The Nation Newspaper

Category: Letters

  • Addressing violence and reclaiming our place in Africa

    Addressing violence and reclaiming our place in Africa

    Sir: The concerns recently raised by President Donald Trump, Senator Ted Cruz, and several members of the U.S. Congress regarding the killing of Christians in Nigeria some of which they have described as genocide reflect a legitimate and longstanding global alarm. These killings did not begin today; they span decades of unresolved tensions, unaddressed grievances, and political divisions that have allowed violence to fester across many parts of our country.

    While it is true that both Christians and Muslims have been affected by various forms of communal, ethnic, and resource-driven violence, the core issue is clear: no Nigerian deserves to die, and no community deserves abandonment by the state. The persistence of these killings signals a deeper crisis of governance and accountability. At this stage of our democratic development, Nigeria should not still be battling pockets of conflict that could have been resolved through early intervention, strong leadership, and institutional competence.

    Instead, we should be scaling up innovation, expanding infrastructure, modernising agriculture, improving education, and steering holistic development across every sector. It is both painful and embarrassing that a nation with Nigeria’s human capital, natural resources, and global influence continues to be defined internationally by violence, instability, and internal fragmentation.

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    The Nigerian government must unequivocally demonstrate that it is willing and able to confront this challenge. This requires more than public statements it requires the intelligent deployment of security resources, strengthened intelligence gathering, and the political will to prosecute those responsible, regardless of ethnicity, religion, or political affiliation. Only through impartial justice can Nigeria begin to restore local and international confidence in its capacity to protect its citizens.

    At the diplomatic level, Nigeria must also strengthen relationships with key global partners like the United States, the United Kingdom, and other strategic allies. These relationships can provide technical support, conflict-resolution expertise, and enhanced cooperation on security and governance reforms. True partnership, however, depends on Nigeria showing seriousness, transparency, and a clear commitment to peace and accountability.

    If Nigeria addresses violence decisively, we will unlock enormous potential. Food security will improve, poverty will decline, investor confidence will rise, and national unity will deepen. Most importantly, Nigeria can reclaim its rightful position as the Giant of Africa not by title alone, but through competence, justice, and visionary leadership.

    The path forward is clear. Nigeria has everything it needs to succeed. What remains is the courage to act, the discipline to govern, and the determination to protect every Nigerian life. Only then can we rebuild our global image and steer the nation toward stable, inclusive, and sustainable development.

    •Olufemi Adenitan Esq, adenitanolufemi@gmail.com

  • The reality evinced by Wike/Yerima standoff

    The reality evinced by Wike/Yerima standoff

    Sir: As some Nigerians laud the cool, level-headed and defiant stance of the naval officer that confronted Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, we must remember the havoc military arrogance, violence, brutality, hedonism and disdain for the civilian population had wrought on Nigeria.

    As we suffer and lament the hell fire that our beloved country has become – a legacy of military rule – we cannot help but long for the past.

    It is the past, before military involvement in Nigeria politics, when the leaders of the First Republic held sway over a halcyon, orderly, functional and liveable country. It was when unarmed policemen maintained law and order, with just batons; Nigerians were frightened and nauseated by the sight of blood; people, in their contentment, had moral values and realistic expectations; corrupt politicians misappropriated only 5 to 10 per cent of government funds; some Nigerian universities ranked among the best in the world; etc.

    When, on January 15, 1966, Chukwuma Nzeogwu and his band of idealistic murderers went, in their murderous idealism, murdering the innocent, they complicated the political problems of the country and sent her into a political tailspin. Nigeria has since not recovered.

    The brutality and bloodletting of the coup and its consequences glamorized violence and brutalized the national psyche. The lop-sidedness in the killings of the coup spurred the reprisal coup of July 29, 1966 and the mass-murder of the Igbo in northern Nigeria, and subsequently, the civil war.

    The years of military rule were disastrous for Nigeria. Presently, one of the most daunting problems of Nigeria remains how to roll back the festering, pervading legacies of military rule: moral and ethical collapse of the society; culture of violence and impunity; warped value system and its unbridled corruption and reckless thievery of public funds; disdain for the rule of law; etc.

    Awwal Gambo is building a house in an area of Abuja zoned for open space and parks. In addition, he has no proof of ownership to the land and no approval to build. It is not unusual for state/city government to stop construction on a property due to lack of approval and other necessary documentations. What then is special about the attempt to suspend construction in this particular case? It is special because the individual, Gambo, who is disregarding the zoning ordinance of the city of Abuja and building without approval is a high ranking military officer?

