Category: Letters

  • KWSG: Save Eruku community

    KWSG: Save Eruku community

    • By Awe Babatunde Pilgrim

    Sir: I write with deep concern and a heavy heart following the tragic attack on Tuesday, November 18 on a Christ Apostolic Church (CAC) in Eruku, Ekiti Local Government Area of Kwara State where armed bandits killed worshippers and abducted several others, including the pastor. While this incident has drawn widespread shock, it is sadly not an isolated occurrence.

    For the past couple of months, Ekiti-Kwara communities most especially Osi – Eruku axis have endured persistent attacks kidnappings, killings, and unchecked bandit operations without any meaningful government intervention. Residents have repeatedly raised alarm, issued warnings, and called for help, yet these cries have gone largely unanswered.

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    What happened at the CAC church is not a sudden crisis but the culmination of sustained neglect. The security situation has deteriorated steadily, and the authorities’ silence has emboldened criminals who now operate with alarming confidence. The current state of insecurity is a direct reflection of government inaction, and the people of these communities are paying the price with their lives.

    How many more tragedies must occur before security agencies respond decisively? How long will citizens be left vulnerable, forced to abandon their homes, farmlands, roads, and now even their places of worship? No community should feel this abandoned.

    I call on the Kwara government as well as federal security agencies, to immediately deploy adequate personnel, intelligence resources, and sustained operations to secure the Eruku community and Ekiti Local Government Area at large.

    The lives of Nigerians in these communities matter, and urgent action is long overdue. The people have suffered enough!

    •Awe Babatunde Pilgrim,

    awexin@gmail.com

  • Climate change and cancer: Two crises, one fight for our future

    Climate change and cancer: Two crises, one fight for our future

    Sir: Cancer has emerged as one of the leading causes of death worldwide surpassing HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria combined, according to the World Health Organization. In Nigeria, the burden grows each year, claiming tens of thousands of lives, many from cancers that could have been prevented. In 2022, Nigeria recorded 127,763 new cancer cases and 79,542 deaths, as reported by the Global Cancer Observatory (GLOBOCAN). The five most common types of cancers in Nigeria are breast, prostate, colorectal, cervical, and non-Hodgkin lymphoma. These cancers are all influenced by environmental and lifestyle factors, many of which are worsening under climate stress.

    The signs of climate change are all around us. From the choking soot that settles over Port Harcourt to the heat waves turning classrooms in Sokoto into furnaces, from the floods that sweep through Lagos and Makurdi to the trees that fall silently in deforested communities and in the rising cases of cancers with no clear cause, the impacts of climate change are evident. Despite these signs our climate and health policies continue to evolve in separate silos. What remains missing is the policy bridge that links environmental protection to health protection.

    Nigeria has made significant progress in climate governance, the Climate Change Act (2021) established a National Council on Climate Change (NCCC), and the National Climate Change Policy (2021–2030) sets a strong direction for mitigation and adaptation. The recently developed Climate Change and Health National Adaptation Plan (HNAP 2025–2030), under the Ministry of Health, further underscores the growing recognition of the health–climate connection.

    However, the overall picture remains concerning. Nigeria ranks 154th out of 181 countries on the Notre Dame Global Adaptation Initiative (ND-GAIN) Index, reflecting acute vulnerability and low readiness to withstand climate shocks. The HNAP Vulnerability and assessment predicts that the country will experience a 21% additional disease burden due to climate change. Given Nigeria’s already strained health system, it is unlikely to withstand intensified climate impacts without major reform.

    Climate change also acts as a risk multiplier, intensifying both infectious and non-communicable diseases (NCDs). The WHO identifies nine critical health outcomes at risk from climate change including respiratory illness and NCDs such as cancer. Yet, Nigeria’s national policies still prioritize infectious disease response, leaving the broader climate–cancer nexus largely unaddressed.

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    While Nigeria now has a HNAP, the coordination between sectors and agencies remains weak and mostly confined to the federal level. Consequently, promising policies often fail to translate into real resilience.

