The Nation Newspaper

Category: Letters

  • Detty December: Unpacking a cultural phenomenon

    Detty December: Unpacking a cultural phenomenon

    • By Dr. Olusola B. Adegbite

    Sir: If, as Heraclitus once mused, one never steps into the same river twice, then Lagos in December is a river in ecstatic flood. “Detty December” that riotous phrase now etched into Nigeria’s cultural lexicon, is both description and incantation: a season when Lagos, Nigeria’s commercial capital and emotional nerve centre, sheds its week-day grind and dons sweat and sound. To ask what is “detty” about December is to ask what Lagos is, when it remembers itself not merely as a city of survival, but as a city of spectacle.

    Originally, Detty December was an insider slang; streetwise and playful, suggesting that December is “dirty” in the sense of excessive fun, late nights, loud music, and reckless laughter. Over time, the phrase matured into a phenomenon, an annual cultural migration marked by concerts, club nights, beach parties, art fairs, food festivals, and a carnival of human traffic. The Gen Z generation, digital natives with an instinct for virility, seized Detty December and branded it globally, transforming Lagos into a global melting pot of some sort. Instagram stories became travel brochures; TikTok clips became cultural manifestos. When it comes to “Detty December” the message is clear: Lagos in Christmas is not lived quietly.

    Yet Detty December did not emerge ex nihilo. Lagos has always been a city of loud survival and louder pleasure. The city’s identity, restless and electric, has long oscillated between struggle and splendour. Detty December merely ritualised this oscillation, concentrating a year’s worth of deferred joy into 31 feverish days. Christmas, once a modest domestic affair of rice, stew, and church clothes, has been ingeniously reimagined as a public festival of consumption and communion.

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    Economically, the season is a masterstroke. Hotels bloom, airlines rejoice, vendors thrive, and the government, smiling quietly, counts billions of naira in Internally Generated Revenue (IGR). Detty December galvanised a $75 million tourism boom for Lagos state in 2024. Clearly, 2025 is poised to surpass that record. Detty December is also a season of return: Nigerians in the diaspora, the self-styled I Just Come Back (IJCB), descend like migratory birds, armed with foreign accents and sentimental longings. In their homecoming, Detty December becomes an emotional bridge, a proof that Lagos, despite its chaos, still calls its children home.

    But every carnival casts a shadow. Lagos, already a city where movement is a metaphysical struggle, becomes almost mythically congested. The recent Lekki traffic snarls, exacerbated by IJCB enthusiasm and relentless events, remind us that excess has consequences. As Thomas Hobbes might have revised it – Detty December traffic is “nasty, brutish, and long.” Detty December complicates an already complicated city, turning joy into gridlock and pleasure into exhaustion.

    Still, Lagos endures. Detty December is satire made flesh: a city laughing at itself, dancing atop its contradictions. It is Lagos insisting, against all odds, that joy is not a luxury but a form of resistance. It is a city affirming life, even when life refuses to be easy.

    •Dr. Olusola B. Adegbite,

    United Kingdom.

  • Festive feasts and hidden germs: How to stay food-safe

    Festive feasts and hidden germs: How to stay food-safe

    Sir: The festive season is a time of joy, togetherness, and abundant food. From steaming pots of jollof rice to roadside suya, nkwobi, assorted and catfish pepper soup, fried chicken, and assorted local delicacies, as celebrations across Nigeria are often marked by generous feasting. However, beneath the excitement of these meals lies a silent but significant risk of foodborne infections caused by harmful microorganisms.

    Each year, hospitals record a surge in cases of diarrhoea, vomiting, and abdominal cramps during and after festive periods. Many of these illnesses are preventable and are linked to poor food handling practices rather than the food itself.

    Foods prepared or stored improperly can harbour dangerous bacteria such as Salmonella sp, Escherichia coli (E. coli), and Staphylococcus aureus. These organisms are commonly found in raw meat, poultry, eggs, unpasteurized milk, contaminated water, and on unwashed hands or utensils. During large gatherings, food is often cooked in bulk and left at room temperature for long hours. Unfortunately, warm conditions especially in Nigeria’s climate provide an ideal environment for bacteria to multiply rapidly. A pot of rice left uncovered for several hours may look safe but could contain millions of invisible bacteria capable of causing serious illness.

