hit the ground running and also wants to yield the ground running at the end of his tenure, thus setting a template for good governance and exemplary leadership. 

    This is probably why Mr Ayodele Ogundele, Chief Executive Officer of Davies Hotel, Ibadan, said in an interview that he had never seen a second term governor working as conscientiously as Makinde is doing.

    The best gift a people can have is a leader who does not pay perfunctory interest to their welfare, but one who braces all the odds to improve the people’s lot. Makinde goes the extra mile to make life meaningful for every resident of the state; he leaves no stone unturned to turn around the fortune of the state. So, if Oyo State appears to be on a present continuous development trajectory, it is because it is led by a governor who is consistently raising the bar of service delivery.

    •Dr Olanrewaju is the Chief Press Secretary to Oyo State Governor.

  • Oborevwori’s two years of developing human capital in Delta

    Oborevwori’s two years of developing human capital in Delta

    By Festus Ahon

    When Elder Sheriff Francis Orohwedor Oborevwori assumed office as governor of Delta State on May 29, 2023, he came with a clear vision and a bold promise: to govern for all Deltans and deliver the M.O.R.E Agenda —Meaningful Development, Opportunities for All, Realistic Reforms, and Enhanced Peace and Security.

    Two years into his administration, that vision is translating into measurable results in all aspects of human  endeavours, but in this edition of The Governor’s Diary, we will look at his efforts in human capital development—empowering individuals, supporting families, and laying a firm foundation for a more prosperous Delta State.

    Oborevwori’s people-centred approach has become the hallmark of his governance. While infrastructure, economic growth, and institutional reforms have advanced, the governor’s strategic focus on education, employment, social protection, civil service reforms, and health is changing lives in unprecedented ways.

    One of the earliest signs of this people-first agenda emerged in the civil service. Recognising that a motivated and efficient workforce is key to delivering the dividends of democracy, the administration swiftly addressed long-standing issues—beginning with the payment of over N5.5 billion in promotion arrears to over 23,887 civil servants across the state.

    This unprecedented gesture, which restored career progression and boosted morale, sent a clear message: under Oborevwori, public servants will be respected and empowered. The government followed through with targeted recruitment to fill critical workforce gaps, especially in the education sector. Over 3,947 teaching and non-teaching staff were engaged across Delta’s 25 local government areas to strengthen learning outcomes and service delivery in Primary Schools.

    To further enhance competence and professionalism, the administration institutionalised regular training and retraining programmes, fostering a culture of continuous learning within the Delta State Civil Service. These initiatives have repositioned the workforce into a more efficient, responsive, and citizen-focused institution.

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    Governor Oborevwori’s commitment to human capital development also extends to those who have served and retired. By August 2024, his administration had disbursed over N14.49 billion in pension benefits to retired state workers, ensuring that retirees are not left in penury after years of service.

    In addition, the administration facilitated a N40 billion loan for local governments to clear the massive backlog of unpaid pensions owed to primary  school teaching and non-teaching, and othervlocal government retirees.

     This gesture, long overdue, brought hope and financial stability to thousands of elderly citizens, many of whom had resigned to despair. By honouring pension obligations, the administration is reaffirming the principle that public service should be rewarded with dignity, not suffering.

     In a time of widespread economic hardship across Nigeria, the Oborevwori administration took proactive steps to shield the most vulnerable from the harsh effects of inflation and unemployment. One of the most impactful of these steps was the launch of the M.O.R.E. Grant Scheme in May 2024, a direct economic intervention targeting petty traders, artisans, and female entrepreneurs.

     A total of 5,426 beneficiaries comprising 1,600 petty traders, 1,826 artisans, and 2,000 women-led enterprises received financial grants to boost their businesses. The initiative was not just about money; it was about hope, about giving people a second chance to provide for their families and grow their livelihoods.

     Another major initiative under this empowerment drive was the Delta COVID-19 Action Recovery and Economic Stimulus (D-CARES) programme. This initiative provided support to more than 250,000 Deltans from across the state, enabling them to expand their businesses, create jobs, and improve their living conditions. These efforts represent a clear intention by the Oborevwori-led government to reduce poverty, stimulate grassroots economies, and foster inclusive prosperity.

    At the heart of the Oborevwori administration’s human capital development strategy is a strong belief in education as a transformative force. Over the past two years, his government has made significant investments to support students across various levels of the education system ensuring that no child is left behind due to financial constraints.

     For the 2022/2023 academic session, N674.48 million was disbursed in bursaries to over 30,000 students of Delta origin in tertiary institutions across Nigeria. The momentum continued in 2023/2024, with N713 million allocated to 32,028 students, spanning universities, polytechnics, colleges of education, nursing schools, and even military academies. These disbursements, which began in February of each year, were done transparently and without bias, reflecting the administration’s commitment to fairness and merit.

     What truly sets the Oborevwori-led administration apart is its sensitivity to vulnerable groups. Special scholarships were approved for 628 children of deceased civil servants and 60 students with physical disabilities. These targeted interventions have not only earned widespread praise but have also demonstrated what inclusive governance should look like — compassionate, responsive, and just.

     The administration’s educational support also extended to professional training, particularly for aspiring legal practitioners. Understanding the significant financial demands of the Nigerian Law School, the Oborevwori government approved N43.69 million in 2022/2023 and N82 million in 2023/2024 to support Delta State indigenes enrolled in the programme. This included both regular and backlog students, totalling hundreds of beneficiaries across the country.

     By removing financial barriers to legal education, the government is grooming a new generation of lawyers equipped to contribute meaningfully to society. This initiative underscores the administration’s strategic focus on not just general literacy but also professional excellence.

     Through these multifaceted investments in people, workers, retirees, students, traders, and entrepreneurs, Governor Oborevwori is leaving an indelible mark on Delta State’s human development landscape. His policies reflect an administration that listens, and leads with empathy.

     The achievements in just two years are a testament to what is possible when leadership is grounded in purpose and driven by the will to serve. Governor Oborevwori has shown that development is not only about roads, bridges, and buildings, but also about building people and empowering them with the tools to create better lives for themselves and future generations.

     As Deltans look ahead, the trajectory is clear: with continued focus on education, employment, social protection, and empowerment, the Oborevwori administration is laying a strong and sustainable foundation for Delta’s long-term prosperity. His brand of leadership is calm, inclusive, consistent, and result-driven, and has not only inspired hope but is steadily delivering on the promise of M.O.R.E.

     In today’s Delta State, the story is no longer one of unfulfilled potential, but of a people on the move, rising with dignity, working with purpose, and dreaming with confidence. And at the center of that transformation stands a Governor who is showing, by action, that human capital development is not just a policy, it is a mission.

    • Ahon is spokesman to the Delta governor

  • 2027: Enugu and Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda

    2027: Enugu and Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda

    By Chukwunonye Okereke

    As Nigeria gradually approaches the defining year of 2027, political permutations are already gathering momentum across the country. At the heart of these early alignments lies a crucial question: who will drive President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda in regions where the All Progressives Congress (APC) seeks to establish a deeper foothold?

    In the Southeast — and particularly in Enugu State — the answer does not require guesswork. One name continues to stand tall, not just for his loyalty but also for his strategic relevance and unbroken grassroots connection: Chief Uche Nnaji, the current Minister of Innovation, Science, and Technology.

