The Nation Newspaper

Category: Letters

  • Bauchi: Of awards without impact

    Bauchi: Of awards without impact

    • By Yasir Shehu Adam

    Sir: The recent award presented to the Bauchi State governor by the Presidency for good governance has attracted wide applause in political circles. Awards of this nature are meant to celebrate leadership, accountability, and improved quality of life for citizens. However, beyond the ceremonies and official statements, a critical question remains: does the lived reality of Bauchi people truly reflect the ideals of good governance being celebrated?

    In governance studies, good governance is measured by clear indicators — quality education, accessible healthcare, job creation, timely payment of salaries, social welfare, and human development. Infrastructure is important, but it is only one part of development. When these broader indicators are examined in Bauchi State, the picture becomes mixed and deeply concerning.

    Take education, for instance. Across many public schools, learning conditions remain poor. Classrooms are overcrowded, roofs leak during the rainy season, and basic teaching materials are lacking. Teachers work under difficult conditions with little motivation. More worrying is the absence of a strong scholarship policy that enables Bauchi youths to study within or outside Nigeria and return to contribute to the state’s development. A society that neglects education is silently postponing its future.

    The health sector reflects similar challenges. Many health facilities lack essential drugs, modern equipment, and adequate personnel. Reports of delayed salaries and poor welfare for health workers continue to surface. In such an environment, quality healthcare becomes a privilege rather than a right. Governance that improves lives must first protect life itself.

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    The issue of workers’ welfare also deserves attention. Civil servants experience irregular salary payments and weak welfare systems. Economic theory and public administration agree that a demoralized workforce cannot deliver effective public service. Timely payment of salaries is not generosity; it is a basic responsibility of government.

    On youth development and employment, the situation is equally troubling. Bauchi has a large youth population, yet structured job creation programmes, skills development initiatives, and innovation hubs remain limited. Human development — investment in people — is the true engine of sustainable growth. Sadly, many young people feel excluded from the state’s development story.

    To be fair, the Bauchi State government has made visible efforts in road construction and flyover projects. These projects have improved urban movement and aesthetics. However, development experts consistently warn against placing infrastructure above human needs. Roads should serve people; people should not be sacrificed for roads. At this moment in Bauchi’s history, education, health, employment, and welfare demand greater urgency.

    This is not a rejection of recognition or an attack on leadership. Rather, it is a call for honest reflection. Awards should align with measurable improvements in citizens’ lives. When recognition comes before widespread impact, it risks losing meaning.

    True good governance is not proven in Abuja halls or award plaques. It is proven in functional classrooms, well-equipped hospitals, paid workers, empowered youths, and communities that feel seen and valued.

    Bauchi State has the potential to rise. But that rise must be built on people, not just projects. Until then, the conversation about good governance must remain open, critical, and people-focused.

    •Yasir Shehu Adam (Dan Liman),

    Bauchi.

  • As Ogun model schools turn miscreants’ hideouts

    As Ogun model schools turn miscreants’ hideouts

    • By Kayode Awojobi

    Sir: Quality education is the foundation of a quality future. This must have been the guiding vision of Senator Ibikunle Amosun, the former governor of Ogun State, when he initiated the Ogun Model School project in 2012 during his first tenure under the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria. The initiative, which was greeted with widespread excitement and hope by citizens, promised a new era of educational excellence in the state. Sadly, more than a decade later, that promise has failed to materialize, and what remains is a painful reminder of abandoned ambition and wasted public resources.

    At inception, the cost of each model school was reportedly pegged at ₦750 million by the Amosun administration, while the then Commissioner for Education, late Barrister John Odubela, stated that the fully completed and equipped cost of each school stood at ₦1.3 billion. These figures reflected the seriousness of the project and the magnitude of public investment involved. Yet, despite the enormous sums expended, the schools have never lived up to their purpose. Instead of becoming models of excellence, they have become monuments of neglect.

    Since their completion, most of the model schools either completed or not spread  across the state has not functioned as intended. They have neither served students nor inspired educational reform. Rather, they have remained largely unused, abandoned, and left to decay. This neglect represents not just infrastructural failure but a profound disservice to the people whose taxes funded these projects.