    To address this, health indicators must be integrated into climate projects. This includes clean energy for hospitals, safe waste disposal, sustainable procurement of medical equipment, and integration of Health Impact Assessments (HIA) into environmental decision-making. This approach would ensure that climate investments protect both ecosystems and human lives. Strengthening collaboration between the Ministry of Health, Ministry of Environment, and the NCCC is equally crucial. Each holds a piece of the solution, but no single institution can address this alone. Cancer prevention must become part of our climate resilience agenda not an afterthought.

    Despite growing evidence, public awareness of the climate–health link remains low. However policies alone will not bring change, it begins with each and every one of us. Every action from how we manage waste to how we demand cleaner air and greener cities shapes the health of our communities.

    •Zainab Mohammed Nasir, National Institute for Cancer Research and Treatment, Abuja.

  • PDP: A comedy of errors

    PDP: A comedy of errors

    Sir: What unfolded in Ibadan over the weekend was not the usual party ritual. The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), in a sweeping declaration, expelled several influential figures including the FCT Minister, Nyesom Wike, former Ekiti governor Ayo Fayose, and Senator Samuel Anyanwu over alleged anti-party activities. The announcement landed with the force of a political earthquake: celebrated in some quarters, rejected in others, and immediately questioned by senior party leaders who fear the move may open more wounds than it heals.

    A political party has both the right and responsibility to enforce discipline. Parties survive on order, not on free-ranging defiance. But discipline is not merely punishment; it is also process, consensus and timing. When sanctions emerge from a factional climate, they risk looking less like internal order and more like internal cleansing. This is the tight corner in which the PDP now finds itself.

    The reactions speak volumes. Although the convention passed the resolution openly, several governors quickly dissociated themselves from the expulsions. Adamawa State Governor Ahmadu Fintiri, who played a central role at the gathering, explicitly called for reconciliation rather than banishment. Others warned that the decision could worsen the party’s fractures, not mend them. Their concerns are neither sentimental nor partisan; they reflect a long-standing fear that the PDP has not fully recovered from years of internal bitterness and competing centres of power.

    Beyond the drama, the stakes are serious. First is electoral strategy. Whether loved or disliked, Wike remains a formidable mobiliser. Alienating him risks shrinking the PDP’s base in states where margins decide outcomes. Second is institutional credibility. Nigerians have watched the party struggle with internal cohesion since 2015; selective punishment only reinforces the view that discipline is invoked when convenient, not when consistent. Third is public confidence. A party seeking to rebuild its national relevance cannot afford decisions that deepen doubts about its internal democracy.

    Then there is the issue of procedure. Party constitutions typically require investigation, notice and fair hearing before expulsion. From the publicly available information, the Ibadan decision appeared more declaratory than procedural. If due process was not followed in both letter and spirit, the expulsions may not withstand internal arbitration or judicial review. That uncertainty alone sets the stage for further conflict.

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    Why then did the party choose such a dramatic route? The answer likely lies in a mixture of frustration and political calculation. After years of unresolved disputes from the fallout of the 2023 presidential primaries to state-level divisions, party leaders may feel compelled to draw a line. Some see a firm hand as necessary to reassert authority. Yet firmness without political wisdom risks worsening instability. Already, warnings from governors suggest that the move is seen as hasty rather than strategic.

    It must also be said plainly: Wike is no passive victim. His confrontational style, open defiance of party signals, and alliance-building outside established structures have been major sources of tension. The leadership’s desire for discipline is understandable. But politics is not a courtroom; it is a negotiation of interests. Parties succeed when they enforce rules and maintain channels for accommodation. When reconciliation is abandoned for raw sanction, discipline loses its effectiveness and becomes a catalyst for schism.

    What should the PDP do now? The answer lies not in doubling down but in stepping back. First, the party should immediately activate its reconciliation machinery genuine, inclusive and transparent. Second, sanctions of this magnitude should be revisited, reviewed or converted into temporary measures pending mediated dialogue. Third, the dispute-resolution organs must be strengthened to prevent future escalations. Finally, the party must speak to Nigerians with humility, not triumphalism. A national opposition party cannot present itself as a house unable to manage its own disagreements.

    Nigeria’s democracy needs strong parties, not weakened ones. Internal dissent will always exist; what matters is how it is managed. Discipline without dialogue is brittle; dialogue without standards is chaotic. The PDP is again caught between the two. If it mistakes a political crisis for a disciplinary triumph, it risks deepening the fractures it seeks to cure.