    While many politicians in the region stood aloof or in outright opposition to President Tinubu’s emergence in 2023, Nnaji took a principled stand by flying the APC flag in a hostile political climate. His commitment to the party, the president, and the idea of national integration makes him not just a participant in the Renewed Hope project but a pillar of its future success in Enugu.

    It is no secret that the APC remains politically isolated in much of the Southeast. In such an environment, loyalty is not mere symbolism—it is sacrificial leadership. Chief Uche Nnaji stood firm when many sought the convenient refuge of political expediency. His 2023 campaign, while falling short electorally, succeeded in planting a resilient structure for the APC across the 17 local government areas of Enugu State.

    This loyalty should not be overlooked or taken for granted as 2027 approaches.

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    The presidency and the APC national structure must resist the temptation to court familiar but flawed political names in Enugu—names that have proven either electorally irrelevant or disconnected from the masses.

    Many of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) bigwigs who assured President Tinubu during the last general election that they would deliver for him in the state could not even secure an appreciable vote for the APC in their senatorial districts. It is only by the grace of former Rivers State Governor Nyesom Wike that they are still relevant in the main opposition party. Under the current dispensation, would they be able to galvanise support for the president? How?

    Many of the PDP chieftains assuring the president in the current dispensation ahead of 2027 are only interested in using his growing influence for political survival. They do not believe in the ideology of the APC. Their desperation stems from the discontent they are facing among the electorate in the key Southeast state. The current economic pressure in the state, occasioned by high inflation and insecurity, has left many disenfranchised.

    The Enugu State Government is not helping matters. The government’s demolition of structures in the state, targeting homes, shops, and long-standing businesses, has created deep social resentment. Instead of empathy and urban renewal, many residents feel a sense of displacement and betrayal.

    Chief Nnaji offers a vastly different approach. He is neither burdened by past governance failures nor detached from his people. His technocratic exposure as a minister in the Tinubu administration is balanced with street credibility and cultural resonance in Enugu communities. His emphasis on innovation, education, youth empowerment, and digital skills matches the administration’s long-term vision.

    Nnaji is the face of a new APC—clean, competent, and inclusive.

    The politics of 2027 must be grounded in truth, and the APC cannot afford to gamble with recycled politicians who have lost touch with reality and are seeking survival strategies. The stakes are too high. The minister represents both continuity and credibility. He is one of the few Igbo leaders who openly supported the president in the region, and thereby risked political capital.

    If Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda is to resonate in Enugu in 2027, it must wear the face of Uche Nnaji. He is not just a political figure—he is a pivot, a stabiliser, and a bridge between the Southeast and the nation’s centre of power.

    •Okereke, a political affairs analyst and developmet advocate writes from Enugu

  • Delta’s decentralised mini-grid: An innovation in power generation, distribution

    Delta’s decentralised mini-grid: An innovation in power generation, distribution

    By George Etakibuebu

    On Tuesday, July 22, 2025, the Delta State Executive Council (EXCO) approved an innovative State Electricity Policy by adopting a decentralized mini-grid model and also establishing new regulatory bodies designed to jointly overhaul the state’s electricity sector. This initiative, underpinned by the domestication of the Federal Government’s Electricity Act 2023, and signed into law by Governor Sheriff Oborevwori in early April, promises to be a significant milestone in Nigeria’s sub-national energy landscape.

    By embracing a decentralized mini-grid framework and creating specialized regulatory institutions, Delta State is pioneering an innovative approach to power generation, distribution, and supply. This policy, represents a groundbreaking shift — addressing longstanding challenges in Nigeria’s electricity sector, fostering inclusivity, promoting sustainability, and setting a model for other states with its potential to reshape Delta State’s energy future.

    It is an incontestable fact that Nigeria’s electricity sector has long been plagued by inefficiencies, including inadequate generation capacity, unreliable distribution networks, and significant energy access gaps, particularly in rural areas. According to estimates from the National Bureau of Statistics, over half of Delta State’s population is either off-grid or underserved by the national grid, with electricity unavailable up to 87.4% of the time in some communities. Despite being Nigeria’s second-largest oil and gas producing state, Delta has relied heavily on fossil fuel-based power and the national grid, which has failed to meet the energy demands of its 5.4 million residents or support its vibrant agricultural and commercial activities.

    The Electricity Act 2023, enacted by the Federal Government and signed into law by President Bola Tinubu on June 8, 2023. decentralized regulatory authority, allowing states to legislate and manage their electricity markets. Delta State’s swift domestication of this act provided a legal framework to innovate within its energy sector. The approval of a decentralized mini-grid model and the establishment of regulatory bodies reflect a strategic response to these challenges, leveraging local resources and governance to deliver reliable, affordable, and sustainable power.

    The adoption of a decentralized mini-grid model is certain to be a cornerstone of Delta State’s electricity sector transformation. Unlike the traditional centralized grid, which relies on large-scale power plants and extensive transmission networks, mini-grids are localized systems that generate and distribute electricity to specific communities or clusters. This model is particularly suited to Delta State, where geographical challenges—30% of the state’s surface area is covered by water—and dispersed rural populations make centralized grid extension costly and almost impractical.

    Without doubt, mini-grids offer several innovative advantages in power generation. They enable electricity generation close to the point of consumption, reducing transmission losses that plague Nigeria’s national grid. By integrating renewable energy sources such as solar, wind, or biomass, Delta State can harness its abundant natural resources, including natural gas, sunlight and other agricultural waste, to produce clean energy.

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    Mini-grids are modular and can be scaled to meet varying energy demands, from small rural communities to larger urban clusters. This flexibility will allow Delta State to tailor solutions to specific local needs, whether for household lighting, agricultural processing, or small-scale industries. The model’s adaptability aligns with global trends, where micro-grids are projected to grow by 19–20% annually through 2030, driven by their ability to support distributed energy resources (DERs).

    The mini-grid model prioritizes inclusivity by targeting rural and remote communities that are often neglected by centralized systems. In Delta State, where an estimated 78.3% of households were electrified by 2014, but many still face unreliable supply, mini-grids can bridge the access gap, and thus supporting Governor Oborevwori’s MORE Agenda for equitable infrastructure development.

    Mini-grids enhance energy resilience by operating independently or in tandem with the national grid. In the event of grid failures—a common occurrence in Nigeria—mini-grids ensure uninterrupted power supply, supporting critical services like healthcare and education. This resilience is vital in Delta State, where coastal communities are vulnerable to climate-related disruptions.

    By adopting this model, Delta State is aligning with successful global examples, such as Kenya’s licensing of private mini-grid operators like Powerhive and India’s deployment of 84 mini-power plants by Husk Power Systems between 2012 and 2016. These cases demonstrate that mini-grids, when supported by robust policy frameworks, can transform energy access and stimulate economic growth.

    The creation of new regulatory bodies —the Delta State Electricity Commission, the Rural Electricity Agency, a System Operator, and a Market Operator —represents a forward-thinking approach to managing the decentralized energy market. These institutions will surely address critical gaps in oversight, coordination, and service delivery, ensuring that the mini-grid model operates efficiently and equitably.