    One of the 26 model schools, named after a distinguished son of Ago-Iwoye and renowned biologist, Professor Sanya Onabamiro, exemplifies this tragedy. Located near the Ago-Iwoye Stadium, the multi-million-naira facility now lies deserted. What was once envisioned as a centre of academic excellence has been overtaken by weeds, reptiles, and decay. Equipment that was once installed has either been vandalized or completely carted away, further underscoring the waste of public funds.

    Ironically, Amosun had assured citizens that these schools would boast exceptional facilities in science, technical education, agriculture, humanities, enterprise, and sports, complete with full boarding facilities to serve students from across the state. Today, those promises ring hollow when weighed against the reality on ground.

    Although the Ago-Iwoye model school was reportedly completed in record time, years of abandonment have stripped it of its beauty and purpose. From a distance, the structure still hints at the thoughtful planning and substantial investment that went into its construction. Inside, however, chairs and desks are scattered haphazardly, while two adjoining structures believed to be hostels remain unused. The entire environment has been reclaimed by thick vegetation, making access difficult and turning the premises into a haven for criminals and miscreants. This situation now poses a serious security threat to residents living in the surrounding community.

    Read Also: EFCC uncovers $3.43m, €280,000 fake currency, arrests five-man syndicate in Ibadan Zone

    While it is unfortunate that the administration of Amosun failed to operationalize the model schools, it is even more disheartening that the current administration under Prince Dapo Abiodun has openly stated that the project is not a priority even though attention was given to a few of them. Regardless of political differences, it must be remembered that public funds were used to execute these projects. Allowing them to rot away is an affront to the citizens of Ogun State and a stain on successive administrations.

    The present government still has an opportunity to right the wrongs of the past. These model schools can be revived and repurposed into functional educational institutions or transformed into vocational and technical centres that equip young people with practical skills. At a time when unemployment and youth restiveness are major challenges, such facilities could provide meaningful solutions and restore hope to countless families.

    This is a call to action to the Ogun State government, the Ministry of Education, and all relevant stakeholders. The time has come to move beyond excuses and political blame games. These abandoned structures must either be rehabilitated, repurposed, or responsibly managed. Ogun State cannot continue to afford the luxury of wasted investments while its citizens struggle for access to quality education and skills.

    Model schools should not be monuments of failure or hideouts for miscreants. They should be centres of learning, innovation, and hope. The authorities must act now, not only to reclaim these facilities but to restore public confidence and reaffirm their commitment to the future of education in Ogun State.

    •‘Kayode Awojobi,

     Ago-Iwoye, Ogun State.

  • Nnamdi Kanu’s incarceration and the Igbo blame game

    Nnamdi Kanu’s incarceration and the Igbo blame game

    Sir: Many Igbo believe that the incarceration of Nnamdi Kanu is a confirmation of the implacable hatred for the Igbo by the Hausa/Fulani and Yoruba. They want people to believe that his sentence to life imprisonment by a Yoruba High Court judge, Kolawale Omotosho, is a betrayal of the Igbo by yet another Yoruba. In some write-ups, some Igbo have likened it to an earlier betrayal of Emeka Ojukwu and the Igbo by a Yoruba: Obafemi Awolowo. 

    Awolowo did not betray Ojukwu. Ojukwu did not release him from prison, and thus, had no agreement or understanding with him. It was Yakubu Gowon that released Awolowo from jail. Gowon came to power on August 1, 1966. The next day, August 2, 1966, he released political prisoners, including Awolowo, Tony Enahoro, Joseph Tarka and Lateef Jakande.

    Saro Wiwo and the ethnic minorities of Eastern Region/Biafra were not saboteurs; they did not betray the Igbo. How can you betray a cause you had, from the outset, refused to be part of?

    Due to their fear of domination by a dominant ethnic group, ethnic minorities across Nigeria are ardent proponents of one Nigeria. In their fear of Hausa/Fulani domination, the minorities in northern Nigeria are fervent aficionados of one Nigeria. The one time Nigerian Defence Minister, Domkat Bali, once succinctly expressed this fear of Hausa/Fulani domination and his commitment to Nigerian unity. “I am from a small tribe, the Tarok tribe in Langtang. If the North secures its independence from Nigeria, the Hausa/Fulani will be so dominant that they will lord it over us whether we like it or not. A bigger Nigeria will check such excesses. So, the bigger Nigeria is, the freer my tribe and I will be.”

