The Nation Newspaper

Category: Letters

  • Dangote’s next battle!

    Dangote’s next battle!

    • By Zayyad I. Muhammad

    Sir: The Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) 2021 does not prohibit the importation of petroleum products into the country. There is no outright ban; rather, what the law supports a deregulated market with regulatory oversight governing imports.

    Aliko Dangote’s grievance with the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA) under Engr. Farouk Ahmed centres on the continued issuance of import licences to petroleum marketers. And the failure to impose heavy levies and taxes on imported petroleum products. According to the NMDPRA, Nigeria’s petrol imports increased to an average of 52.1 million litres per day in November. NMDPRA further disclosed that the Nigerian National Petroleum Limited NNPCL imported the bulk of Nigeria’s petrol requirements in November, with total imports by all marketers amounting to 1.563 billion litres during the month.

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    In the first round of this battle, Dangote appears to have “won,” as President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has replaced Engr. Farouk Ahmed of the NMDPRA and Gbenga Komolafe of the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC). They have been succeeded by Oritsemeyiwa Amanorisewo Eyesan as Chief Executive Officer of the NUPRC and Engr. Saidu Aliyu Mohammed as Chief Executive Officer of the NMDPRA, subject to senate’s approval.

    The bottom line is that the battle is not about to end anytime soon.  The new chief executives cannot ban the importation of petroleum products by the NNPC or other marketers, because there is no law to back them. However, they are likely to engage Dangote cautiously to avoid the fate that befell Farouk Ahmed and Gbenga Komolafe – which is not a good thing for any industry regulator.

    If Dangote truly seeks full market patronage, pricing is key. His products must match or beat the cost of imported petroleum products. Marketers operate on a simple philosophy: buy good, sell good. If Dangote Refinery’s prices and processes are competitive or superior to imported products, no marketer would endure the challenges of sourcing foreign exchange, freight costs, and time delays when a cheaper and readily available alternative exists at their doorstep.

    •Zayyad I. Muhammad,

    Abuja.

  • The transience of power

    The transience of power

    • By Haroon Aremu Abiodun

    Sir: History, both Nigerian and global, teaches the same unforgiving lesson: power is transient. The Roman emperors, medieval monarchs, African strongmen, and postcolonial leaders all learned it the hard way. Thrones crack, offices expire, and legacies outlive incumbency. What survives is not the number of convoys or loyalists but the record clean or stained left behind. In Nigeria’s current season of reckonings, that truth is resurfacing with unusual force.

    The shockwaves were unmistakable when Chris Ngige, former Labour Minister and ex-governor of Anambra State, was arrested and hauled in for questioning. A man once seated at the heart of federal power was reportedly taken from his Asokoro residence in the quiet vulnerability of early morning. For his community, it was humiliation; for the political class, it was a warning that age, pedigree, and past relevance no longer guarantee insulation.

    Even more symbolic was the sight of a former Attorney General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, standing in the dock. Once the nation’s chief legal custodian, he now answers allegations tied to the abuse of office. Few images better capture the shift in Nigeria’s political weather than a former enforcer of the law now confronting it from the other side.

    Beyond the courtroom drama, a longer list of former power brokers now lives in various states of disgrace and uncertainty. Diezani Alison-Madueke, once among Africa’s most influential women, battles corruption cases from abroad, her name now shorthand for excess. Sadiya Umar Farouq and Betta Edu, both former ministers, saw promising public careers collapse under allegations of financial impropriety. Their stories read like cautionary chapters—warnings to those still drunk on authority.

    Then there is Yahaya Bello, the former Kogi governor who once projected invincibility. Youthful, audacious, and fiercely defended by loyalists, he moved like a political conqueror. Today, his public presence has shrunk to legal statements and whispered sightings as the EFCC circles. Popularity, it turns out, is seasonal; accountability is not.

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    Bukola Saraki’s fall remains another defining lesson. Once a dominant Senate President and national power broker, he lost his Senate seat, his political base in Kwara, and the aura of inevitability that once surrounded him. His defeat redrew political maps and reminded Nigeria that even the most sophisticated machinery can stall.

    Perhaps the most haunting image of all is that of Godwin Emefiele, former Central Bank Governor. A man who once controlled trillions and shaped national economic destiny now moves between courtrooms and custody. Prison sandals where polished shoes once stood have sent a message louder than any sermon: no office in Nigeria is above disgrace.