    •Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu, Abuja.

  • Nigeria and Africa’s strategic advantage in AI and clean energy

    Nigeria and Africa’s strategic advantage in AI and clean energy

    Sir: Artificial Intelligence (AI) has transformed the way modern societies operate, from healthcare delivery and engineering innovation to architectural design, military intelligence, creative writing, finance, communication, and countless other sectors. It is rapidly becoming the foundation of global competitiveness and national development.

    However, the true backbone of AI lies in two strategic pillars: data centres and energy. Data centres provide the computational power needed for AI training, storage, and deployment, while stable and affordable energy sustains these massive systems. Without these two elements, AI cannot function at scale. They are the vital lubricants that keep the entire ecosystem running.

    At the heart of these technologies are critical minerals. Without key minerals used to manufacture semi-conductors, microchips, batteries, smartphones, electric vehicles (EVs), solar panels, and display systems, modern technology simply cannot exist. These minerals, such as copper, cobalt, lithium, rare earth elements (REEs), tantalum, tin, nickel, graphite, gold, and platinum group metals, are indispensable in building everything from semi-conductors’ chips to the batteries that power data centres and renewable energy systems.

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    Africa is one of the richest sources of these minerals globally, and Nigeria hosts many of them in commercially viable quantities. As the world races toward AI-driven economies, electric mobility, and renewable energy transitions, these minerals are becoming more valuable than oil.

    Today, AI, EVs, and advanced batteries are among the world’s hottest and most sought-after technological commodities. But the global supply chain depends entirely on two things:

    1. Data centres and energy, without which AI cannot operate.

    2. Critical minerals, without which data centres, energy systems, and AI hardware cannot be built.

    This is where Nigeria and Africa hold a strategic advantage. The continent possesses what the world desperately needs for the next industrial revolution.

    The challenge and opportunity, now lies with African leadership: to recognize, harness, and strategically leverage these critical minerals to drive economic transformation, negotiate better global partnerships, and position Africa as an indispensable player in the AI and clean-energy future.

    •Zayyad I. Muhammad, Abuja.

  • U.S. Religious Freedom Accountability Bill 2025; a wake-up call

    U.S. Religious Freedom Accountability Bill 2025; a wake-up call

    Sir: In the corridors of Washington, a bill is moving that could redefine Nigeria’s relationship with the United States—and force the country to confront the monsters it has long denied.

    The Nigeria Religious Freedom Accountability Act of 2025 (S. 2747), introduced in the U.S. Senate on September 9, by Senator Ted Cruz (R-TX), may appear to be just another foreign policy measure. Yet beneath its legislative language lies a damning moral verdict on Nigeria’s failure to protect its citizens from systematic religious violence, kidnapping, and lawless bloodshed.

    If passed, the bill—now before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and mirrored by H.R. 5808 in the U.S. House of Representatives—will permanently designate Nigeria as a “Country of Particular Concern” (CPC) for “systematic, ongoing, and egregious violations of religious freedom.”

    This is not a symbolic gesture. It carries the weight of sanctions, visa bans, asset freezes, and restrictions on U.S. military and development aid—a potential earthquake in Nigeria’s diplomatic and economic landscape.

    According to data cited by the bill’s sponsors, over 125,000 Christians have been murdered since 2009, 52,000 churches destroyed, and 12 million people displaced. In just the first 220 days of 2025, 7,087 Christians were massacred, an average of 32 per day, while 7,800 others were abducted. These figures come from sources such as Intersociety, Open Doors World Watch List, Europarl.europa.eu, Christianity Today, and Newsweek.

    Yet, as the bill and its supporting documents reveal, the crisis transcends Christianity. Moderate Muslims, ethnic minorities, and secular communities have also been targeted. Nearly 60,000 liberal Muslims have reportedly been killed since 2009 for rejecting extremist ideologies.

    This isn’t a Christian war—it’s a Nigerian nightmare.

    If the U.S. bill passes, Nigeria could face a “public ledger of shame.” Each year, American agencies would publish lists of Nigerian officials sanctioned for complicity in religious persecution. Northern governors enforcing blasphemy laws could see their U.S. assets frozen. Security chiefs might face travel bans. U.S. arms deals and defence cooperation could be suspended under expanded Leahy Laws.