    In their fear of Yoruba domination, the minorities of Western Region, Igbo, Edo, Ishan, Urhobo, etc., agitated for, and got, their own region, the Midwestern Region. In their fear of Igbo domination, those in Eastern Region, Efik, Ogoja, Ijaw, etc, for long, demanded their own region/state from Eastern Region.

    In his book, Sunset in Biafra, Elechi Amadi wrote about being a member of the Rivers people delegation that met with Ojukwu in Enugu on September 2, 1966. In the meeting, they made it clear that, “The only lasting solution would be the creation of a Rivers State”. In other words, they stated their desire to remain in Nigeria and have a state of their own, Rivers State. Unequivocally, they stated their refusal to be part of Biafra. Ojukwu ignored their stance and forced them into his Biafra.

    Read Also: NGF names Yobe best performing state in primary health care delivery

    As the war raged, the absurdity and futility of Biafra became even more glaring. Thus, scapegoats were needed to bear the blame for Ojukwu’s reckless choices, blunders and failures in leadership. As the generality of them had made it clear that they did not want to be part of Biafra, the minorities became ready targets for alleged saboteurs. The Biafran authorities encouraged or, at least, acquiesced to their mass-murder by Igbo soldiers and villagers for alleged perfidy and sabotage. This inspired deep anti-Igbo sentiments amongst them. Not surprisingly, at the end of the war, they seized Igbo property in Port Harcourt and refused the return of the Igbo to the city.

    Amazingly, there was no saboteur in Biafra; it was merely a propaganda spoof that, in addition to the minorities, targeted educated and independent-minded Igbo that disagreed with Ojukwu’s policies and methods, like Emmanuel Ifeajuna. In their individual books, the Chief of Staff of the Biafran Army, Alexander Madiebo; the 2nd in command in the Banjo-led Midwest Expeditionary Force, Wale Ademoyega; the Chief of Biafran Military Intelligence, Bernard Odogwu; and Ojukwu’s chief apologist and master propagandist, Frederick Forsyth, attested that there was no saboteur in Biafra; and that Emmanuel Ifeajuna was not a saboteur.

    The imprisonment of Nnamddi Kanu is not a betrayal of the Igbo by the Yoruba. It does not evince Hausa/Fulani and Yoruba hatred for Ndigbo. Nnamdi Kanu is a trouble maker that was to inevitably get into trouble. He is a delusional messiah and pseudo-freedom fighter. In his confused and twisted form of freedom fighting, he directs his guns and terror not against the enemy, but against his own people. Thus, he brought death, dread and disorder to the once placid Igbo land.

    The perplexing question is how can the terrorizing of Ndigbo and the devastation of Alaigbo by Kanu’s private armies and their criminal shoot-offs translate to the realization of Biafra?

    •Tochukwu Ezukanma,Lagos.

  • Insurgency: Lessons from Russian-Ukraine war

    Insurgency: Lessons from Russian-Ukraine war

    Sir: Kremlin, Moscow: September 30, 2022. The President of Russia, Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin unilaterally announces the annexation and absorption of the Donbas, East Ukraine into the Russian federation.

    He orders the Russian military high command led by the Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu and the military chief of staff, General Valery Gerasimov to immediately take the land by force!

    Ever since that order, the war of the Donbas or the special military operation has raged-on in eastern Ukraine.

    The Donbas, a large swath of land located in the eastern part of Ukraine is a resource- rich region on the border with Russia. It is the industrial heartland of Ukraine consisting of a large number of factories and mines.

    The Russian leader, having failed in his initial goal of militarily seizing Kyiv and the Ukrainian government in three days” re-defined his objective to the liberation of the Donbas from Ukraine, a region inhabited by majority ethnic-Russian speaking people, but internationally recognized as part of Ukraine ever since the dissolution of the Soviet Union on December 26, 1991.

    The Russian Army’s quest to seize the Donbas, composed of major cities such as Avdivka, Donetsk, Makiivka, Luhansk, Pokrovsk etc has been met with stiff resistance by the Armed Forces of Ukraine.

    Vicious bloody battles fought in some of its cites have made them household names globally. For example, the battle of Bakhmut.

    Read Also: NGF names Yobe best performing state in primary health care delivery

    Bakhmut, a city in the Donetsk Oblast witnessed bloody street and artillery battles. The city stood strong for several months before eventually falling to the Russian assault led by Yevgeny Prighozin’s Wagner army which relentlessly employed the artillery bombardment tactic to take the Ukrainian stronghold.