    Even death has joined the conversation. The passing of former President Muhammadu Buhari, once hailed as “Mai Gaskiya,” underscores the ultimate certainty awaiting all leaders. Applause fades, criticism lingers, and history deliberates long after burial. Likewise, the sudden death of Bayelsa’s Deputy Governor, Lawrence Ewhrudjakpor, jolted the political class with a reminder of life’s fragility and power’s impermanence.

    This season is both mirror and warning. It reflects what Nigeria has tolerated for decades and signals what may come next. Those now in office governors, ministers, legislators, agency heads—should feel uneasy. Every individual now facing prosecution once stood where they stand today, shielded by authority and cheered by crowds.

    The lesson is stark and unavoidable: the office you hold today will not protect you tomorrow. Immunity expires. Applause evaporates. Records remain. Misuse power, and humiliation will trail you long after the keys are returned. Steal public funds, and the shame will outlive your influence.

    Tomorrow, the name in the headlines could be yours—or that of your ally, mentor, or hero. Unless a different path is chosen now. For legacy. For dignity. For family. And for a nation that is watching closely, learning once again how every king, eventually, must fall.

    •Haroon Aremu Abiodun,

     Exponentumera@gmail.com

  • Nigeria needs an equal employment opportunity commission

    Nigeria needs an equal employment opportunity commission

    • By Samuel Jekeli

    Sir: Nigeria’s labour space is evolving rapidly, yet its institutional framework for protecting fairness at work remains largely reactive. Employment disputes are increasing in volume and complexity, driven by economic pressure, workforce diversity, globalization, and rising awareness of rights.

    Despite this reality, Nigeria still relies heavily on litigation and fragmented oversight to address discrimination, harassment, unfair labour practices, and systemic inequality. This gap points clearly to the need for a specialized Equal Employment Opportunity Commission designed for Nigeria’s unique context.

    At present, workplace justice in Nigeria is pursued mainly through the courts. While the National Industrial Court plays a critical role, it intervenes only after harm has occurred. Litigation is costly, slow, and intimidating, particularly for junior workers, vulnerable groups, and employees in informal or weakly structured organizations. Many valid complaints never reach the courtroom, not because they lack merit, but because the process itself is inaccessible. An employment equality commission would shift the system from reaction to prevention, addressing issues early before they escalate into full-blown disputes.

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    One of the deepest problems in Nigeria’s labour space is the absence of a centralized body focused solely on employment equality. Discrimination issues are scattered across institutions with overlapping mandates. As a result, enforcement is inconsistent and guidance is unclear. Employers are often uncertain about standards, while employees are unsure where to turn. A Nigeria EEOC would provide a single, recognizable authority responsible for receiving complaints, investigating workplace practices, issuing guidance, and promoting compliance across sectors.

    Another pressing issue is the imbalance of power in the employment relationship. In many workplaces, especially in the private sector, employees fear retaliation if they speak up. Job insecurity, high unemployment, and weak internal grievance systems discourage reporting. A neutral commission with investigative powers would provide a safer entry point for complaints, protecting whistle-blowers and ensuring that concerns are examined objectively rather than suppressed internally or ignored entirely.

    The Nigerian labour market also struggles with systemic inequities that are difficult to resolve through individual court cases. Gender-based discrimination, exclusion of persons with disabilities, religious bias, ethnic favouritism, and age discrimination are often embedded in recruitment, promotion, and pay structures. Courts typically address isolated cases, but they are not structured to identify patterns across industries or regions. An EEOC-type institution could analyse trends, conduct sector-wide investigations, and recommend corrective actions that go beyond individual remedies.

    Small and medium-sized organizations face a different but equally serious challenge. Many lack the HR capacity to design compliant policies or manage sensitive workplace issues effectively. Without guidance, mistakes are made not always out of malice, but out of ignorance. A national employment equality body could issue practical guidelines, advisory opinions, and compliance support, helping organizations align with the law while improving their people management practices.

    There is also the issue of court congestion. Employment-related cases add to an already stretched judicial system. Many disputes involve matters that could be resolved through mediation or corrective directives rather than full trials. An EEOC would act as a filter, resolving appropriate cases through conciliation and escalating only the most serious or unresolved matters to the courts. This would preserve judicial resources and reduce the emotional and financial toll on all parties involved.