    Leftovers are a festive staple, but they are also one of the leading causes of food poisoning. Repeated reheating, poor refrigeration due to unavailability of power, and storing food in uncovered containers significantly increase the risk of contamination. Many people believe that reheating food automatically makes it safe. This is not always true. Some bacteria produce toxins that are heat-stable, meaning the toxins can survive normal reheating. When leftovers are mishandled, the risk of illness increases, especially for children, the elderly, and individuals with weakened immune systems.

    Street foods are an important part of our food culture and provide livelihoods for many families. However, during festive periods, the high demand for ready-to-eat foods can sometimes compromise hygiene standards. Food exposed to flies, dust, or handled with unwashed hands can easily become contaminated. This does not mean street food should be avoided entirely, but consumers must be vigilant. Choosing vendors who maintain cleanliness, serve hot food, and handle money separately from food can significantly reduce risk.

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    Staying food-safe during the holidays does not require expensive equipment or complicated rules; rather, simple everyday practices can make a significant difference. Hands should be washed thoroughly with soap and clean water before cooking or eating, as this reduces the transfer of harmful microorganisms. Food, especially meat, poultry, and eggs, should be cooked properly to eliminate disease-causing bacteria.

    To prevent cross-contamination, raw and cooked foods should be handled with separate utensils and cutting boards. Cooked meals should be served hot and not left at room temperature for more than two hours, as prolonged exposure encourages bacterial growth. Leftover food should be promptly refrigerated in well-covered containers and consumed within 24 to 48 hours. When reheating leftovers, they should be heated thoroughly until they are steaming hot to ensure safety. In addition, only clean and safe water should be used for drinking, cooking, and washing utensils, as contaminated water can introduce harmful pathogens.

    Food safety during the festive season is a shared responsibility between cooks, food vendors, families, and consumers. While the season calls for celebration, it is important to remember that good health is the foundation of enjoyment.

    As we gather to celebrate with family and friends, let us ensure that our meals bring only joy not illness. By practicing simple food-safety measures, we can protect ourselves and our loved ones and truly enjoy the festive season. This festive season, let’s make food safety a family tradition. Wash your hands, cook thoroughly, store leftovers properly, and choose hygienic vendors. By taking these simple steps, you can protect yourself, your loved ones, and your community from preventable foodborne illnesses. Celebrate responsibly because a healthy feast is the foundation of a joyful holiday.

    •Dr. Umezurike Emeka, Lead City University, Ibadan

  • Land titling as a major source of revenue

    Land titling as a major source of revenue

    Sir: Land titling is the transfer of land ownership to individuals, organizations or entities through the issuance of legal titles or documents which formalizes the process. There is convincing evidence that this process enhances security of tenure, facilitates land transactions, and has had diverse impacts on loan availability, investment incentives and higher output, income and family wealth, social security and economic development around the world.

    It is worrisome that in Nigeria, documentation has remained characterized by confusion and disorder in real estate transactions. More worrisome is the fact that about 90% of land in Nigeria is unregistered and untitled. With over $300 billion in dead capital tied up in undocumented land, the nation’s vast land assets are not economically viable, and do not boost states’ revenue.

    Government has enormous responsibilities and obligations, such as provision of infrastructure and social amenities for the people and for the betterment of the society. And for government to be alive to these responsibilities, there must be unhindered flow of revenue from multiple sources. Land titling is a good economic tool, with potentials to significantly boost the states’ revenue, enhance the value of properties and transaction in the marketplace, if it is fully harnessed and implemented. Property is a very secured and reliable source of income, particularly through titling and registration.

    It is in this light that the strategic move by the Ministry of Housing and Urban Development and the World Bank Group to unlock the several billions of dollars in dead capital tied up in such undocumented land and to make the nation’s vast land assets more economically viable must be commended. In year 2024, the ministry and the World Bank resolved to work together towards addressing the 90% of unregistered and untitled land in Nigeria.

    Through the initiative, the ministry in conjunction with the World Bank planned to, amongst other objectives, register, document and title all land parcels within five years; develop and launch a National Digital Land Information System (NDLIS) and define a framework that would make it accessible to all stakeholders. The plan also include an increase in the formalization of land transactions from less than 10% to over 50% in the next 10 years; and train and deploy technically competent land registration officers nationwide. With this, land registration and titling will open up sources of revenue for the states, and would boost their income through ground rent, Certificates of Occupancy, and taxes accruing from increased investments in real estate.