    Subsequent battles in Avdiivka, Lysychansk and Pokrovsk, have defined the new methods in modern warfare.

    Nigeria, the giant of Africa is currently facing vicious enemies. ISIS, ISWAP, Boko Haram and ethic militias.

    These forces, although often underestimated as rag–tag armies, are in contrast well-armed and are highly trained in battle tactics.

     Only recently, during a routine military operation in the northeast, a senior military officer with several of his troops paid the ultimate price for Nigeria, as they were ambushed by ISIS fighters.

    This brings to the fore the need to stop the current underestimation of the insurgents. These forces deserve the military-force attention they deserve!

    A major tactic employed by the Ukrainian Army and subsequently the Russians, is drone warfare and precise artillery attacks. These battle methods achieved huge results for both armies in offence and defensive attacks.

    Today, drones have become the new order in modern warfare. They serve as eyes in the sky, revealing enemy troop location on the field. This prevents ambushes of the type commonly seen in the northeast and northwest of Nigeria.

    Drones provide real-time location information for artillery units .

    Once enemy location is uncovered with precise geographic information data, the artillery units unleash artillery bombs to the location in order to destroy enemy camps, fortifications, equipment and operating positions.

    Artillery guns such as the Cesars are capable of firing 155mm shells precisely on enemy locations; once fed with the precise geographic location, a 155mm shell has a kill zone the size of a football field. Artillery bombardment with precise prior reconnaissance is a battle tactic which if well implemented will destroy enemy forces, ambush points and hardware. The bombs are less costly compared to the bombs the air force jets drop on enemy locations.

    With adequate precise reconnaissance and follow-up, precise artillery bombardment of enemy staging points in the forests, Nigerian forces can rapidly advance and clear out enemy strongholds with minimal loss of personnel life.

    Nigeria’s war against insurgency must advance to the latest advancement in modern warfare in order to achieve the desired result.

    •Emmanuel Olawale Ogunsakin, Abuja.

  • Tackling the challenges of agricultural input distribution

    Tackling the challenges of agricultural input distribution

    Sir: One of the critical setbacks in Nigeria’s agricultural landscape is the late and often insufficient supply of essential inputs such as seeds, fertilizers, and pesticides. These delays not only disrupt planting schedules but also reduce crop yields and farmers’ income. According to recent studies, over 60% of Nigerian smallholder farmers report challenges in accessing inputs on time, directly affecting their productivity and market competitiveness.

    Timely availability of agricultural inputs is vital for optimizing crop cycles and ensuring bountiful harvests. Inputs delivered late or in inadequate quantities lead to poor crop establishment, increased pest attacks, and ultimately food insecurity. Countries that have excelled in this area—such as Kenya, Ethiopia, and Vietnam—demonstrate significant improvements in agricultural productivity by prioritizing efficient input distribution systems.

    For example, Kenya’s government-backed input subsidy programs coupled with private sector partnerships have increased fertilizer usage by 25% in the last five years, leading to a 30% rise in maize production. Similarly, Vietnam’s investment in rural infrastructure and supply chain management has helped reduce input delivery times by 40%, boosting rice yields substantially.

    For 2026 and beyond, the following are recommended:

     Streamline input distribution: Establish efficient logistics networks and public-private partnerships to ensure timely delivery of seeds, fertilizers, and agrochemicals.

    Invest in post-harvest technology: Support the adoption of modern storage, drying, and processing facilities to reduce losses.

    Read Also: NGF names Yobe best performing state in primary health care delivery

    Strengthen extension services: Enhance farmer training and access to information on best agricultural practices.

    Promote political accountability: Governments at all levels must prioritize agriculture in budget allocations and policy frameworks.

    Learn from success stories: Emulate strategies from countries like Kenya and Vietnam, adapting them to Nigeria’s unique context.

    Enhancing Nigeria’s agricultural sector requires strong political commitment and clear policies aimed at developing value chains and modernizing farming practices. Political will must translate into investments in infrastructure, extension services, and market access to empower peasant farmers.

    Post-harvest losses remain a major hurdle. It is estimated that Nigeria loses up to 30% of its agricultural produce annually due to poor storage and processing technologies. Addressing these challenges call for government-led initiatives to promote affordable post-harvest technologies and farmer education programs.