    Beyond enforcement, a Nigeria EEOC would play a critical educational role. Workplace fairness is not achieved by punishment alone. It requires awareness, training, and cultural change. Through outreach programs, employer engagement, and public reporting, such a body could raise national standards and normalize fair employment practices as a core element of organizational success rather than a legal burden.

    From an economic standpoint, the benefits are significant. High turnover, disengagement, and workplace conflict are costly. Organizations that operate in environments perceived as unfair struggle to retain talent and maintain productivity. A credible employment equality framework would improve workforce stability, enhance Nigeria’s labour reputation, and align the country more closely with international labour expectations, an increasingly important factor for investors and development partners.

    In the end, the need for a Nigeria EEOC is not about creating another institution for its own sake. It is about closing a critical gap in labour governance, protecting dignity at work, and building a system where fairness is enforced consistently, not accidentally. A labour market that works for everyone requires more than laws on paper; it requires institutions designed to make those laws real in everyday working life.

    •Samuel Jekeli,

    FCT Abuja.

  • Why corrupt public officials must be prosecuted

    Why corrupt public officials must be prosecuted

    Sir: Nigeria has for decades been bedevilled by the cankerworm of corruption, largely driven by public office holders at both the state and national levels. The consequences are visible everywhere: failing infrastructure, poor public services, rising poverty, and deep public distrust in government. Corruption has not only slowed national development but has also weakened the moral fabric of governance.

    Funds appropriated for education, healthcare, roads, security, and social welfare often end up in private bank accounts, while the intended beneficiaries are left stranded. Even more troubling is the fact that many of these diversions occur with little or no consequence for those responsible. The absence of consistent prosecution has emboldened corrupt officials and reinforced a dangerous culture of impunity.

    Over the years, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) have been on the trail of a limited number of these officials, yet with minimal success. While arrests and investigations are occasionally announced, prosecutions are prolonged, or completely abandoned and convictions rare. Meanwhile, the country continues to bleed economically and socially.

    Numerous allegations have been reported against serving public officials over the years, some backed by clear evidence. Conventional media and social media platforms have at various times exposed documents, recordings, and financial trails implicating individuals in serious acts of corruption. Despite the public availability of such evidence, decisive action is often absent.

    More concerning is the tendency of anti-graft agencies to overlook these allegations, particularly when the individuals involved are close to the powers-that-be. Selective enforcement has become a defining weakness in Nigeria’s anti-corruption fight. When political protection overrides justice, the credibility of institutions meant to safeguard public interest is severely undermined.

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    The most disturbing trend is the practice of forcing alleged corrupt officials to resign quietly, after which nothing is heard about their prosecution. This pattern has repeated itself over the years and continues to this day. Resignation has effectively become an escape route, allowing individuals to avoid accountability while retaining the proceeds of alleged crimes.

    Nigeria has witnessed ministers and heads of ministries, departments, and agencies accused of corruption, forgery, and abuse of office stepping down without facing trial. Such outcomes send a wrong message to the public and to other officials still in office that corruption carries little risk as long as one is politically connected.

    If the fight against corruption is to be taken seriously, President Bola Tinubu must match his public declarations with concrete action. He should ensure that anti-graft agencies investigate and prosecute any official found wanting, regardless of status or political ties. It is equally unfortunate that these agencies, along with security institutions, appear to wait for presidential directives before performing their statutory duties.

    The fight against corruption must cut across all political divides and reach everyone involved in looting public resources. The nation must be decisively purged of corrupt public officials if transparency, accountability, and genuine development are to be achieved.

    •Tochukwu Jimo Obi, Obosi Anambra State.

  • Reimagining Dutse as a model hub city

    Reimagining Dutse as a model hub city

    Sir: Dutse is not Kano, and it should not try to be. It does not possess the congestion of a commercial megacity, nor does it sit along the ocean like Lagos. Yet these are not weaknesses; they are in fact Dutse’s greatest strengths. In an era where investors, academics, medical tourists, and professionals increasingly seek calm, order, security, and functionality, Dutse, the capital of Jigawa State, offers a rare and compelling alternative.

    The current peaceful social fabric, illuminated streets, orderly town planning, vast green spaces, and abundant developable land of Dutse, provides the ideal canvas for a purpose-built hub city. The presence of Federal University Dutse, Rasheed Shekoni Federal University Teaching Hospital (RSFUTH), an international airport, a rich cultural heritage, historical architecture, and unique rock formations strengthen the city’s profile.