    As the central regulatory authority, the Delta State Electricity Commission is saddled with issuing licenses, monitoring compliance, and mediating disputes between operators and consumers. This body is to ensure that private investors, encouraged by the state’s open electricity market, adhere to standards that prioritize affordability and reliability. By providing a clear regulatory framework, the Commission will reduce investment risks, attracting private sector participation—a critical factor in scaling mini-grid deployment.

     The Rural Electricity Agency will focus on delivering electricity to underserved rural communities, addressing the equity component of the MORE Agenda. By prioritizing rural electrification, Delta State is tackling the 60–70 percent energy access gap in the Niger Delta’s rural areas. The agency’s role in the main, will be mobilizing resources and coordinating projects to ensure that mini-grids reach the “last mile” communities, thus fostering inclusive development.

    The System Operator will oversee the technical coordination of generation and supply, ensuring grid stability and efficient integration of mini-grids with the national grid where applicable. The Market Operator will in turn track supply data, enforce service standards, and guarantees minimum electricity hours for consumers. These roles introduce a level of professionalism and accountability previously lacking in Nigeria’s electricity sector, and thus align with international best practices seen in countries like Singapore, where regulatory sandboxes support virtual power plants.

    What is more, the appointment of a consultant to guide the transition process further underscores Delta State’s commitment to a structured and expert-driven rollout. This consultancy will develop a robust implementation roadmap, drawing on lessons from other jurisdictions, such as California’s micro-grid tariff program, which incentivizes private investment while ensuring consumer protections.

    It is important to emphasize that the decentralized mini-grid model and regulatory framework have far-reaching implications for Delta State’s economy, environment, and social fabric in many positive ways than one.

    By improving electricity access, mini-grids effortlessly stimulate economic activities, particularly in agriculture and small-scale industries by enabling micro-enterprises like refrigeration services and fish-smoking kitchens to thrive, boosting local economies. The open electricity market, supported by clear regulations, attracts private investment, creating jobs in renewable energy development, maintenance, and system operations.

    Mini-grids, particularly those powered by renewables, will reduce Delta State’s reliance on fossil fuels, which account for 87.5 percent of its electricity mix. By promoting alternative and other clean energy sources, the state aligns with Nigeria’s vision of 30 percent renewable energy by 2030 and global decarbonization goals. This shift mitigates the environmental impact of gas-fired plants and supports climate resilience in a state vulnerable to coastal flooding.

    The focus on rural electrification will ensures that marginalized communities gain access to modern energy services, improving quality of life and enabling productive uses of energy, such as processing and refrigeration for fishing communities where community leadership are able to partnered with private providers, will demonstrate beyond debate how mini-grids empower local stakeholders.

    As a recap, Delta State’s adoption of a decentralized mini-grid model and establishment of regulatory bodies represent a bold and innovative step toward transforming its electricity sector. By prioritizing localized generation, inclusivity, and robust governance, Governor Oborevwori has given meaning to the M.O.R.E agenda by addressing longstanding energy access challenges while aligning with global trends toward renewable energy and decentralization. The policy’s socio-economic benefits—job creation, economic diversification, and improved quality of life—position Delta State as a leader in Nigeria’s energy transition. As Commissioner for Economic Planning, Sonny Ekedayen, noted during a post-Executive Council (EXCO) press briefing in Asaba on Tuesday, “Delta is on course to becoming a model for sub-national electricity transformation in Nigeria.” With continued commitment to implementation and stakeholder collaboration, Delta State’s innovative approach could inspire other Nigerian states and sub-national entities worldwide to rethink their energy futures.

    •Etakibuebu, a public affairs analyst, writes from Ikeja, Lagos State.

  • Tinubu, 2027 and Buhari’s sad death

    Tinubu, 2027 and Buhari’s sad death

    By Tunde Rahman

    As if blessed with clairvoyance or possibly having a premonition of President Muhammadu Buhari’s imminent death, former Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Mr. Boss Mustapha, seemed to have stirred up the debate around the former President’s political strength and likely impact on the 2027 election, even in death.

    On Wednesday, July 9, 2025, just four days before Buhari’s death, the former SGF claimed President Bola Tinubu did not make Buhari president in 2015. He was speaking at the public presentation of a book, titled “According to the President: Lessons From A Presidential Spokesman’s Experience,” written by Mallam Garba Shehu, Spokesman to the late Buhari.

    In his keynote address at the book launch, Mustapha argued that the former President’s fame was never in doubt and that he had already had over 12 million votes in his kitty before the 2015 election. “The merger of the legacy parties merely contributed three million votes to his victory at the 2015 presidential election,” he noted.

    To speak of the true motive behind such a claim or whether the 12 million votes endured would only be conjectural. Yet, it begs the question: If Buhari had always had a guaranteed bloc of 12 million votes, and the alliance partners contributed only three million votes, many would wonder why those massive votes didn’t make him President in 2003, 2007, and 2011 until President Tinubu and others teamed up with him to form an alliance that produced the all–conquering All Progressives Congress.

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    This might have been akin to dissipating energy on a matter that would have been merely academic if the late President himself had not often acknowledged President Tinubu’s help in his ascent to the exalted office. Last March 29, in a telephone call to the President on his 73rd birthday, Buhari rejoiced with him and thanked Tinubu effusively for his contributions to his emergence as President in 2015.

    Notwithstanding the foregoing, the former SGF’s assertion provides a valuable insight into assessing the potential influence the former President’s death may have on the 2027 election.

    Former President Buhari lived a remarkable life by every measure, and his departure in a blaze of glory was no less extraordinary. President Tinubu accorded him a historic state burial. In the wake of Buhari’s demise on Sunday, July 13, in a London hospital, President Tinubu declared seven days of national mourning and ordered the nation’s flag flown at half-staff. The President was on hand to receive Buhari’s body as it arrived in Katsina from the United Kingdom. Just as significant, the Federal Government declared a public holiday on Tuesday, July 15, when Buhari’s remains were buried in his Daura hometown in Katsina State.

    President Tinubu led dignitaries, including President Umaru Sissoco Embaló of Guinea-Bissau, Prime Minister of the Niger Republic, Ali Lamine Zeine, Vice President Kashim Shettima, former President of the Niger Republic, Issoufou Mahamadou, former Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, many Nigerian governors and business leaders, to escort the late President’s remains on the long drive to Daura. They witnessed as the former President was laid to rest.

    No honour would be too much for that late patriot, civil war hero, distinguished army general, and former President, who stood for the Talakawas. Many Nigerians respected Buhari for living a Spartan life and standing for truth and justice, values that earned him the sobriquet “Mai Gaskiya.”

    How will President Buhari’s death impact the politics of the 2027 election and President Tinubu’s re-election, with the opposition swirling around him, baying for blood? It is yet unclear. Indeed, in the run-up to the 2027 election, some analysts liken former President Buhari’s death to a double-edged sword that can cut both ways. They contend that the impact of his demise on the 2027 election can swing for and against President Tinubu.

    Those who think his passing may chip away at the President’s re-election plans contend that Buhari remained a true and consistent ally of Tinubu till death and that the partnership between the two, built on mutual trust and respect, had remained strong until Buhari’s passing. Buhari never spoke against Tinubu or his administration while alive. The former President reportedly commended Tinubu for having the courage to make bold decisions about the economy, which he had found difficult to implement.