    Nigeria’s agricultural potential is vast, but unlocking it demands coordinated efforts across political, technical, and social spheres. The upcoming years present an opportunity to build resilient agricultural systems that support peasant farmers, enhance food security, and stimulate economic growth. Timely input distribution is just one piece of this puzzle—but it is a critical one that, if addressed, can transform the future of Nigerian agriculture.

    •Michael Adedotun Oke,Garki, Abuja.

  • The death of local government

    The death of local government

    • By Dorayi, Kano

    Sir: Long before insecurity tightened its grip on our highways, long before poverty colonised the villages, and long before our cities became swollen refugee camps of the economically displaced, a quiet tragedy had already eaten deep into the nation’s foundation. It is the silent collapse of the local government system.

    Across the world, nations that work do so because governance begins from the bottom. In Nigeria, governance begins from the top — and too often dies there. The original intention behind creating 774 local government areas was noble: to take government to the people, to deliver water, roads, healthcare, schools, markets, records, and security at the grassroots. Today, that vision has become a shadow, wandering through empty secretariats and overgrown council premises.

    But a surprising twist has recently emerged in this long-standing decay — a twist that should have marked a rebirth, yet has instead exposed an even deeper problem.

    Autonomy granted – but the crisis persists

    For decades, local government suffocation was blamed on the iron grip of governors who held their finances through the State Joint Allocation Account (JAAC). Then came what many hailed as liberation: President Bola Ahmed Tinubu supported, and the Supreme Court granted, full financial autonomy to the 774 local government councils.

    It should have been the dawn of a new era.  It should have breathed life into Nigeria’s most abandoned tier of government. It should have restored accountability, development, and people-focused governance.

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    But autonomy has not resurrected the system — because the collapse is not only financial. It is structural. It is administrative. It is moral. It is political. And it is deeply entrenched.

    The autonomy ruling has exposed a painful truth: A system can be rescued on paper yet remain dead in practice.

    Even after autonomy, many local governments are still not receiving funds directly. Technical bottlenecks, bureaucratic manoeuvres, political resistance, and state-level interference continue to weaken the spirit of the ruling. In several states, caretaker committees still reign where elected officials should be. Contracts are awarded without scrutiny. Expenditures are shrouded in secrecy. And the councils still function like distant outposts of state governments rather than independent units of governance.

    Autonomy gave them lungs, but the body remains weak; the arteries blocked; the heartbeat faint.

    The fallout: poverty, collapse, insecurity

    It is fashionable to blame Abuja. It is politically convenient to blame the states. But the true foundation of governance lies in the 774 local governments. Autonomy has now revealed the national contradiction: We fixed the pipe supplying water, but the tank and taps are corroded.

    If local governments were functional, Nigerians would feel governance every day — not as distant speeches in Abuja, but as clean boreholes, working markets, safe communities, and responsive ward-level administration.

    •Aliyu Abubakar Bello,

    Dorayi, Kano.

  • Redefining the business climate

    Redefining the business climate

    • By Mohammed Basah

    Sir: Entrepreneurs spend most of their lives chasing customers, managing cash flow, fighting uncertainty, and trying to squeeze progress out of a tough environment. What many do not talk about openly is how deeply their success is tied to the efficiency of public institutions. When systems work, businesses thrive. When systems collapse, entrepreneurs bleed silently.

    The passport reforms under the leadership of Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo may appear, on the surface, like a travel convenience upgrade. But beneath that surface lies something far more powerful: restored trust in the Nigerian state. Entrepreneurs have long lived in fear of government processes because those processes were unpredictable. You could plan around slow. You could never plan around confusion. Weeks of waiting, duplicated biometrics, extra payments, middlemen, missing files — small business owners suffered all of it. Every inefficiency translated to lost deals, altered timelines, and additional costs.

    Digital passport processing did more than clean up a service. It reintroduced predictability, a currency more valuable than oil when building an economy. Investors, both local and foreign, take cues from how a government manages the simplest things. If a passport system can work seamlessly, stakeholders begin to believe that bigger systems can work too. This is why the reforms matter: they quietly restore confidence in the promise of Nigeria as a functional environment.

    Efficient governance directly reduces the cost of doing business. Entrepreneurs understand this better than anyone. A document stuck on someone’s table can delay a client contract. A manual process can introduce corruption and inflate operational costs. A broken verification system can stall travel plans for an important business meeting. What looks like a “government problem” is always, eventually, a business problem.