    These, coupled with its strategic location to the Northwest, Northeast, and North-central zones, Dutse is naturally positioned to serve as a regional centre for conferences, tourism, healthcare, education, and innovation.

    As it stands today, Dutse already has several functional zones that form the backbone of the city. These include the Three-Arm Zone housing the State Secretariat, one of the best judiciary complexes in the country, and the state House of Assembly; the Local Government Chairmen’s Quarters; the Five Emirates Quarters; the House of Assembly Members’ Residential Quarters; Dan Masara and Fatara Residential Areas; the Emirs’ Palaces; and the State Government House. These existing structures provide a solid administrative, institutional, and residential foundation upon which the city can expand in a more deliberate and strategic manner.

    There is a need to move Dutse from passive silent city to a strategic urban city, through deliberate, long-term planning backed by institutional commitments. First, the Jigawa State government should set a vision for to develop Dutse Metropolitan, by resuscitating and strengthening the Dutse Capital Development Authority (DCDA), and formally positioning Dutse as a conference and events city, a regional medical and wellness hub, a centre for education and research, and a serene tourism and recreation destination.

    Second, the government should deliberately designate and gazette strategic development zones across the city. These should include a Conference and Events Zone with international conference centres, mini-conference halls, exhibition spaces, hotels, and landscaped parks; a Sports and Recreation Zone featuring an international stadium, sports academies, indoor games centres, recreational parks, and cinemas; an Islamic and Cultural Zone among others.

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    As a matter of urgency, the state government should reassess and reposition the existing city while pursuing these long-term goals. The Garu Township express road is a commendable intervention, and the Medical Village in Fanisau, as well as the Dan Modi Estate, are important steps in the right direction.

    Dutse’s streets should be beautified with trees and flowers, key institutions renovated, and some areas re-planned for efficiency. The State Library should be upgraded into a modern, state-of-the-art knowledge centre; the sports complex revitalised; and the MDI Centre comprehensively modernised to meet contemporary standards for conferences and professional gatherings.

    It’s unbecoming of a state government house to be surrounded by bushy and undeveloped lands; at least the 500-meter radius of the Government House should be developed as the area should be the best residential zone of the state. Projects such as the Dutse Green Initiative, improved transportation systems, and broader urban renewal efforts should be accelerated, including selective relocation and expansion of overstretched areas.

    The returns of these strategic investments are clear: by developing Dutse into a hub for tourism, conferences, healthcare, and education, it will attract visitors, professionals, and institutions from across Nigeria and beyond. It will stimulate demand for hotels, transport, services, and local businesses, significantly boosting Jigawa State’s internally generated revenue.

    Dutse is ready for bold decisions. With a deliberate strategic planning, visionary leadership, and sustained investment, Dutse can become a model hub city for northern Nigeria and the nation at large by attracting talent, investments, tourists, and institutions while preserving its unique serenity and cultural identity. The opportunity is clear, and the moment to act is now.

    •Shamsu Gujungu,Gujungu, Jigawa State.

  • Defections and political accountability

    Defections and political accountability

    Sir: Political defection, the recurrent and often unpredictable migration of politicians from one party to another, has become one of the most troubling features of Nigeria’s democratic trajectory. Although the constitution permits such movement under specific conditions, the frequency and manner of defections raise serious concerns about the credibility, ideological commitment, and ethical standards of political actors.

    More fundamentally, the phenomenon exposes the weak ideological foundations of Nigeria’s party system and reflects the enduring fragility that characterises the nation’s political environment.

    In practice, most defections are rarely driven by genuine ideological disagreement or principled policy divergence. Instead, they are motivated by personal ambition, the pursuit of material advantage, or political self-preservation. This behaviour highlights the shallow moral foundations of Nigeria’s political culture, erodes public confidence in democratic institutions, and reduces political loyalty to a transactional exercise dictated by convenience rather than conviction.

    The constitutional framework governing defection has compounded this challenge. Although the constitution permits elected officials to defect under circumstances of party division or factionalisation, the provision has been persistently abused. Politicians often invoke it disingenuously to legitimise opportunistic defections, even in the absence of genuine crises.