    There was nothing to suggest that Buhari would not have backed Tinubu in 2027 if he were still alive, given that he had consistently emphasised his indebtedness to the APC, which provided the platform that enabled him to become President, and Tinubu, who assisted him on his presidential journey.

    Perhaps realising this Tinubu-Buhari connection, opposition political figures, particularly members of the so-called coalition-African Democratic Congress, including politicians from the North who still regard themselves as Buharists or Buhari Boys, desperately sought to outdo each other in a bid to earn cheap political capital, using Buhari’s death as fodder.

    Barely a day after Buhari’s death was announced, former governor of Kaduna State, Malam Nasir el-Rufai, arrived in Katsina to position himself as a foremost Buhari ally and the inheritor of his political dynasty. Former Transportation Minister Rotimi Amaechi also arrived in Daura, fully draped in a turban, as a traditional chief of the town, to gain an advantage for the coalition.

    Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar organised a grand entry into Daura on Tuesday, the day of Buhari’s burial. A motley crowd of his supporters cheered him at the airport, but it was all of no moment, rather gaudy for the sombre event. For effect, some of the opposition figures headed for Buhari’s graveside last Wednesday to pray for the repose of his soul.

    Buhari’s death appears to have opened up the leadership space in the North. And no political leader in the North today commands that extraordinary following as Buhari. With his passing, a rat race has ensued for leadership supremacy. This situation somewhat plays to President Tinubu’s advantage, despite the suggestion that it may hurt him politically. Indeed, this is by no means glossing over the huge void and the pains that the statesman’s death has left.

    President Tinubu has taken the proper steps to give the former president a befitting burial. In other to further immortalize his name, he named the University of Maiduguri in Borno State after Buhari. The President did all that for a leader who served the country resolutely and a political ally who stood by the spirit and letter of their convictions.

    In my view, all the President needs to do now and do strongly is seize the momentum, galvanise the rump of the Congress for Progressives Change elements that believe in him and those of other alliance partners in the North and South of the country, and assume full leadership of the Tinubu-Buhari alliance that produced the APC and produced Buhari and himself as presidents.

    •Rahman is Senior Assistant to the President on Media and Special Duties.

  • Farooq Kperogi’s false claims on Buhari: A moral, legal reckoning

    Farooq Kperogi’s false claims on Buhari: A moral, legal reckoning

    By Bukola Oyeniyi

    Although Nigeria just witnessed a change of leadership and the passing of former President Muhammadu Buhari, one “columnist” has been busy peddling falsehoods and toxic commentary around these events. Dr. Farooq Kperogi – a professor of journalism turned social media provocateur – recently retracted a blatantly baseless claim about the Buhari family and offered a public apology. As one of the many Nigerians he maligned and insulted for challenging his story, I find his belated mea culpa insufficient. This public statement serves as a strong condemnation of Dr. Kperogi’s erstwhile positions on President Buhari’s death and the false information he spread about the collapse of Buhari’s marriage. It addresses both the moral outrage and potential legal ramifications of his actions.

    A Pattern of Sensational Misinformation

    Farooq Kperogi is no stranger to controversial claims. For years, he relished his role as one of Buhari’s “fiercest critics”, penning biting columns and social media posts. Even in debunking wild conspiracy theories, he often did so with a poisonous twist. A telling example came in 2018 at the height of the absurd “Jibril from Sudan” rumor (the claim that Buhari had died and been replaced by a body double). Kperogi ostensibly dismissed the tale as “implausible absurdity,” yet still seized the moment to ridicule Buhari on the world stage, agreeing with a student’s sneering quip that “while your president certainly isn’t a clone, he sure is a clown”. Such flippant disdain for the truth – mixing fact with personal invective – has become a hallmark of Kperogi’s commentary.

    Fast forward to 2025, and Kperogi’s penchant for sensationalism only grew worse. In the immediate aftermath of President Buhari’s death in July, Kperogi decided to weigh in on how Nigerians should react. He argued in one commentary that Nigerians were grappling with “whether it offends decency to celebrate his death… and whether Nigerians should forgive his betrayal of the country”, calling his own views “slightly unconventional”. Indeed, unconventional is an understatement. While Kperogi professed that he personally found no value in rejoicing at anyone’s demise – citing the inevitability of death to all – he also disturbingly rationalized the public celebration of Buhari’s death under certain conditions. He mused that had Buhari died while still inflicting “harsh policies” on the populace, “it would be justified… if people that were being crushed under the weight of his ineptitude and insouciance exulted”. In other words, he effectively endorsed the idea of dancing on a leader’s grave if the timing fit his narrative of comeuppance. Such a ghoulish stance offends basic decency.

    Even when Kperogi attempted to sound high-minded by urging restraint, he did so only selectively. Publicly, he admonished people “to resist the temptation to mock the dead,” noting that “we diminish ourselves when we rejoice in another’s demise”. He wrote that Buhari’s death evoked in him “an inexplicable sense of loss” despite their deep differences. Yet in the same breath, he took it upon himself to pronounce that Buhari’s legacy of “betrayal” was “both unforgivable and inerasable” by Nigerians – essentially decreeing that the late President’s “offenses to the Nigerian state” put him beyond any human forgiveness. This contradiction reveals Kperogi’s hypocrisy: he appealed for solemnity and compassion on one hand, but on the other hand he fanned the flames of animosity by insisting that Buhari was beyond redemption even in death. Such posturing was nothing more than vindictiveness dressed up as moral analysis.

    The False Divorce Claim: Irresponsible and Hurtful

    Kperogi’s worst transgression came on July 16, 2025, when he published a scandalous claim on his verified Facebook page that struck at the heart of Buhari’s family. With an air of absolute certainty, he declared that Nigeria’s former First Lady Aisha Buhari had been “divorced from the late President Muhammadu Buhari before his death.” According to Kperogi, this was not rumor but fact – information from an unimpeachable source, he insisted. He even alleged that Aisha had reverted to her maiden name (Aisha Halilu) well before President Buhari passed away. To bolster this story, Kperogi pointed to circumstantial “evidence” that, in hindsight, was both flimsy and intrusive: he noted that the First Lady hadn’t accompanied Buhari to his hometown Daura upon retirement, that Buhari lived alone in Kaduna afterward, and that when he fell ill, “she reportedly hesitated [to go to London to care for him] because she was no longer his wife.” She only went in his final days “after intense persuasion,” Kperogi wrote. He further insinuated that “during this period of mourning, she seems understandably conflicted about her role” – a snide suggestion that her grief was somehow less legitimate because of an alleged marital rift.

    These assertions were invasive, reckless, and deeply hurtful. Kperogi was broadcasting intimate allegations about a private marriage – something clearly beyond the realm of public interest – as if they were gospel truth. He did so without any official documentation, without a single on-record confirmation, and without giving Mrs. Buhari the basic courtesy of responding. In effect, he treated a sensitive family matter as fodder for Facebook gossip, at a time when the woman in question was freshly mourning her husband.

    Unsurprisingly, this salacious post went viral, spreading like wildfire across social media and even making its way into some online news outlets. And just as unsurprisingly, it drew sharp backlash. Many Nigerians immediately questioned the veracity of Kperogi’s claim – myself included. We asked: Where is the evidence? Why should we trust this single-source story? Rather than pause and reflect, Dr. Kperogi doubled down. Those of us who dared to challenge him were met not with reasoned explanation, but with derision and insults. He dismissed skeptics as ignorant or blind, effectively insulting our intelligence by implying we “didn’t pay close enough attention” to notice the things he claimed to see. It was an astonishing display of hubris. Instead of a responsible journalist’s healthy skepticism, Kperogi exhibited a propagandist’s certainty – and an egotist’s intolerance for dissent.