    This is why digital processes in immigration, electronic correspondence, identity management reforms, and stricter accountability within agencies translate into real economic impact. They eliminate friction. They save time. They reduce stress. They help entrepreneurs redirect their energy from wrestling with institutions to building the businesses that create jobs.

    What makes the reform approach stand out is its simplicity. It does not rely on noise, ceremony, or the usual theatrics of public office. It focuses on results. It focuses on systems. It focuses on function. And this is exactly what entrepreneurs need: a government that stops being a hurdle and starts behaving like an enabler.

    Read Also: Federation Account inflows hit N56.4trn on reforms

    The truth is that Nigeria’s biggest growth hack is not another grant programme or motivational initiative. It is competent public administration. It is a government that understands that a thriving private sector needs stable systems the way a plant needs light. When reforms create clarity, entrepreneurs gain scale. When processes become predictable, business risks shrink. When accountability increases, investor trust rises. These are not abstract benefits; they are the conditions under which new industries are born.

    The average entrepreneur may never directly interact with the Ministry of Interior, but they will feel its impact in countless ways: faster travel, smoother documentation, less paperwork, better compliance systems, reduced operational bottlenecks, and a governance environment that supports rather than stifles ambition. Public service efficiency has always been the hidden foundation of a strong private sector. For too long, that foundation has been weak. What we are seeing now is a rebuilding effort that matters more than most people realise.

    Nigeria’s real economic engine has never been crude oil. It has always been people — the small businesses, the freelancers, the founders, the creators, the innovators, the hustlers who convert scarcity into new enterprise. When governance works well, these people lift at once. When governance improves, entrepreneurship expands. When systems are clean, the economy becomes easier to navigate and easier to trust.

    These reforms signal a new kind of social contract: a government that delivers and a citizenry that builds. If this model spreads across ministries, Nigeria will not need endless economic summits to debate growth. Growth will happen naturally because the environment will finally support it. Entrepreneurship will strengthen because the systems around it stop sabotaging it.

    At its core, entrepreneurship is a relay race. Government hands the baton. Entrepreneurs run with it. Investors cheer from the side-lines. Society gets the win. For decades, Nigeria dropped the baton before the race even began. But the reforms we are seeing now suggest that perhaps, for the first time in a long time, the baton is being handed correctly.

    And when government works, entrepreneurs win — every single time.

    •Mohammed Basah,

    <mobasah@gmail.com>

  • Reforming VIP policing and security inequity

    Reforming VIP policing and security inequity

    • By Lekan Olayiwola

    Sir: Over the last two decades, VIP policing has evolved beyond an operational task into an informal institution of political reassurance. It is not simply about providing security, but a mechanism for maintaining political cohesion, signalling loyalty, and sustaining coordination networks across government and business sectors.

    In a status-sensitive society, the visible presence of armed protection functions as a marker of office and authority, signalling power to constituents, rivals, and subordinates. For many citizens, the sight of an escort is an implicit confirmation that the officeholder commands respect and commands state resources, reinforcing social hierarchies.

    In Nigeria, escorts serves as a quiet signal of inclusion, assurance, or continuity. Their presence conveys political loyalty, protects against bureaucratic or partisan pressures, and signals that the officeholder is “connected” to influential networks. Their withdrawal, if not clearly explained and applied consistently, may be perceived as a political message rather than an operational adjustment.

    Past directives reveal predictable implementation barriers. Redeploying officers requires coordination across multiple commands, which introduces opportunities for uneven application. During this process, exemptions inevitably accumulate, stemming from legitimate security concerns, official travel schedules, or political events.

    Over time, these exemptions dilute the intent of reform, leaving only partial shifts and creating the appearance of compliance without substantive change. The lack of a robust monitoring framework further exacerbates this dynamic, allowing local commanders to maintain discretionary authority over officer assignments, often in response to informal pressures from powerful figures.

    Governors, judges, legislators, and other officeholders often face genuine risks from criminal gangs, political rivals, or communal conflicts. Their appeals for continued protection are rooted not in privilege but in experience. Without a transparent framework that allocates protection based on verified threat levels, a blanket withdrawal policy naturally encounters friction.

    Moreover, the complex interplay between federal and state security responsibilities in Nigeria where policing authority is shared but unevenly funded complicates enforcement. Reform must therefore contend with decentralised political authority, varying threat environments, and the legacy of informal practices that have become institutionalised over decades.