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    Such funds can be used to  support land administration in Nigeria, affordable housing, sustainable financing mechanism, provide urban services in the states of the federation, help to minimize the effect of infrastructure deficit, address the impact of climate change on the urban sector, and engage in urban land management towards the attainment of liveable cities, digitization, among others.

    To make the programme effective, the National Land Registration and Titling Programme should partner and collaborate with the state governments. In doing this, government can optimize revenue from titling. State governments should complement the ministry’s initiative by ensuring valuation report on the properties are provided for registration.

    Land titles are not just pieces of paper; they are foundational to land governance, development control, and the orderly growth of Nigerian cities. Without proper titling, even the best urban plans collapse under the weight of dispute, delay, and disorganization.

    To ensure sustainable development, Nigeria must align its land titling systems with physical planning frameworks. This alignment guarantees legal security, promotes investment, and prevents the urban chaos we see in unregulated areas. The future of Nigerian urban development rests on the strength of its land titles.

    Wesey Titilayo Folashade, Lagos.

  • Dangote -NMDPRA dispute: The real issues

    Dangote -NMDPRA dispute: The real issues

    sir: We have followed with interest the ongoing impasse between Dangote Petroleum Refinery and the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA). The issue at stake transcends commercial disagreement. It strikes at the heart of a fundamental development question: the sovereignty of Nigeria’s governance process over its hydrocarbon resources.

    The paradox is striking: Nigeria now has a $20 billion refinery—one of the world’s largest—yet we continue importing petroleum products. A private investor has built the refining capacity our nation desperately needs, but faces systematic undermining from the very regulatory authority whose mandate is to support such investments. When government policy actively frustrates transformative local investment, we must question whether our economic strategy serves national interest or perpetuates dependency. The issues here—local refining, poverty alleviation, employment, industrial development—go far beyond commercial dispute. They touch the fundamental question of how Nigeria governs its most valuable resource.

    This situation exemplifies the conflict between two fundamentally different approaches to petroleum governance. Nigeria currently operates under “Contract Oil”: a system where petroleum is treated merely as a commodity for extraction and export, with value addition and job creation systematically externalized to foreign entities. We export raw crude only to import refined products at premium prices, perpetuating dependency rather than fostering development.

    Saudi Arabia demonstrates the alternative—”Development Oil”—using petroleum resources for comprehensive national transformation. The Kingdom does not permit any operation that undermines its local capacity. This has delivered over 500 vessels in its maritime fleet, comprehensive downstream capacity including world-class refineries, and absolute control over the petroleum value chain. Nigeria operates with no such vessels despite being Africa’s largest oil producer.

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    When regulatory actions frustrate investments that create local capacity, generate employment, and reduce import dependency, they violate constitutional obligation. The current situation where a domestic refinery struggles to secure crude feedstock while import licenses continue flowing represents fundamental failure of this constitutional responsibility.

    This is not merely about one refinery or one company—it is about whether Nigeria will continue the failed Contract Oil approach that has produced seven decades of resource curse, or embrace development oil principles that align hydrocarbon management with constitutional obligations and national development imperatives. This is a defining moment between sovereignty and dependency, between development and extractive stagnation, between constitutional compliance and commercial expediency.

    We urge all stakeholders to recognize the profound implications of this dispute and work toward resolution that serves Nigeria’s constitutional obligations, development imperatives, and long-term national interest.

    •Collins Okeke,

    Dr. Olisa Agbakoba SAN

    Olisa Agbakoba,

    OAL Energy and Natural Resource Practice Group, Lagos.

  • Kudos to LASG on ‘Light up Lagos’

    Kudos to LASG on ‘Light up Lagos’

    • By Oluwaseye

    Sir: At a time when Nigeria is grappling with insecurity challenges such as ethno-religious conflicts, communal clashes, insurgency, banditry, kidnapping, and militancy, issues that continue to affect the economy, lives, livelihoods, business activities, and the wider socio-political climate, the Lagos State Government is not resting on its oars. As the nation’s economic nerve centre, Lagos understands that sustained security is non-negotiable.