    Crucially, the people who actually knew the facts were quick to refute Kperogi’s story. Alhaji Sani Zorro, a former aide to Mrs. Buhari, reached out directly and publicly debunked the divorce claim, conveying the former First Lady’s strong denial. According to Zorro – and confirmed by Aisha’s own account – her marriage was intact until President Buhari’s final breath. She never divorced him. In fact, she was by his side in his last moments, and she fully retained her identity as his wife. She even stood grief-stricken at Buhari’s burial in Daura, receiving condolences from dignitaries – an image that utterly contradicts Kperogi’s insinuation that she had “reverted” to some detached role. The notion that her presence during his illness was “merely cosmetic,” as Kperogi offensively suggested, is patently false.

    Ethical Violations and Moral Outrage

    Kperogi’s conduct in this episode represents a gross violation of journalistic ethics and a breach of basic decency. As a self-proclaimed professor of journalism, he should know that the first obligation of journalism is truth and accuracy – “avoiding the dissemination of false information.” He also should know that “a journalist should respect the privacy of individuals and their families unless it affects public interest.” There was zero public interest served by exposing (or inventing) alleged marital strife between Aisha and her husband. It was salacious private gossip, plain and simple. By broadcasting it without proof, Kperogi violated both the accuracy and privacy tenets of his profession. In the NUJ Code of Ethics, journalists are warned explicitly to avoid sensationalism, libel, and unwarranted invasions of privacy. Kperogi trampled all of these principles.

    Even by his own admission, this was a profound lapse of judgment. In his apology, Kperogi confessed: “I shouldn’t have shared it publicly. Period. Doing so violated every moral and ethical principle I cherish and uphold.” Indeed it did. It is telling that he calls it “one of the worst and cruelest lapses of judgment I have ever committed” – a striking concession from someone who has built a career on being judgmental toward others. He acknowledged that the hurt caused by his disclosure far outweighed any supposed “truth” the information contained. That hurt was immense: Mrs. Buhari was reportedly deeply pained by the public airing of this falsehood, as would any widow who suddenly sees gossip mongers questioning the integrity of her marriage in her moment of grief. Kperogi admits he did “not intend to harm” her, but harm her he did.

    What makes this saga even more galling is the sheer hypocrisy on Kperogi’s part. This is a man who, just days prior, was preaching about empathy and “the importance of compassion in public discourse” upon Buhari’s passing. He urged that “today is not a moment for bitterness… but an occasion for solemn reflection, for empathy with his grieving family.” Yet Kperogi failed to extend even a shred of that empathy to the grieving widow herself. Instead of solemn reflection, he engaged in rash speculation. Instead of affording the family privacy and respect, he splashed their personal affairs on Facebook. It is a moral failing of the highest order that, while Aisha Buhari was still in mourning clothes, Kperogi chose to propagate a narrative that her marriage had broken down – a narrative she never wanted public, and which she vehemently denies.

    By doing so, Kperogi showed callous disregard for the dignity of the dead and the feelings of the living. As one legal commentator noted, “the death of a leader is a moment for dignity, prayer, and restraint – not unverified gossip or salacious speculation.” Kperogi’s actions violated those cultural and ethical sensibilities, effectively politicizing a personal tragedy and undermining the cohesion of the Buhari family at the worst possible time. Even if not punishable by law, this behavior breaches the sacred trust that should exist between a public commentator and the public. It is simply indecent.

    Arrogance and Insults in Lieu of Accountability

    From a moral standpoint, it is not just the lie itself that offends, but the arrogance with which Kperogi carried it. When confronted with questions and contrary facts, a responsible scholar or journalist would show humility – or at least caution – in the face of possible error. Kperogi did the opposite: he dug in. He treated the absence of evidence as evidence in itself, essentially telling the world, “Trust me, I know this to be true, and if you don’t see it, you’re blind.” Such smug certainty is the enemy of truth. It also revealed a startling contempt for his audience. Those of us who pointed out holes in his story were not engaged or rebutted civilly; we were ridiculed and summarily dismissed. Kperogi heaped scorn and personal insults on anyone who challenged him – a tactic that is as unprofessional as it is unbecoming.

    This kind of bullying behavior betrayed Kperogi’s lack of good faith. It suggested that his goal was never to enlighten, but to impose a narrative at all costs – even at the cost of his credibility and our civility. By lashing out at critics instead of answering their legitimate concerns, he lost any moral high ground he might have claimed as a truth-teller. In hindsight, his combative posture hints that he might have sensed his story was built on shaky ground, yet pride and ego wouldn’t let him concede. He preferred to suppress dissent through intimidation. This is utterly unacceptable. No intellectual – and certainly no professor – should conduct discourse in that manner. It is a violation of the principle of fairness and impartiality, which calls on journalists to “provide a right of reply to individuals who are the subject of critical reporting.” Kperogi afforded Aisha no such right of reply, and he spat on the feedback offered by others. In doing so, he showed “academic irresponsibility,” abusing his platform for what can only be described as character assassination.

    To Dr. Kperogi, I say this: an apology to Aisha Buhari was the least you could do. But beyond Aisha, you also owe apologies to the many Nigerians you maligned when they rightly questioned you. Your Facebook post did not just hurt the former First Lady; it insulted the intelligence of the public and the integrity of discourse. The “needless and deeply regrettable hurt” you caused, by your own admission, extends to all who care about truth in our public sphere. Those insults you hurled in defense of a lie – they will not be forgotten. True accountability would require you to acknowledge that we, the people who called you out, were right to be skeptical, and that you were wrong to be so caustically dismissive.

    Legal Implications: Falsehood Is Not Without Consequence

    Beyond the glaring ethical issues, Kperogi’s conduct may well have legal repercussions – a point he would be wise to heed. In Nigeria, reputation is protected by law, even for public figures and even in death to some extent. Spreading a false story that the former First Lady was secretly divorced touches on defamation, privacy, and possibly other torts. Let us be clear: defamation occurs when someone publishes a false statement to a third party that harms another’s reputation. By broadcasting that “Aisha and Buhari had divorced” – a claim which was never confirmed and now appears false – Kperogi absolutely met the first two elements of defamation (falsehood, publication) and very likely the third. This accusation painted Mrs. Buhari in a negative light, implying she misrepresented her status and perhaps suggesting disloyalty or personal failure. Right-thinking members of society could indeed think less of her if they believed she abandoned her husband or lied about her marriage. In fact, accusing Aisha Buhari of misrepresenting her relationship with her husband “may amount to defamation by implication (innuendo)”, as one legal analysis noted, causing “reputational injury to her and the Buhari family.”

    It’s true that under common law, one cannot defame the dead – but Aisha Buhari is very much alive, and her own reputation is at stake. Nigerian law (as well as Islamic law applicable in the North) recognizes the rights of a spouse and family not to have their honor unjustly tarnished. If a false claim like this causes people to scorn or ridicule her, it is actionable. Let’s not forget, Mrs. Buhari has shown willingness in the past to defend her reputation through the courts – for instance, she once sued a sitting governor for defamatory statements, underscoring that she does not take such attacks lightly. Kperogi could very well have been facing a lawsuit for libel or slander here.