    Under the Leahy framework, any unit found responsible for such abuses becomes ineligible for U.S. assistance until the government of that country takes effective steps to hold perpetrators accountable.

    Nigeria currently receives more than $500 million annually in U.S. assistance. A CPC-driven cut-off would cripple humanitarian programs, counterterrorism efforts, and investor confidence—at a time when over 8,000 civilians have already been killed this year.

    Nigeria must act now—honestly, decisively, and transparently. This is not the time for rhetoric but for reform.

    The government must prosecute perpetrators of violence—whether jihadists, militias, or complicit officials. The National Human Rights Commission should be strengthened and funded to investigate religiously motivated crimes. Special terrorism courts and intelligence-led prosecutions must replace the 1% conviction rate that has made impunity the norm in Nigeria since 2009.

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    Nigeria must confront the root causes of radicalization—poverty, unemployment, corruption, and environmental stress—through equitable resource allocation and inclusive development. Interfaith peacebuilding, community policing, and cooperative security task forces involving both Christians and Muslims can rebuild trust in the Middle Belt and other conflict zones in the country.

    Finally, Nigeria should engage Washington constructively—inviting USCIRF and independent monitors for fact-finding, co-authoring progress benchmarks, and providing verifiable evidence of improvement. Denial has only deepened distrust; openness could restore credibility.

    To Nigerians—Christians, Muslims, and traditionalists alike—this moment demands unity, not division. Let S. 2747 (Nigeria Religious Freedom Accountability Act of 2025) be not our punishment, but our turning point. Let it force us to see what we have refused to see—the rivers of blood that have stained our soil.

    If Nigeria acts now—with honesty, urgency, and compassion—it can avert sanctions and reclaim moral authority. But if we continue to deny the truth, the gavel of justice will fall, and we will have no one to blame but ourselves.

    This is not about America imposing values. It is about Nigeria reclaiming its humanity. The world is watching. Will we act, or will we perish in denial? The choice is ours to make.

    •Comrade James Ezema, Abuja.

  • Memo to the Inspector‑General of Police

    Memo to the Inspector‑General of Police

    Sir: I humbly request a review and reduction of the number of police officers currently assigned to elected officials and political appointees across the country. A report published this month by the European Union Agency for Asylum notes that the Nigeria Police Force has an estimated strength of 371,800 officers serving a population of about 236.7 million. The report reveals that more than 100,000 officers are presently deployed to protect politicians and other Very Important Persons, raising concerns that ordinary citizens are left under‑protected.

    Assigning police officers to private individuals and political office‑holders has long been a concern. In June 2023, shortly after taking office, you ordered the withdrawal of Police Mobile Force operatives from VIP duties, stating that the tactical unit would be reserved strictly for strategic national operations. Your office issued another directive in April, ordering a nationwide withdrawal of mobile police officers attached to VIPs. Despite these directives, a significant portion of police manpower continues to be used for VIP protection.

    In a video posted on the Nigeria Police Force’s official X account in September, you warned officers against intervening in civil disputes or serving private interests: “Let me reiterate without ambiguity: the Nigerian Police Force is not, and will never become, an enforcer for private interests. Officers have no business escorting parties for land recovery, disrupting legally‑existing occupations, or meddling in civil claims that lack a demonstrable criminal element. Every such incident erodes the neutrality of the Force and opens us up to disrepute.”

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    You added that disciplinary action will follow any officer who violates this directive, stating, “The line must be clear, and any officer who crosses it will face disciplinary consequences.”

    Nevertheless, officers continue to escort parties for land recovery. Such occurrences contradict the fundamental purpose of policing—to protect the public interest rather than enforce personal authority or bolster the influence of any public official. Moreover, the over-deployment of police officers to political appointees exacerbates the shortage of security personnel available for community policing and public safety across the country. This leaves communities under‑policed and vulnerable, while an excessive number of officers remain concentrated around a few individuals who already enjoy substantial state‑provided security.

    Given the security challenges confronting Nigeria today, it is both logical and patriotic to ensure that police manpower is deployed where it is most needed—in communities, public spaces, patrol duties, and crime‑prevention initiatives—rather than being concentrated around a single officeholder. Reducing the number of officers attached to ministers and other officials will enhance discipline, restore public confidence in the Force, and reaffirm that the Nigeria Police serves the nation and its people, not individual political appointees.