    The current directive can succeed where others stalled by reshaping the incentives that sustain VIP deployment. Welfare reform is foundational. When officers have stable, predictable compensation, access to health care, pension security, and improved working conditions, the economic case for VIP attachment diminishes. This strengthens the professional appeal of community policing roles, making officers more willing to serve in frontline deployments, including high-risk rural or urban areas. This reorients policing culture toward public service rather than elite accommodation, fostering professionalism, accountability, and equity.

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    A threat-graded protection model would further depoliticise decisions. Kenya applied such a framework after 2017, reducing VIP protection allocation by roughly 40 per cent while maintaining security for high-risk officials. South Africa uses periodic audits to review assignments, ensuring that escorts remain tied to specific events or verified threats.

    These examples demonstrate that rebalancing is possible when risk assessment is transparent, data-driven, and institutionalised. For Nigeria, such a framework would require integrating intelligence analysis, local policing data, and operational planning into a unified decision-making process, ensuring that resources are allocated rationally rather than arbitrarily.

    Centralising and digitising escort approvals would reduce pressure on police leadership and limit discretionary interference. A digital log recording each assignment, including duration, justification, and renewal introduces clarity and accountability. Standardised protocols reduce informal bargaining and patronage, while regular audits ensure deployments remain time-bound. Transparent reporting strengthens public confidence in fairness and impartiality.

    Equally crucial is strengthening community policing: visible patrols, faster response times, and consistent local engagement signal real improvements. Citizens who see tangible police presence are more likely to support reduced VIP-specific deployments, recognising equitable security delivery. Over time, trust in law enforcement grows, political pressure for symbolic protection diminishes, and community policing reinforces legitimacy, allowing officers to prioritise preventive and responsive tasks over status-driven assignments.

    Ending VIP policing does not mean denying legitimate protection. It means allocating safety rationally and transparently, rather than through informal norms, personal connections, or economic necessity. By aligning welfare reform, institutional design, risk-assessment frameworks, and public expectations, Nigeria can build policing where officials and citizens feel genuinely protected.

    Reforms must be phased and closely monitored, blending top-down directives with local accountability and active stakeholder engagement. Though transformation will take time, it is achievable. If implemented with care, the current directive could deliver lasting change. To ensure policing becomes a public good rather than an elite privilege, transparent, evidence-based reforms are essential—rebuilding public trust and shaping a system that serves all Nigerians for generations.

    •Lekan Olayiwola,

    lekanolayiwola@gmail.com

  • Nnamdi Kanu, Omotosho and the rule of law

    Nnamdi Kanu, Omotosho and the rule of law

    Sir: Now that Nnamdi Kanu has been sentenced, we can see clearly that the sky did not fall. The most beautiful thing is that this is a big win for the rule of law in our democratic setting. Keeping him for so long gave the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) proponents a measure of legitimacy that they did not deserve. We must learn and prepare our courts to handle thorny and vexatious cases. The more we try these people, who are on the lunatic fringe of society, the more we have a clearer definition of who we are as a people.

    Throughout my writings, I have emphasized the rule of law as the pinnacle of our democratic society. The failure to try criminals leads to a culture of nihilism, vigilante justice and anarchy.

    We must build more prisons and update our criminal justice system. We must not allow criminals living on the fringes of our society to determine our ethos. Rule of law and justice must go hand in hand. One of the most puzzling things that troubled me is the way the proponents of Biafra were asking for a criminal to be freed without trial. Some trivialized the sins of Nnamdi as political as such; he should be set free using political methods to set a criminal free.

    Some even argued that there is nothing he has done that other people have not done. They used yellow journalism to tell us that Boko Haram members are being recruited into the Nigerian Army.

    The Biafrans were attempting to amputate justice by agitating for Kanu to be freed without trial.

    I sincerely believe that in Nigeria, all criminals should have their day in court. Calling it a political case does not make it less criminal.

    In politics, we are expected to disagree with each other on issues. The moment you slap someone due to this disagreement, you have left the realm of politics into criminality and you should be prosecuted for criminal assault. Politics is not a criminal enterprise even when unruly politicians use criminal methods to gain ascendency. It is this misrepresentation that made a swath of Southeast politicians to agitate for the release of a criminal without trial.

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    Why didn’t they appeal to Norway to free Simon Ekpa on political grounds? At the end of the day, Nnamdi Kanu who was giving orders to summarily execute people had a fair trial that was denied to his victims.