    Another angle is the tort of injurious falsehood. This is similar to defamation but focuses on false statements made maliciously that cause damage to a person’s interests (particularly economic or relational interests). By alleging that Aisha “was no longer Buhari’s wife” and implying she had to be begged to care for him while he was dying, Kperogi’s post clearly had the tendency to cause public contempt for her. It painted her as someone who might have deserted her ailing husband – a damaging insinuation that could hurt her public image and opportunities. If proven that he made these claims with reckless disregard for the truth (which he effectively admitted), that edges into malice. Under the law, a malicious falsehood that impugns someone’s title or status (in this case her status as legitimate wife and widow) is grounds for a civil action. In plain terms, he wronged her in a way that the law recognizes and can remedy.

    Moreover, given the context, we should consider the cultural and religious gravity of Kperogi’s lie. President Buhari and Aisha were Muslims married under Islamic law. In Islam (and under Shari’ah as observed in Northern Nigeria), falsely accusing a woman of improper marital conduct or claiming she is divorced without evidence is extremely serious – it can be deemed “qadhf” (false accusation), which is considered sinful and in some cases criminal. Importantly, the burden of proof is on the accuser to prove a divorce in such matters. Kperogi had no proof whatsoever. His public claim violated not only civil norms but potentially religious ones, amounting to a form of slander in the community’s eyes. This deepens the offense because he was not just commenting on a political figure; he was trampling on personal status issues governed by both law and faith.

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    Kperogi should also remember that freedom of speech is not freedom from consequences. Nigeria’s legal system (including our cybercrime laws and Penal Code) does provide for penalties against spreading false information that harms others. As the Western Post aptly put it, “platform holders have a duty to verify facts, especially when speaking on sensitive private matters like death, divorce, or legacy.” When that duty is flouted, there may be legal reckoning. If Mrs. Buhari had chosen to sue, Kperogi could have faced a rigorous court battle to defend his actions – a battle he would likely lose, given that truth is the primary defense in defamation and he had none to offer. In the end, he saved himself from this by retracting the claim and apologizing. But the fact remains: what he did was potentially libelous. As the saying goes, no one is above the law – “not even columnists with global platforms like Kperogi.”

    Conclusion: A Call for Accountability and Integrity

    Farooq Kperogi’s handling of this episode has been a masterclass in irresponsibility, and it must be condemned in the strongest terms to discourage such behavior in our public discourse. He spread a hurtful falsehood about a family at their lowest moment, defended it with unprofessional ferocity, and only backtracked when the weight of evidence (and public anger) left him no choice. While his apology to Mrs. Buhari was necessary and appropriate, it does not erase the damage done – to the Buhari family, to those he insulted, and to the standards of journalism he professes to uphold.

    From a moral perspective, Kperogi’s actions were shameful. They violated the basic human decency we owe to one another, especially in times of grief. No pundit or professor should ever forget their humanity in pursuit of a scoop or a “well-sourced” story. Kperogi did, and in doing so he lost a great deal of respect and credibility. He chose gossip over compassion, ego over truth, and malice over humility. That is a stain on his integrity that an apology alone cannot wash away.

    From a legal perspective, his actions were playing with fire. The “reckless commentary” he engaged in carried “legal danger” – exposing him to potential defamation claims and other liabilities. He would do well to remember that in the eyes of the law, reputations are not fair game for casual speculation. There are consequences for spreading lies, and he narrowly avoided learning about them in court. This incident should serve as a warning to all commentators: rumor-mongering can get you sued, and being a scholar or social media celebrity will not shield you from accountability.

    Moving forward, I urge Dr. Kperogi to reflect deeply on the ethical duties of his platform. He owes not just Aisha Buhari, but the public at large, a commitment to do better. If he truly “cherishes and upholds” moral and ethical principles as he claimed in his apology, let him demonstrate that by exercising caution, compassion, and professionalism in all future commentary. Let him also extend apologies to the individuals he insulted along the way – because a truly contrite person makes amends not only to the powerful figure they wronged, but also to the ordinary people whose only “crime” was speaking truth to him.

    Finally, to my fellow Nigerians: let this episode strengthen our resolve to hold public figures accountable. Misinformation is a cancer in our society, and it is especially pernicious when spread by those who should know better. We must continue to challenge false claims and demand evidence, no matter who is making the claim. Whether it’s a WhatsApp rumor or a professor’s Facebook post, a lie is a lie, and it must be confronted. Farooq Kperogi’s falsehoods have been exposed and retracted, but the lesson lingers: Integrity matters. Truth matters. And those who abuse their influence to peddle lies and insult our collective intelligence must be called out, without fear or favor.

    In the end, “commentary is not immunity,” as one observer noted. Freedom of expression carries responsibility. Dr. Kperogi has learned this the hard way. May this be the last time he – or anyone in our commentariat – wilfully violates the sacred trust of the public. Nigeria deserves better from its intellectuals and journalists. And when they fall short, we will not hesitate to condemn it in unambiguous terms.

    Sources:

    •Sahara Reporters – “Aisha Buhari Was Divorced From Late President Buhari Before His Death – Farooq Kperogi”

    •TVC News – “Kperogi Retracts Buhari Divorce Claim, Apologises To Aisha Buhari”

    •Politics Digest – “Why I Won’t Celebrate President Buhari’s Death — Farooq Kperogi”

    •Farooq Kperogi (Notes From Atlanta) – “Celebrating Buhari’s Death Vs Forgiving Him”

    •Farooq Kperogi (Notes From Atlanta) – “Apology to Aisha Buhari”

    •Western Post – “Farooq Kperogi, divorce allegations, and the Aisha Buhari controversy: The legal danger of reckless commentary”

    •Farooq Kperogi (Notes From Atlanta, 2018) – “Buhari: Not a Clone but a Clown”

    •Oyeniyi  is an Associate Professor at the Missouri State University. He can be reached by email at BukolaOyeniyi@missouristate.edu

  • Boost for NOA’s war against salt, hypertension

    Boost for NOA’s war against salt, hypertension

    ● Agency gets strategic partners

    There is boost for the health awareness campaign of the National Orientation Agency (NOA) in Bayelsa State. The agency got a buy-in from a privately-run organisation to take the initiative into underserved communities in the Southsouth state.

    The strategic alliance was sealed by NOA Directorate in  Bayelsa with a team from “I Care Save A Soul Initiative” during a meetingin Yenagoa, the state capital.

    I Care Save A Soul Initiative is a non-governmental organisation with interest in public health education, especially in rural areas.

    Both organisations resolved to step up grassroots health campaign focused on reducing excessive salt intake and combating the deadly rise of hypertension in the state.

    Leader of the NGO team – Ambassador Princess Elizabeth, has an urgent and direct message – the battle against high blood pressure must start at the community level.

    “This is a rescue mission and we are here to carry out the task of global health, beginning with local hearts. The people in these communities deserve to know what is killing them silently,” Elizabeth stated.

    She  stood in for her Executive Director at the Yenagoa meeting.