    This commitment has been evident in the series of security-related engagements held in the last month. From collaborative meetings with stakeholders across the Southern and Southwest regions, to the recent Security Council meeting hosted by the governor, Babajide Olusola Sanwo-Olu with heads of security agencies in the state, and the upcoming 18th town hall meeting on security, the administration has shown steady attention to maintaining peace and stability.

    Among all these efforts, the ongoing Light Up Lagos project stands out for its direct and visible impact. The project, driven by the Lagos State government, focuses on installing and upgrading LED and solar streetlights across major roads and highways to boost security, support commerce, and improve the city’s overall aesthetics.

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    According to the Ministry of Energy and Mineral Resources, the streetlight installations and the solar retrofitting initiative form part of the state’s push toward a well-lit, secure, and energy-efficient Lagos.

    With many sites already completed, the Light Up Lagos project is coming at the right moment. December usually brings heavier movement and vibrant nightlife across the state, and improved street lighting strengthens public safety during this period. It also supports economic activity in hospitality, entertainment, retail, and transportation. Last year, the government estimated that December festivities generated about $71.5 million in revenue, with the hotel sector contributing roughly $44 million. With this year’s yuletide events, the figures are likely to rise.

    While the project is a strong step forward, it is important for the government to ensure the sustainability of this infrastructure. Proper maintenance systems and safeguards against vandalism or sabotage will determine whether these gains last.

    Overall, Light Up Lagos is a promising initiative, poised to put Lagos State on the economic and entertainment global talking stage this yuletide. Its long-term success will depend on how well the state preserves and protects it.

    •Oluwaseye,

    Lagos.

  • On the Akume/Alia reconciliation

    On the Akume/Alia reconciliation

    By Prof Leonard Karshima Shilgba

    Sir: The renewed focus on reconciliation between the Governor of Benue State, Rev. Fr. Hyacinth Iormem Alia, and the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Senator George Akume, is both timely and necessary. It reflects the sobering recognition that prolonged political estrangement within the ruling party has consequences far beyond personal rivalries; it weakens governance, destabilizes institutions, and ultimately punishes the people.

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s decision to mandate a high-level reconciliation committee, chaired by the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Rt. Hon. Abbas Tajudeen, is therefore a strategic intervention deserving of collective goodwill and restraint. It is an effort to heal, not to enthrone; to stabilize, not to reallocate dominance.

    Unfortunately, some recent commentaries have already begun to frame this reconciliation process as a contest with inevitable winners and losers. Such narratives are not only premature; they are profoundly counterproductive. Reconciliation is not a boxing match, and it is not a zero-sum game. It is a disciplined political process that demands humility, compromise, and a willingness by all sides to subordinate private ambitions to public good.

    Predicting in advance who will emerge with the “upper hand” hardens positions and encourages brinkmanship. It emboldens political loyalists to dig in rather than soften, to escalate rather than de-escalate. In fragile political environments like Benue, words do not merely describe reality; they help create it. Careless analysis can easily become a self-fulfilling prophecy.

    The truth is that neither Alia nor Akume can afford a prolonged cold war. Benue State needs stability to confront insecurity, economic stagnation, and social dislocation. The APC needs internal cohesion to govern effectively and remain electorally viable. The president needs a united party structure in a strategic North-central state. Above all, the people of Benue need leadership that prioritizes outcomes over supremacy.

    Reconciliation does not require silence on truth, nor does it excuse poor governance or political exclusion. But it does require restraint. It demands that grievances be addressed through dialogue rather than spectacle, and that power be exercised with a sense of proportion and shared responsibility.

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    This responsibility does not rest on the two principal actors alone. Political loyalists, opinion writers, intellectuals, traditional rulers, religious leaders, and members of the business community all shape the atmosphere within which reconciliation either succeeds or fails. When these groups amplify divisive narratives or project partisan certainties, they risk sabotaging a process whose success serves everyone.

    History is unkind to those who profit from division while society bleeds. It remembers not only the leaders who failed to reconcile, but also the voices that discouraged peace and normalized conflict.

    If reconciliation succeeds, Benue State stands to gain political stability, improved governance, and renewed confidence from investors and citizens alike. President Tinubu’s broader reform agenda gains traction. Nigeria gains another example of conflict managed through dialogue rather than attrition.