    It has further been observed that some officers attached to these officials have exhibited indiscipline and undue aggression, potentially stemming from misuse of authority or pressure from their principals. Such conduct tarnishes the reputation of the Nigeria Police Force and undermines the professionalism, impartiality, and integrity expected of its personnel.

    I respectfully request that your office review and reduce the number of police officers assigned to ministers, elected officials, appointees, and private individuals who can afford security services; ensure that all political appointees receive only the standard, legally prescribed level of protection, and reassign surplus personnel to public‑security duties within the country and to areas where security presence is urgently needed.

    Ensuring that all other directives issued from your office are enforced would greatly assist the police force in maintaining internal security. Taking these actions will demonstrate your leadership’s commitment to fairness, accountability, and the prioritization of citizens’ safety over political privilege.

     I trust in your wisdom, patriotism, and sense of justice to act in the best interest of the Nigerian people and to protect the integrity of the Nigeria Police Force.

    •Abba Dukawa, Kano.

  • World Toilet Day 2025

    World Toilet Day 2025

     Sir: Today, November 19 marks World Toilet Day 2025, under the theme “We’ll Always Need the Toilet.” So it is an excellent time for reflecting upon what that sign represents.

    For many, open defecation is simply the result of inadequate toilet facilities. Today, millions of Nigerians across rural communities, riverine areas, and even into certain parts of major cities lack functional toilets. At other places, public toilets are out of reach, poorly maintained, or too expensive to use. Where the nearest functional, clean toilet is kilometres away, the environment becomes an unfortunate fallback option.

    Yet infrastructure only tells half the story. There is also a strong behavioural dimension. Not only do many households lack toilets, but even when toilets exist in communities, they may go unused. There are deep-rooted practices, weak sanitation culture, misconceptions about public toilets, and low awareness about hygiene. Quite sadly, some people simply prefer open spaces, having grown up in environments where toilets were either lacking or inadequate.

    It’s a big, circular problem. We need more toilets, yes, but we equally need people to use and maintain those already available. It calls for dual responsibility.

    Ending open defecation requires urgent and sustained action. First, we must build more toilets. There is a genuine need for an increase in public toilets in our markets, schools, bus stops, motor parks, and densely populated areas. It is not enough to have toilets. These toilets have to be accessible, affordable, clean, safe, and have proper connections for disposing of waste. A dirty toilet, after all, is just as bad as no toilet.

    Along with the construction of toilets, we must invest deeply in education. Here, I’m thinking of the creation of continuous awareness among Nigerians on why open defecation is dangerous, how diseases spread, why toilets must be maintained, and why ownership of sanitation spaces by every community is necessary.

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    More importantly, we must recognise that sanitation is not a privilege. It’s a human right. Therefore, no woman should ever have to fear for her safety simply because she has to relieve herself. No child should ever have to get sick because there isn’t a toilet at his/her school. No community should have to drink water contaminated by human waste. Access to safe toilets is fundamental. It’s the first line of defence in public health.

    What should Nigeria do, therefore? We have to increase investment in toilet infrastructure at all levels. The Federal Government has taken the lead here by setting a target of 2030 to end open defecation nationwide.

    In addition, we must continue to encourage private sector participation in sanitation solutions. We cannot build smart cities when basic sanitation remains a luxury. And we cannot speak of sustainable development when millions still lack a safe, dignified place to relieve themselves.

    •Elvis Eromosele, elviseroms@gmail.com

  • Marwa’s re-appointment, a renewed nightmare for drug barons

    Marwa’s re-appointment, a renewed nightmare for drug barons

    • By Tosin Damola

    Sir: It is not surprising that the announcement of Brigadier General Mohamed Buba Marwa’s re-appointment as chairman of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) on Friday, November 14, has once again sent a powerful and mixed signal across the country.

    For ordinary citizens, the news comes as reassurance that the fight against narcotics will not lose momentum. But for drug barons and trafficking syndicates, it is nothing short of a renewed nightmare because Marwa’s first term clearly marked a historic level of seizures, arrests, dismantling of clandestine laboratories, and dislodgement of major drug cartels that had infiltrated every facet of society.