    Hypertension, often dubbed the “silent killer,” has become one of Nigeria’s most pressing public health challenges. Many Nigerians suffer in silence, unaware of the long-term damage high blood pressure causes to the heart, kidneys, brain, and blood vessels.

    According to the World Health Organisation (WHO), more than 38 per cent of adults in Nigeria live with elevated blood pressure, often undiagnosed or poorly managed. This makes the country one with the highest burden of hypertension in sub-Saharan Africa.

    A survey conducted in 2023 by the Nigerian Heart Foundation estimated that over 30 million Nigerians are currently hypertensive, a number that is expected to rise with increasing urbanisation and dietary changes.

    Residents of the oil-rich state, like other parts of the country are not been spared. In fact, its riverine and semi-rural communities face unique challenges – limited access to healthcare facilities, cultural dietary practices and poor awareness of chronic conditions like hypertension.

    One major culprit is salt. The WHO recommends no more than five grams  – roughly a teaspoon- of salt intake for an individual per day.

    However, studies have shown that the average Nigerian consumes between nine to 12 grams daily, more than double the safe limit.

    In the fishing communities of Bayelsa State, salt is not only a seasoning, it is a preservative. Dried fish, smoked meats and pickled vegetables are all heavily salted to extend shelf life in areas where refrigeration is a luxury.

    This overdependence on salt, combined with low awareness, creates a health time-bomb. Many residents don’t understand the link between their daily diets and the sudden rise in blood pressure, strokes, or heart failure.

    Mrs. Grace Olobio, State Director of NOA in Bayelsa, desribed the partnership as timely and urgent.

    She said: “One of the dangers of excessive salt intake is the risk of hypertension, which we are seeing more frequently in our communities.

    “We are proud to be a partner in this effort and will live up to expectations in sensitising and enlightening residents in the nine targeted communities”

    The NOA, as government’s agency responsible for public enlightenment, brings an extensive network of community mobilisation officers, town announcers and grassroots educators to the table in the strategic partnership.

    According to Mrs. Ndidiamaka Mumeya-Francis, deputy director, Programmes, the agency will not be limited to workshops or school talks.

    “Our strength is in local mobilisation. We will take this message to the markets, churches, fishing ports, and health centres—wherever the people are, that’s where we’ll be,” she explained.

    In the coming weeks, the campaign will be rolled out across nine pilot communities identified as high-risk zones due to poor health indicators and diet patterns.

    She listed the communities as Igbogene, Agudama, Otuasega, Okolobiri, Yenagoa, Oporoma, Kaiama, Azuzuama and Nembe.

    The partnership also includes training sessions for local community health workers and peer educators who will serve as frontline health ambassadors, guiding their neighbours on practical steps to reduce salt intake.

    Radio jingles, town hall meetings, religious sensitisation programmes, and door-to-door campaigns will complement the efforts. The aim is to spark conversations around diet, health, and prevention, particularly among women who prepare most of the meals in these households.

    In one of the participating communities, Igbogene, a 62-year-old Mama Ebifagha lost her husband to a stroke last year.

    “If someone had told us that salt could cause this kind of sickness, we would have been more careful,” she said while recounting her regret during a community sensitisation meeting

    The campaign is already igniting hope. Many community members who previously dismissed diet-related illnesses as “city problems” are beginning to understand how daily habits can lead to long-term health consequences.

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    The anticipated impact of the campaign is significant. The organisers hope to achieve at least a 20 per cent reduction in household salt consumption among the participating communities by the end of the project.

    The programme also aims to improve awareness about hypertension, empowering residents with the knowledge to seek early screening, adopt dietary changes, and manage lifestyle risks.

    For the “I Care Save A Soul Initiative,” this partnership is part of a broader agenda that envisions healthier communities across Nigeria, starting with education and prevention rather than cure.

    “We are not just telling people to use less salt. We are showing them why and how. This includes practical tips—using herbs and spices as alternatives, reading food labels, and understanding portion control,” Elizabeth said.

    Mrs. Olobio restated NOA’s commitment to escalating the campaign to other local government areas if the pilot phase yields measurable success. She also called on the state’s Ministry of Health to support the initiative with screening kits and community nurses.

    Local government chairpersons and traditional rulers are also expected to play crucial roles in legitimising the campaign, mobilising attendance at outreach programmes, and providing community halls or venues for awareness events.

    The challenge ahead is enormous, but the resolve is stronger. As the campaign kicks off, the focus is not only on reducing salt but on saving lives—one household at a time.

    For many in Bayelsa, this campaign is the first time they are hearing that something as simple as too much salt could be deadly. That, say campaign organisers, is where the change begins—with knowledge.

    Through this partnership, the  NOA and “I Care Save A Soul Initiative” are turning information into action. And as they move from community to community, the goal remains clear: a healthier Bayelsa, where people live longer, stronger, and better-informed lives.

  • With the Qatar Sanabil project, Sani deepens peace and healing in Kaduna

    With the Qatar Sanabil project, Sani deepens peace and healing in Kaduna

    By Ahmed Ibrahim Yusuf

    When history pens the renaissance of Kaduna State, it will not overlook the significance of July 21, 2025 — a date now etched in gold across the annals of restitution, leadership, and recovery. It was on this day that Governor Uba Sani, with solemn resolve and visible compassion, led the commissioning of Phase One of the Qatar Sanabil Project, distributing dignified homes to families who had endured the searing wrath of banditry. This event was not simply ceremonial. It was redemptive. It was, in its truest form, an act of healing — a moment when the distance between governance and humanity collapsed, and the powerful hand of leadership became a tender balm for wounded souls.

    Governor Uba Sani did not just unveil infrastructure; he unveiled justice with concrete, handed over compassion in the form of keys, and offered the gift of belonging to those whose lives had been defined by loss. Where once there was silence, sorrow, and displacement, now stand homes, symbols of resilience and monuments to the State’s refusal to forget its people. Under his administration, peace is no longer an elusive prayer whispered through tears; it is a living reality crafted through vision, strategy, and sacrifice.

    For more than a decade, Kaduna bore the brunt of violence that threatened to eviscerate its soul. Banditry, kidnappings, arson, and wanton killings stripped entire communities of their identity. Farms lay fallow. Markets were shuttered. Schools fell silent, and dreams lay scattered among ashes. The Kaduna–Abuja expressway, once a vital artery of commerce and connectivity, became synonymous with dread and death. Investors took flight, families scattered, and governance itself trembled under the weight of chaos.

    It was into this crucible of despair that Senator Uba Sani stepped on May 29, 2023. The task before him was Herculean. But he approached it not with fear or fanfare, but with the quiet, firm resolve of a man intimately acquainted with the pains and promise of his people. He understood that to restore Kaduna, he would need to be more than Governor. He would need to be a listener, a builder, a reconciler, and above all, a servant of justice.

    Governor Sani adopted a dual philosophy: a kinetic response to dismantle the architecture of violence, and a non-kinetic, people-centered model to rebuild the social fabric. His blueprint, shaped by consultations with traditional rulers, community leaders, security operatives, and victims, culminated in what is now known as the Kaduna Peace Model — an inclusive framework that understands that peace is not imposed from above, but nurtured from within.