    We must jettison the temptation to deny citizens of due process. We may not be happy with the outcome but that is not a reason to impugn the integrity of the judge. The right thing to do is to appeal the case. At the post mortem, one of Nnamdi’s lawyers regaled us with Nnamdi’s knowledge of the law. He said Nnamdi knows more law than the lawyers and the judge.

    Here we go again with stupid braggadocio. What is the knowledge of the law if you have no respect for our courts and the presiding judge? In what universe do these Biafrans exist? How come these Biafrans are so gullible that they will take the hallucinations of a sick person as ordained truth?

    I will advise them to plead that their client is impaired by reason of insanity instead of questioning this judgment which was based on sound legal reasoning.

    Court proceedings are public records. Those in doubt should get a copy of the transcript of the judgement instead of substituting their emotional tantrum for sound legal reasoning.

    •Dr Austin Orette, Houston, Texas, United States

  • Sailing through the hard times

    Sailing through the hard times

    Sir: Many households, weary from rising rent and stagnant income, are planning to return to their villages after the yuletide. For some, it is a temporary escape; for others, it is a permanent retreat. The truth is simple—Nigeria’s economic hardship has pressed heavily on the shoulders of her citizens.

    Young people, especially those unable to secure opportunities abroad, now fight daily battles against financial discouragement and emotional fatigue. Yet, paradoxically, the younger generation—the Gen Zs or Zoomers—also stand out with a new kind of hunger. They want steady progress, stable salaries, and real opportunities. They want dignity. They want a Nigeria that works—not for a few, but for all.

    Their voices, loud and unbroken, echo across social media platforms, workplaces, and political spaces. They are demanding the Nigeria their parents dreamed of but never fully saw. The Christmas and yuletide period, especially in Igbo and Southern Nigeria, is traditionally a time of celebration—family reunions, cultural festivals, weddings, dedications, and homecomings. But the festive season in 2025 carries a different tone. The harmattan has arrived earlier and harsher than usual. The dry winds bring not just cracked lips and dusty roads, but a fresh wave of expenses: skincare, warm clothing, more transport costs, and increased food prices.

    Sadly, many vulnerable Nigerians—sick elderly people, young men and women battling chronic illnesses, and families with little means—feel abandoned by a system collapsing under the weight of insecurity and inflation. Survival has replaced festivity. Kidnapping, killings, and banditry have become daily headlines. The recent abduction of 25 female students in Kebbi is a heartbreaking example of the insecurity tormenting the nation. Many religious leaders feel intimidated, while others press ahead, preparing grand end-of-year programs to rekindle hope.

    But in the middle of all this darkness, one truth remains: Nigeria has not reached her end. It is easy in times like this to point fingers—to blame the government, to blame leaders, to blame ourselves. But blame has never built a nation. Blame has never healed a wound. Blame has never lifted a man from poverty.

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    Nigeria’s history has always shown one pattern: when things get tough, Nigerians become tougher. This is not the first time we have walked through fire. This is not the first time we have seen gloom before glory. This is not the first season where the future looked blocked, yet the nation moved forward. What Nigeria needs now is not a nation-wide choir of self-accusation. What we need is a collective return to courage, innovation, unity, and strong faith. We need to believe again—believe that our hands can still build, that our voice can still matter, and that our votes in the 2027 General Elections can redirect the ship of this nation.

    We must also remember something profound: Nations rise when individuals stop waiting for rescue and start taking responsibility for the little corners they can influence. Hope may feel thin, but it is not absent. The Nigerian spirit is too rugged to be defeated by one cycle of hardship. Across cities, states, and local communities, the signs of a new awakening are emerging:  Nigerians now know that leadership matters—more than tribe, more than party, more than slogans. And because of this awareness, a new Nigeria is not just a dream—it is a growing possibility. Hope is not a feeling; it is a discipline. It is the daily decision to believe that your life, your family, and your country can still change for the better. Yes, 2025 has been difficult. Yes, the burden is heavy. But storms have never stopped Nigerians from rising again.

    Let us enter the yuletide season with renewed strength—not because things are perfect, but because Nigeria is still a land of possibilities. Let us prepare for 2026 with fresh vision—not fear. And let us move toward 2027 with courage—not despair.

    •Obiotika Wilfred Toochukwu, Nkono-Ekwulobia Anambra State.