    I have witnessed his leadership restore public confidence in NDLEA and demonstrate that Nigeria can confront organised criminal enterprises with both courage and strategy. I believe his return to office will not only ensure that the pressure on drug traffickers continues but will intensify, because the handlers of illicit drug networks know that with Marwa at the helm, there will be no breathing space.

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    During his first term, we all saw an NDLEA that became more active, more visible, and more effective. The constant interception of drugs at airports, seaports, and highways showed that traffickers no longer had the freedom they once enjoyed.

    The updates from NDLEA, through weekly press releases, demonstrate that the agency remains consistently active, committed, and proactive in its efforts to curb the drug menace across the country.

    His re-appointment by the president is therefore more than an administrative decision; it is a national security victory. It guarantees that the gains recorded will be sustained and expanded, making Nigeria an increasingly hostile territory for drug peddlers and their dangerous operations.

    Marwa’s second term also represents continuity of reforms, vigilance, and operational excellence. His re-appointment is therefore a victory for public health, national security, and Nigeria’s global reputation as a country determined to confront the drug menace head-on.

    For the first time in a long while, Nigeria has a leader who understands the strategies of traffickers and is committed to shutting down their operations. Marwa’s leadership has also helped break the myth that certain drug traffickers were “untouchable.”

    Marwa’s re-appointment is therefore a lifeline to a generation that seeks guidance, protection, and a drug-free environment.

    •Tosin Damola,

    Lokoja, Kogi State.

  • An open China for a shared future

    An open China for a shared future

    • By Amb Yu Dunhai

    Sir: Not long ago, the Fourth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China was convened in Beijing. During the session, the document Recommendations of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China for Formulating the 15th Five-Year Plan for National Economic and Social Development was deliberated and adopted, charting the course for China’s development over the next five years.

    The plenum called for steadily expanding institutional opening-up, safeguarding the multilateral trading system, promoting broader international economic flows, and advancing reform and development through opening-up, thereby creating broader space for China and the world to share development opportunities.

    In early November, the 8th China International Import Expo (CIIE) was successfully held in Shanghai. As the first major economic and diplomatic event following the Fourth Plenary Session, this year’s CIIE not only demonstrated the vast potential of the Chinese market but also served as a platform for global partners, including Nigeria, to connect and collaborate.

    Nigeria participated in the Expo a Guest Country of Honour. During the event, the Hon. Tajudeen Abbas, Speaker of the House of Representatives, attended and addressed the opening ceremony. Chinese Premier Li Qiang held a productive meeting with the Hon. Abbas and his delegation. Building on these high-level engagements, Nigeria’s presence was further highlighted at its national pavilion.

    Showcasing the country’s economic achievements, investment potential, and high-quality products, the Nigeria Pavilion attracted considerable attention from Chinese buyers and investment institutions. Nigerian businesses used this platform to gain direct access to China’s vast market and enhance their brand visibility through exchanges with international exhibitors. Key Nigerian exports—such as agricultural products, processed foods, and creative industry goods—continued to be well-received by Chinese consumers, injecting new vitality into bilateral economic and trade relations.

    This year, the CIIE upgraded its special exhibition zone for products from the world’s least developed countries, many of which are from Africa. This upgrade enabled enterprises and products from all 53 African countries that have diplomatic ties with China to fully benefit from zero-tariff treatment. More than 80 business associations from over 50 countries and regions participated as groups, underscoring the CIIE’s unique role in supporting global small and medium-sized enterprises. The Hongqiao International Economic Forum, held in tandem with the CIIE, focused for the first time on the themes of “economic resilience” and “sustainable agricultural development” in the Global South, further demonstrating China’s commitment to advancing hand in hand with developing countries.

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    Over the past five years, China’s economy has maintained steady growth amid a complex international environment. By the end of 2025, China’s total economic output is expected to reach around 140 trillion yuan (approximately USD 19.4 trillion), contributing about 30% to global economic growth. China has continued to promote technological innovation and green transformation while further expanding opening up, creating new opportunities for global cooperation.