    This is not the moment to take sides. It is the moment to take responsibility. Reconciliation, properly understood, is not about who yields more power. It is about who shows greater wisdom.

    •Prof Leonard Karshima Shilgba,

    <shilgba@gmail.com>

  • Malami, Farouk, and question Nigeria refuses to answer

    Malami, Farouk, and question Nigeria refuses to answer

    • By Folorunso Fatai Adisa

    Sir: In The Beautyful Ones Are Not Yet Born (1968), Armah offers one of the sharpest moral metaphors in African literature. The chichidodo, he writes, hates excrement with all its soul, yet feeds only on maggots, which thrive best in filth. It despises corruption but survives on its proceeds. That contradiction is its tragedy. It is also ours. The spread of chichidodos has made accountability in Nigeria painfully difficult. Alleged looters are shielded not by evidence of innocence but by ethnic sentiment, religious loyalty, and partisan allegiance. Justice is stalled not because facts are absent, but because conscience has been outsourced to identity.

    Mark Twain captured this moral boundary succinctly when he observed that patriotism means supporting your country all the time, and your government only when it deserves it. He did not advocate blind loyalty. Defending public plunderers is not patriotism. It is parasitism. To praise looters is to feed off the decay they create. That is chichidodo logic.

    According to The Cable, the EFCC has traced 41 properties allegedly worth about N212 billion to Abubakar Malami, former Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice. The report states that these assets, hotels, residential buildings, land, schools, and a printing press, are spread across Kebbi State, Kano State, and the Federal Capital Territory. The figures cited are staggering: over N162 billion in Kebbi, about N16 billion in Kano, and nearly N35 billion in the FCT.

    These sums are not abstract. They represent hospitals not built, roads not repaired, classrooms not equipped, and lives diminished by neglect. Political economist Susan Rose-Ackerman, one of the world’s leading scholars on corruption, has long argued that corruption is not only a moral failing but a systemic tax on development, diverting public resources from productive use and eroding trust in institutions. Where corruption becomes normalised, she notes, inequality deepens and state capacity collapses.

    Earlier this month, Africa’s richest man, Aliko Dangote, publicly alleged that a senior government official had sent four children to a Swiss secondary school at a reported cost of $5 million. The official he mentioned was Farouk Ahmed, chief executive of the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority. These claims remain allegations, but they raise unavoidable questions. What lawful income sustains such expenditure? What private enterprise supports such opulence? Or are public resources being quietly converted into private luxury?

    These are not questions of envy but of arithmetic. Lavish spending on this scale cannot be reconciled with modest public-sector earnings. Economist Amartya Sen has consistently argued that development is not measured by elite consumption but by the expansion of collective capabilities. When public wealth is siphoned into private excess, the freedoms of the many are sacrificed for the comfort of the few.

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    Sadly, the most disheartening sight is not the allegations themselves but the reaction they provoke. Struggling Nigerians rush to defend those under investigation. Poverty argues on behalf of privilege. Hunger becomes a shield for power. This is the mob mentality Aesop warned about in The Frogs and the Sun, where short-term excitement blinds people to long-term ruin.

    Corruption in Nigeria is not confined to politicians alone. It seeps through institutions. Civil servants, regulators, and gatekeepers often form the hidden machinery that sustains the rot. As the World Bank has repeatedly observed, corruption thrives where accountability mechanisms are weak and where social tolerance allows abuse of office to go unpunished.

    If you wish to be an honoured guest in the house of equity, you cannot arrive as a chichidodo. Justice admits only those who come with clean hands, clean garments, and clean intentions. Around the world, nations that treat grand corruption lightly eventually pay heavily in instability, insecurity, and social collapse.

    Nigeria need not imitate extreme punitive models to confront corruption, but it must rediscover seriousness. Without firm and consistent accountability, the damage ahead will eclipse what we already endure. A society that habitually defends looters is not just corrupt; it is complicit. While countries like China impose the harshest penalties for grand corruption, Nigeria need only enforce asset forfeiture, restitution, and lifelong disqualification from public office. Looters should not stroll freely through our streets enjoying stolen comfort; they should lose both the funds and the fun that corruption affords.

    •Folorunso Fatai Adisa,

    United Kingdom.