    The culture of defection carries serious implications for democratic consolidation in Nigeria. It undermines issue-based politics, dilutes ideological clarity, and weakens mechanisms of political accountability. Elections are increasingly reduced to contests of personality, patronage, and short-term calculation, rather than opportunities for policy debate, competing visions of development, or engagement with national challenges. This instability also affects governance, as successive administrations may abandon or reverse the programmes of their predecessors, leading to policy discontinuity, fragmented development, and inefficient use of public resources.

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    Addressing political defection requires far-reaching political, legal, and institutional reforms. Foremost is the need to strengthen internal party democracy and institutional capacity. Parties must move beyond personality-driven structures, invest in transparent candidate selection processes, credible dispute resolution mechanisms, and enforceable codes of conduct. Constitutional loopholes that enable opportunistic defections should be clarified or closed, while judicial interpretation must be consistent, principled, and firmly anchored in democratic accountability.

    Discipline within parties should be enforced not as a tool of repression, but to preserve ideological coherence and organisational integrity. Politics must become a contest of ideas rather than a revolving door of personal ambition.

    In the long run, the future of Nigeria’s democracy hinges on principle over expediency and ideology over opportunism. Only when political actors internalise values of conviction, accountability, and service to the collective good, and when citizens demand the same, can Nigeria nurture a resilient, credible, and stable democratic order. Such transformation is essential not only for effective governance but also for sustainable development and the realisation of the nation’s democratic aspirations.

    •Abdulrashid Sani Gimi, PhD,Kaduna.

  • Uba Sani: Redefining governance through innovation

    Uba Sani: Redefining governance through innovation

    Sir: Kaduna State has steadily emerged from a period characterised by insecurity, socio-political dislocation, and weakened economic confidence. Once widely perceived as unstable, marginalised, and commercially constrained, the state is now reasserting itself as a symbol of order, credible governance, and renewed investment appeal. This transformation is neither accidental nor superficial. It is the outcome of deliberate leadership, disciplined administration, and a clearly articulated development pathway under the stewardship of Senator Uba Sani, Governor of Kaduna State.

    His strategic direction is redefining Kaduna’s fortunes and strengthening its relevance within Nigeria’s subnational economy and the wider international investment space.

    In just over two and a half years, Governor Sani has presided over a calm yet deeply transformative renewal. Rejecting populist theatrics, his administration has consistently prioritised reconciliation over spectacle, institutional coherence over improvised responses, and measurable outcomes over fleeting applause. This governance philosophy has restored public confidence, revived investor interest, and reactivated economic and social life across communities previously immobilised by fear. Kaduna’s recovery exemplifies leadership grounded in substance and guided by long-term vision rather than short-term political advantage.

    International validation of this progress became evident on September 10, when the United Kingdom government upgraded Kaduna from Red Level Four to Amber Level Three on its travel advisory scale. Announced alongside a Mutual Accountability Framework, this reclassification signalled that the state had crossed a decisive threshold in stability and governance credibility. For investors and development partners alike, the implication was unmistakable. Kaduna is increasingly secure, predictable, and open for business.

    With stability largely consolidated, the administration has shifted focus towards converting peace into broad-based prosperity. Agribusiness, particularly poultry production, has been identified as a strategic driver of inclusive growth, employment creation, and food security. This ambition was reinforced when Governor Uba Sani led a delegation to Beijing for high-level engagements with the China Communications Construction Company, CCCC. Kaduna became the first Nigerian subnational government to be formally received at the company’s headquarters, reflecting rising international confidence in the state’s development agenda.

    Visits to large-scale poultry and halal meat processing complexes, some producing several million units daily, provided valuable insights into integrated value chains encompassing production, processing, packaging, and distribution. These lessons now inform Kaduna’s flagship $200 million poultry initiative, scheduled for implementation in early 2026.

    Designed as a fully integrated value chain project, it is projected to empower more than 350,000 youths and women, expand domestic protein supply, and generate sustainable employment. The initiative represents a decisive shift from subsistence farming to commercially competitive, export-ready agribusiness aligned with global standards.

    Through the Roads Development Initiative, more than 1,300 kilometres of roads are currently under construction, reconnecting rural communities to urban markets and strengthening intra-state and regional integration. Urban transport reforms, including the Kaduna Bus Rapid Transit system and modern transport terminals, reflect a coherent mobility strategy designed to support inclusive and sustainable economic expansion.