    He took his security masterplan directly to the top: the National Security Adviser, the Chiefs of Defence, and the Service Chiefs. He argued not just with facts, but with heart — for more Forward Operating Bases, better troop coordination, and a grassroots-informed approach. And they listened. Under his stewardship, the Kaduna–Abuja highway was reopened. The infamous rail corridor resumed operations. Farmers returned to their land. Markets, long closed, came back to life. And fear began to loosen its decades-old grip.

    But Governor Uba Sani knew that physical security was only half the battle. Restoration required not just the absence of violence, but the presence of dignity. Thus emerged his signature collaboration with Qatar Charity, resulting in the Qatar Sanabil Project. With two transformational arms — mass housing for the underserved and the creation of an economic city — the initiative is set to directly impact more than half a million vulnerable citizens. The symbolism could not be clearer: where bandits once sowed destruction, a new city of hope is being born.

    The partnership between Qatar Charity Foundation and the Kaduna State Government under Governor Uba Sani on the Qatar Sanabil Project reflects a shared vision for sustainable development, rooted in transparency, accountability, and impact. Governor Uba Sani’s leadership has been marked by integrity, inclusiveness, and a firm commitment to improving the lives of the most vulnerable. His administration’s focus on infrastructure, social investment, and economic empowerment has earned wide recognition, making Kaduna a reliable destination for international development partnerships.

    Qatar Charity, known for its global humanitarian footprint and dedication to transformative community projects, finds in Kaduna a partner equally committed to responsible governance and measurable outcomes. The Qatar Sanabil initiative, which aims to deliver 500,000 housing units and develop a model economic city, is a bold step towards alleviating poverty and restoring dignity through integrated housing, healthcare, education, and livelihoods.

    This collaboration is underpinned by mutual trust and a shared commitment to excellence. The Kaduna State Government offers a stable, transparent, and enabling environment — hallmarks of Governor Sani’s administration — while Qatar Charity brings expertise, resources, and a proven track record in large-scale humanitarian interventions. Together, they are setting a new benchmark for development partnerships in Africa.

    In essence, the Qatar Sanabil Project is more than a housing scheme — it is a symbol of visionary leadership and global solidarity. It embodies what can be achieved when integrity meets innovation, and when a government’s commitment to its people aligns with an international organisation’s mission to serve humanity.

    The commissioning of Phase One of the project was particularly poignant. The beneficiaries were families who had lost husbands, fathers, mothers, and children to the cruel arithmetic of banditry. But they were no longer just statistics. That day, they were seen, honoured, and uplifted. Governor Sani’s words rang with gravity: “Shelter is not merely physical. It is emotional, psychological, and spiritual. It is the bedrock of human dignity.”

    This vision extends beyond housing. Alongside the homes, his administration distributed empowerment tools — cargo bikes, tricycles, grinding machines, salon kits, and welding equipment — so that widows, youth, and the unemployed could stand with renewed self-worth. A school, a health clinic, and a skills acquisition center were inaugurated — all pillars of a future that refuses to be haunted by its past.

     This wasn’t a showcase; it was a statement. A declaration that under Uba Sani, Kaduna would never again be a theatre of forgotten tragedies. It would be a place of restored faith, reclaimed purpose, and relentless progress.

     President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, represented by the National Security Adviser, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, echoed this sentiment. “Under your stewardship,” he said to the Governor, “Kaduna is transforming from an epicenter of violent attacks to a model of stability and peace. You are wiping the tears of victims, reconciling communities, and giving everyone a sense of belonging.” These were not platitudes. They were earned affirmations: testimonies to a leadership that has not only confronted pain, but transformed it.

    The success of Kaduna’s peace strategy lies in its nuance. It recognises that justice must be served, but also that healing must be offered. Through a carefully crafted Disarmament, Demobilisation, Rehabilitation and Reintegration (DDRR) programme, bandits who laid down their arms were given a chance to choose peace. In the difficult terrain of Giwa, Chikun, Kajuru, Birnin Gwari and Kagarko, some of the most notorious insurgents surrendered and embraced reintegration. Their surrender was not a capitulation to government power, but a recognition that peace, when honestly brokered, is more powerful than violence.

     This initiative was never about appeasement, nor about turning a blind eye to past crimes. It was, in its finest form, about giving peace a face, a home, and a future. Dr. James Kanyip, Kaduna’s Commissioner for Internal Security, rightly defended this strategy: “The peace process itself is within the confines of the rule of law. The entire constitution is about guaranteeing peace and welfare. If that peace is attained through a constitutionally sound peace process, why not?”

    Governor Uba Sani understood that peace must be durable. To that end, he signed the Kaduna State Security Trust Fund Bill, repealing the older 2018 version, and allowing private sector involvement in financing security. This wasn’t just legal housekeeping; it was a strategic stroke to anchor progress in sustainable funding and multi-sectoral collaboration.

    Beyond very close collaborations with the nation’s Armed Forces, the Police and other security agencies, Governor Uba Sani revitalised the Kaduna Vigilante Service, recruiting and training thousands of new personnel and arming them with equipment and purpose. And perhaps most importantly, he restored confidence among citizens, allowing security to become a shared civic responsibility. His regular security briefings with community leaders helped decentralise the security conversation, making every citizen a stakeholder in peace.

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    Governor Sani’s leadership is not merely institutional; it is deeply human. His voice trembled with emotion as he addressed victims and survivors, not as a politician speaking to constituents, but as a brother speaking to his own. “You are not forgotten. You are our heroes,” he told them. “We do not merely give you homes; we return dreams to the dreamers.”

    Such sentiments are not common in politics. But neither is Governor Uba Sani. He has chosen a path not of convenience, but of conscience — one that trades applause for action, popularity for purpose, and power for service.

    His approach to governance carries the weight of empathy and the urgency of justice. It reminds us that governance, at its noblest, is not about control or ccontroversies. It is about love — love made visible in policies, buildings, laws, and lives transformed. His is a government with a soul. A leadership that listens, learns, and lifts.

    This is why Kaduna under Uba Sani is not merely recovering; it is rising. Rising from the ashes of war. From the trauma of displacement. From the silence of mourning. It is rising with dignity, innovation, and unshakable faith in the possibility of peace.

     Governor Uba Sani has declared that the Phase One of the Qatar Sanabil Project is only the beginning. More homes will be built. More lives will be uplifted. More peace will be brokered, not through the barrel of a gun, but through the patient, firm, and principled hand of leadership. The Qatar Sanabil Project will continue, as will multiple other social housing and investment initiatives aimed at economic inclusion and human development.

    And in all of it, his guiding star remains constant: the welfare, safety, and dignity of the people of Kaduna State.

    So when the future looks back upon this time, let it not speak only of the violence that once reigned. Let it tell of a people who refused to surrender their humanity to hatred. Let it tell of leaders who chose integrity over indifference. Let it tell of Uba Sani — a Governor who met crisis not with cold calculations, but with warm resolve. Let it say of him: “He did not govern from above. He stood with his people, heart to heart, hand-in-hand.”

    Let it be remembered that in Kaduna’s hour of need, love found form in policy, healing found shape in homes, and peace was built not merely with mortar, but with moral clarity. Through powerful acts of restitution, Governor Uba Sani is not just rebuilding Kaduna — he is redeeming its soul.

    •Ahmed Ibrahim Yusuf, a Freelance Journalist, Writes From Barnawa, Kaduna