  • Death penalty for terrorists: A note to the Senate

    Death penalty for terrorists: A note to the Senate

    Sir: The recent decision by the Senate to classify kidnapping and banditry as acts of terrorism along with the approval of the death penalty for offenders is a bold and commendable step toward restoring security across our nation. Nigerians have endured years of pain, fear and uncertainty. Families have been shattered, businesses crippled and communities displaced by the persistent surge of kidnapping and violent crimes. While the Senate’s resolution is timely and necessary, it is only the beginning. Without complementary reforms to strengthen the judicial process, the impact of this new legislation may fall short of the expectations of citizens who are yearning for true justice.

    Nigeria has long had severe penalties on paper, yet weak enforcement continues to undermine their effectiveness. The missing link is the creation of a judicial mechanism dedicated specifically to the growing menace of kidnapping and related violent crimes.

    For these reasons, I urge the Senate to establish a special court for kidnapping and violent crimes through federal legislation. This should not be an optional addition to our justice system but an urgent necessity to give real meaning to the Senate’s recent declaration. The special court must be empowered to conduct speedy trials because kidnapping cases often drag on for years, creating delays that embolden criminals and frustrate victims. Fast tracked hearings and judgments will cut through the bureaucracy that currently slows justice. The certainty and swiftness of punishment are far more effective deterrents than punishment alone.

    The court must also ensure clear and firm sentencing. It should differentiate between cases where the victim survives and those where the victim is killed. When lives are taken, the death penalty already approved by the Senate must apply. When victims survive, life imprisonment should be the minimum sentence. This distinction ensures proportional justice while maintaining a zero tolerance approach to violent crime.

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    Another major challenge is enforcement. One significant reason why death sentences in Nigeria rarely reach execution is the constitutional requirement for governors to sign death warrants. Over the years, many governors have declined to do so for political, religious or personal reasons. As a result, convicted murderers and kidnappers often remain on death row indefinitely or eventually secure reprieves. This loophole weakens the justice system and emboldens criminals who believe the law can be circumvented.

    A special court must therefore be empowered to enforce its judgments without reliance on gubernatorial approval. Justice should not depend on political will or personal philosophy. The laws of the republic should be enforced uniformly and consistently. The court should also oversee the full implementation of its judgments, whether death penalty or life imprisonment, to ensure that justice is not merely pronounced but fully carried out. Nigeria cannot continue with a system where convictions are delivered but never enforced.

    To the Senate, I say the time to act decisively is now. You have already taken the courageous step of labelling kidnapping as terrorism and approving the death penalty. The next step, which is the establishment of a special court and the removal of the enforcement bottleneck caused by governors’ refusal to sign death warrants, will transform this legislation from theory into meaningful impact. If Nigeria must curb the scourge of kidnapping, justice must be sure, swift and complete. Only then will criminals understand that our nation will no longer tolerate this reign of terror. Establishing this special court is the surest path to restoring peace, strengthening the rule of law and protecting the lives of citizens.

    I urge the Senate to act with the urgency this crisis demands.

    •Chionye Hencs Odiaka,Asaba, Delta State.

  • Tinted glass permit: Is the police above the law?

    Tinted glass permit: Is the police above the law?

    Sir: The controversies surrounding the enforcement of the tinted glass permit policy are far from over. What should have been a straightforward regulatory issue has now grown into a public debate touching on the rule of law, institutional accountability, and the limits of police powers in a constitutional democracy. At the centre of this debate is the Nigeria Police Force and the office of the Inspector General of Police (IGP), whose insistence on enforcement has raised serious legal and ethical questions.

    The renewed tension follows a back-and-forth exchange between the Nigeria Police and the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) over a court order reportedly halting the enforcement of the tinted glass permit policy. The NBA maintains that a competent court has issued an order restraining the police from enforcing the policy pending the determination of the substantive suit. This position, coming from the umbrella body of legal practitioners, has understandably drawn public attention and concern.

    The police, however, have taken a different stance. They argue that although such an order may exist, they have not been formally served and therefore are not bound by it. On this basis, the police insist that enforcement will commence on January 2, 2026. This position raises a troubling question: Does the mere absence of service justify proceeding with an action that is already under judicial consideration?