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    Beyond transport, the administration has revitalised the rural economy. Over 500,000 hectares of previously abandoned farmland have been restored, displaced farmers resettled, and agricultural investment significantly expanded. Flagship initiatives such as the $510 million Special Agro Industrial Processing Zone position Kaduna as a leading agro-industrial hub in northern Nigeria. Parallel investments in human capital, spanning education, teacher training, reduced tertiary fees, upgraded health facilities, and vocational programmes, have empowered tens of thousands of young people and reinforced a people-centred development model.

    On 16 December 16, the governor hosted the leadership of the National Board for Technology Incubation, NBTI, alongside Malam Al Amin Muhammed Idris, winner of the NextGen Innovation Challenge 2025. The engagement highlighted the administration’s embrace of technology and data-driven solutions in governance and service delivery.

    Underlying these achievements is a governance culture anchored in transparency, accountability, and evidence-based policymaking. Compliance with Open Government Partnership standards, prudent debt management, and participatory budgeting, including the allocation of N100 million to each ward for community-selected projects, has strengthened democratic ownership and institutional legitimacy. Collectively, these measures articulate a coherent development philosophy, with peace as the foundation, people as the focus, and progress driven by strategic partnerships.

    Under the leadership of Governor Uba Sani, Kaduna State is not merely evolving. It is being fundamentally redefined. Its experience demonstrates how principled leadership, fiscal responsibility, and strategic investment in agribusiness and innovation can reposition a subnational economy as stable, competitive, and exemplary within Nigeria’s federal landscape.

    •Abdulrashid Sani Gimi, PhD, Kaduna.

  • Nigeria’s health insurance needs an overhaul

    Nigeria’s health insurance needs an overhaul

    Sir: Nigeria’s National Health Insurance Authority (NHIA) was established with a clear mandate to drive the country toward Universal Health Coverage (UHC) by 2030. With a stated vision of becoming a leading agency committed to achieving financial access to quality healthcare for all Nigerians, the scheme was designed to remove cost barriers and protect citizens from catastrophic health spending. Yet, nearly two decades after its conception in different forms, that vision appears increasingly distant from reality.

    For many Nigerians enrolled under the NHIA, the reality of care is marked by frustration, neglect, and systemic inefficiency. Across the country, patients’ experiences suggest a scheme that exists more on paper than in practice. While access to healthcare is meant to be guaranteed, the lived experiences of insured patients tell a different story—one that raises serious questions about the credibility and effectiveness of the system.

    The situation is particularly troubling in many private hospitals, where NHIA patients are often treated as second-class citizens. Reports abound of healthcare providers paying little or no attention to patients simply because they are enrolled under the insurance scheme. Instead of benefiting from the protections promised by the NHIA, patients are frequently subjected to long delays, limited services, and outright neglect.

    A striking example can be found in a popular hospital located in Garki, Abuja, where a separate pharmacy exists solely for NHIA patients. This pharmacy hardly boasts of any essential drugs or medicines. Patients are routinely asked to source their prescribed medications from outside the hospital, defeating the very purpose of insured care and placing additional financial and emotional burdens on already vulnerable individuals.

    Even more distressing is the harrowing process of status confirmation by Health Maintenance Organisations (HMOs). NHIA patients are often made to wait for hours, and in some cases days, before approval codes are issued. During this time, treatment is delayed, regardless of the severity of the patient’s condition. In a healthcare system where time can mean the difference between life and death, such delays are indefensible.

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    Tragically, there have been cases where patients with emergency conditions either died or suffered worsening health outcomes while awaiting HMO approvals. Rather than providing urgent care and resolving administrative issues afterward, many facilities choose to delay treatment entirely. This approach reflects a dangerous prioritisation of bureaucracy over human life.

    In addition, several hospitals routinely refer patients elsewhere solely because they are under the NHIA scheme. These referrals are not based on lack of capacity or expertise but on an unwillingness to engage with NHIA processes. As a result, many patients have lost faith in the system and now choose to present themselves as direct, self-paying patients in order to receive prompt and comprehensive care.

    These poor practices, entrenched over the years, have significantly undermined NHIA services in both public and private hospitals. This is despite the huge sums of money paid by government as healthcare subsidies under the scheme. The persistent gaps between funding, service delivery, and patient outcomes have left the NHIA struggling with a serious credibility crisis.