    Nigeria, as a major African economy with a young population and vast market potential, has seen its relations with China enter a fast track of development under the strategic guidance of the two heads of state. Bilateral trade has grown steadily, surpassing USD 20 billion in the first three quarters of 2025, a year-on-year increase of 32.56%. China has remained one of Nigeria’s top trading partners for many years. The two countries have achieved fruitful cooperation in energy, agriculture, manufacturing, infrastructure, and the digital economy, while also exploring new opportunities in green transformation and emerging industries.

    The year 2026 will mark the 55th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Nigeria. China is ready to take this opportunity to deepen the alignment of development strategies with Nigeria, effectively connecting China’s 15th Five-Year Plan with Nigeria’s “Renewed Hope” Agenda, expand practical cooperation across multiple fields, and support Nigeria’s industrial and agricultural modernization.

    Today, the world is undergoing profound changes unseen in a century. China cannot be separated from the world in achieving development, and the world also needs China for prosperity. No matter how the international landscape evolves, China’s determination to expand high-level opening up will remain unchanged; its resolve to share development opportunities with the world will remain unchanged; and its commitment to promoting open, inclusive, balanced, and win-win economic globalization will remain unchanged.

    China will continue to advance high-level opening up, work together with Nigeria and other African countries to build a closer China-Africa community with a shared future, and jointly create a better future defined by openness, cooperation, and mutual benefit.

    •Amb Yu Dunhai,

    China’s Ambassador to Nigeria.

  • Still on English as the sole medium of instruction in schools

    Still on English as the sole medium of instruction in schools

    • By Ganiu Bamgbose

    Sir: The decision of the 69th National Council on Education (NCE) to cancel the National Language Policy has met with great condemnation from stakeholders across walks of life. I should put it straightforwardly that the cancellation should be condemned indeed. This is because language is not just a means of communication; it is a carrier of worldview which is also used to shape identity and construct ideologies. To stop the use of indigenous languages as a means of instruction in schools is to take a huge step towards bringing the languages into extinction.

    It is therefore important to collectively condemn and protest against such acts as bodies such as the Linguistic Association of Nigeria (LAN) and Nigeria Academy of Letters (NAL) have done. What I find worth sharing however is how it is always easy to foreground the government part of issues in Nigeria; often sweeping under the carpet the “silent” roles played by other stakeholders and citizens in supporting many such obnoxious governmental decisions.

    First, the question: how many of the people in the forefront of this call for reversal of the mother tongue policy do their children call daddies and mummies in their indigenous languages? Let us all answer with sincerity: How many of us use our mother tongue as the official language of our homes? How many of our children speak our indigenous languages as fluently as they speak English? You may want to give yourself the sincere answer. Do we not call them Clinton instead of Chukwudi? And Qudus instead of Oluwatobilola? This is not an attack on religion but have we not also thought we would not be Christians and Muslims well enough if our children are not called the Biblical and Quranic names? How many Nigerians have their native names as their first names? Are these names that describe our origins, values and virtues not always thrown somewhere in the middle of the arrangement?

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    I do not claim to have been to many parts of the country but from the places I have visited, I can say confidently that this policy being cancelled was not ever actually in use. Were schools actually teaching in the language of the immediate environment in the early primary classes before now? How many of us would leave our children in schools where indigenous languages serve as the language of instruction from primary 1 to 3? How many of the teachers in those primary classes even speak their native languages fluently?  In which schools are poems in Nigerian languages recited on the assembly ground? Perhaps we want to reflect on these questions too.

    Finally, what level of investment has gone into developing Nigerian languages to cater for pedagogical needs? I know of the individual efforts of scholars and associations to help these languages grow but to what extent have we pressurised and got the government to invest in the development of these languages through the creation of metalanguage and other ways? In how many Nigerian languages can Physics, Chemistry and Literature be taught? If we had been committed to the use of mother tongue in early years of primary school since the time it became a national policy, should we not have talked about extending the policy to other classes in primary education with English as a subject? These questions too are ours to answer.

    I close by saying that the cancellation of the National Language Policy was the last in the several steps that led to the decision. And when we are done with the government, we should sincerely also appraise ourselves as people and systems and interrogate our roles in what we vehemently commend.

    •Ganiu Bamgbose, PhD,

     Lagos State University, Ojo.