    In defending their position, the police have repeatedly argued that criminals and terrorists use vehicles with tinted glass to perpetrate heinous crimes, including armed robbery, kidnapping, and terrorism. According to the police, enforcing the tinted glass permit is a necessary security measure aimed at curbing criminal activities and improving public safety. On the surface, this argument appears reasonable and appeals to widespread fears about insecurity.

    However, this justification becomes weak when examined against the reality of Nigeria’s security challenges. It is a well-known fact that much of the insecurity currently facing the country is driven by banditry and kidnappings. These crimes are predominantly carried out by armed groups operating on motorcycles and within forested areas, not by individuals driving tinted glass vehicles through urban roads.

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    Moreover, the assumption that a tinted glass permit can prevent crime is fundamentally flawed. Criminals do not typically use vehicles registered in their own names to commit crimes, nor do they rely on official permits to shield themselves from law enforcement. A permit regime may inconvenience law-abiding citizens, but it offers little deterrence to organised criminal networks operating outside the law.

    The real issue, therefore, is not the effectiveness of the tinted glass permit, but the insistence of the Nigeria Police on proceeding with enforcement in the face of a pending court order. In a constitutional democracy, once a matter is before a court, all parties are expected to exercise restraint until the court has fully determined the issue. Anything short of this undermines the authority of the judiciary.

    This situation inevitably raises a disturbing question: does the conduct of the Nigeria Police and the IGP suggest that they consider themselves above the law? If the police, as the primary enforcers of law and order, appear unwilling to subject themselves to judicial processes, the implications for democratic governance and public trust are grave.

    There is no convincing reason why the police cannot allow the court process to be exhausted. Compliance with judicial orders, whether served or not, reflects respect for the rule of law and institutional maturity. Rather than intimidating the NBA and harassing road users over the tinted glass permit, the Nigeria Police should pause enforcement, obey the law, and allow the courts to have the final word. Only then can they legitimately claim to be protectors, not violators, of the law.

    •Tochukwu Jimo Obi, Obosi Anambra state.

  • Dangerous embrace

    Dangerous embrace

    Sir: The security crisis engulfing Nigeria, particularly in the North, is a multifaceted tragedy. Yet, one policy stands out as a profound institutional failure and a clear roadblock to peace: the program to integrate so-called “repentant” Boko-Haram and bandit elements into the national fold, sometimes even into the military.

    The policy hinges on the precarious notion that a declaration of remorse constitutes genuine repentance. But the heart of the matter is simple: true, heartfelt repentance is not something a human government can ascertain. When a terrorist or a bandit steps forward and claims to repent, we must remember that only God can truly judge the sincerity of their heart. For a man, this declaration can be a calculated tactical move—a ploy for survival, information gathering, or a path to rehabilitation and resources before returning to crime. To base a critical national security policy on such an unverified, easily faked declaration is to build our future on sand.

    This policy is a corrosive agent of demoralization that undermines the fighting spirit of our men and women in uniform, for how can a loyal soldier, who has spent years on the front lines watching colleagues fall to the enemy, be expected to serve alongside that same enemy in a shared uniform?

    Furthermore, the pain of the victims—the bereaved families, the orphaned children, the survivors of massacres and abductions—is compounded by this policy, as their tormentors are not being punished but are being rewarded with rehabilitation, potential stipends, and a path back to society, while the state struggles to compensate the victims, constituting a profound betrayal of justice.

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    Integrating individuals who have committed atrocities into the very forces meant to protect the nation is a structural flaw. True reconciliation is a necessary goal for any society recovering from conflict, but it cannot come at the cost of the security forces’ integrity. The policy sends a dangerous signal that rewards terrorism and betrayal, with the state effectively managing the crisis through an appeal to mercy for the perpetrators, rather than governing through the rule of law and the decisive protection of its citizens.

    The reluctance to use that decisive force, often masked by the rhetoric of ‘rehabilitation’, has only prolonged the agony. Security in the North, and indeed across Nigeria, will not be restored until this fundamentally counter-productive policy is abandoned. The Nigerian state must reassert its moral authority. It must honour its loyal defenders, secure justice for its victims, and make it unequivocally clear that there is no reward for treason, only the full weight of the law. Until then, the dangerous embrace of the ‘repentant’ will only continue to undermine our national resolve and guarantee the persistence of the violence.

    •Obadiya John,obadiyajohn@yahoo.com