    The federal and state governments must act decisively. There is an urgent need for strict monitoring and regulation of all healthcare providers participating in the NHIA scheme to ensure compliance and accountability. HMOs must also be made more accessible, with seamless systems that eliminate prolonged waiting times for status confirmations. Universal Health Coverage cannot be achieved through promises alone. The time to act is now.

    •Tochukwu Jimo Obi, Obosi Anambra State.

  • On the Dangote/ NMDPRA kerfuffle

    On the Dangote/ NMDPRA kerfuffle

     Sir: The Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) 2021 does not prohibit the importation of petroleum products into Nigeria. There is no outright ban; rather, the Act supports a deregulated market with regulatory oversight governing imports.

    Aliko Dangote’s grievance with the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA) under its former helmsman, Farouk Ahmed centres on the continued issuance of import licences to petroleum marketers. And then the failure to impose heavy levies and taxes on imported petroleum products. 

    According to the NMDPRA, Nigeria’s petrol imports increased to an average of 52.1 million litres per day in November. The NMDPRA further disclosed that the NNPC imported the bulk of Nigeria’s petrol requirements in November 2025, with total imports by all marketers amounting to 1.563 billion litres during the month.

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    In the first round of this battle, Dangote appears to have “won,” as President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has replaced Farouk Ahmed of the NMDPRA and Gbenga Komolafe of the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC). They have been succeeded by Oritsemeyiwa Amanorisewo Eyesan as Chief Executive Officer of the NUPRC and Saidu Aliyu Mohammed as Chief Executive Officer of the NMDPRA, subject to senate’s approval.

    My take is that this battle will continue. The new chief executives cannot ban the importation of petroleum products by the NNPC or other marketers outright because there is no law to back them. However, they are likely to engage Dangote cautiously to avoid the fate that befell Farouk Ahmed and Gbenga Komolafe. In my view, this is not a good thing for a regulatory of an industry.

    If Dangote truly seeks full market patronage, pricing is key. His products must match or beat the cost of imported petroleum products. Marketers operate on a simple philosophy: buy good, sell good. If Dangote Refinery’s prices and processes are competitive or superior to imported products, no marketer would endure the challenges of sourcing foreign exchange, freight costs, and time delays when a cheaper and readily available alternative exists at their doorstep.

    •Zayyad I. Muhammad,Abuja.

  • Farouk Ahmed: A challenge for EFCC

    Farouk Ahmed: A challenge for EFCC

    • By Ukasha Rabiu Magama

    Sir: The recent allegations against Engineer Farouk Ahmed, accused of spending approximately N8 billion on his children’s education abroad, have reignited public debate about corruption and accountability in Nigeria’s public sector. While the figure is staggering, many Nigerians are not surprised by the accusation, as they have become accustomed to stories of public officials living far beyond their legitimate means.

    In most countries, allegations of this magnitude would prompt swift investigations and sustained public scrutiny. However, in Nigeria, such cases often follow a predictable pattern: public outrage, brief media attention, and eventual silence.

    Over the years, many public officials have been arrested or investigated for embezzling public funds, only to be released without facing meaningful consequences. The scale of corruption within Nigeria’s public system is so vast that many cases remain unquantified and undocumented.

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    There are indications that law enforcement agencies, particularly the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), has begun to take action in this case. However, public confidence remains low. Past experiences suggest that, without sustained pressure, such investigations risk being quietly abandoned. Media organizations often fail to follow up, and anti-corruption agencies seem to lose momentum once public attention wanes.

    This cycle has serious consequences. It reinforces a system in which the poor bear the brunt of economic hardship, while a privileged elite continues to divert public resources with little fear of accountability. The result is a deeply distorted society where integrity is punished, and impunity thrives.

    If justice is genuinely pursued in the Ahmed case as we expect it should, it could mark an important turning point. A transparent investigation and appropriate sanctions, if it becomes necessary, would serve as a deterrent, signalling that public office is not a license for personal enrichment. Such an outcome would help restore public trust and protect public funds.

    However, this case must not be treated as an isolated incident. The EFCC and other oversight institutions must go beyond individual prosecutions and address the broader structures that enable corruption to persist. Without systemic reforms and consistent law enforcement, the latest case, like many before it, risks becoming just another forgotten headline in Nigeria’s long history of unresolved corruption scandals.

    •Ukasha Rabiu Magama,

    Magama, Toro, Bauchi State.