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    He is the former Chief of Naval Staff, a Vice Admiral. During, and beyond, military rule, the military demonstrated to us that they are above the law. Consequently, many Nigerians think that there is nothing wrong with the admiral’s lawlessness and the disdainful and arrogant behaviour of Lt. Yerima toward a serving minister of the federal government. 

    Nyesom Wike is impulsive and tactless. Although his approach to the matter was imprudent, the bottom-line is that he was enforcing the law. Although the admiral did not show up at the site for a confrontation, he deployed a prepossessing, youthful and handsome naval officer, whose calm and unruffled demeanour in the face of Wike’s coarse and acidic parlance readily endeared him to most Nigerians. But the bottom line is that he is breaking the law: city zoning ordinance and building codes.

    The contention, therefore, was between the rule of law and lawlessness; adherence to urban planning standards and disregard for it; uniformity in the enforcement of rules or special treatment for some khaki-clad big men, etc.

    Secondly, in a democracy – I still believe that Nigeria is a democracy – the military is subject to the civilian authority. The Wike/Yerima drama and the prevailing sentiments among Nigerians, as made evident in the expressed opinions of many Nigerians evinced an unvarnished reality: Nigeria is a wobbly democracy. She is yet to attain one of the essential milestones of democracy: the subordination of the military to civilian authority.   

    •Tochukwu Ezukanma,Lagos.

  • Reversing the mother-tongue policy was the right call

    Reversing the mother-tongue policy was the right call

    Sir: When Federal Ministry of Education announced on November 13, 2024 that it was cancelling the three-year-old mother-tongue instruction policy, the reactions were divided and, in many cases, emotional. But if we strip away sentiment and focus squarely on the Nigerian reality, the government’s decision is not only reasonable but also necessary.

    The mother-tongue programme, introduced in 2021 by then Education Minister Adamu Adamu, was based on global research showing that children learn foundational concepts faster in their first language. This research is valid. What is also true is that most of it was conducted in countries with one dominant regional language, such as Swahili in East Africa. Nigeria does not share that linguistic structure. We are a country of over 500 languages, none of which is nationally dominant, and none of which functions as a regional lingua franca across states.

    A policy designed for countries with one major indigenous language cannot be pasted onto a country with hundreds.

    Education Minister Tunji Alausa was blunt: Nigeria does not have the trained teachers, the textbooks, or the infrastructure to deliver primary education in dozens of languages simultaneously.

    He pointed to concrete evidence. Data from WAEC, NECO, and JAMB showed significant failure rates in the geopolitical zones that aggressively implemented the mother-tongue policy. This is not a matter of opinion. It is the outcome of a policy implemented faster than our capacity allowed.

    Education expert Aliyu Tilde captured the reality perfectly in his comments to the BBC,

    “Does Nigeria have trained teachers to teach in the dozens of indigenous languages in the country? The answer is no.”

    Developing teaching materials in even five major Nigerian languages would require multi-billion-naira investments, multi-year planning, multi-sectoral collaboration, and extensive teacher retraining. Doing it for dozens of languages, in hundreds of LGAs, would cost far more than Nigeria’s current education budget could sustain.

    Introducing a new language of instruction in every local government was always going to stretch an already strained system.

    The Nigerian population is highly mobile. Families frequently move from Lagos to Kano, from Uyo to Abuja. A child taught exclusively in Igbo in Owerri would struggle when their parents relocate to Kano where instruction is suddenly in Hausa. Should such a child start again from the beginning? Should the teacher in Kano pause to teach in Igbo?

    This is not just impractical. It is unfair.

    In countries like Tanzania or Rwanda, where Swahili and Kinyarwanda are used nationally and regionally, mother-tongue instruction works because mobility does not disrupt learning. Nigeria’s linguistic landscape is entirely different.

    Every major gatekeeper of academic progression in Nigeria, from WAEC to JAMB to university instruction, is conducted 100 percent in English. Expecting children to learn science, mathematics, literature, and literacy in an indigenous language, only to suddenly switch to English at the point of transition, is setting them up for difficulty.

    A parent once put it to me simply, “English is a global language that is used everywhere. It’s better these kids start early.”

    This is practicality. Nigeria participates in a global economy. Our students apply to universities in Liverpool, Nairobi, Johannesburg, Toronto and Dubai. English proficiency is not merely helpful. It is essential for global competitiveness.

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    The regions most likely to embrace the mother-tongue policy were the northern states, where literacy levels are already fragile. In many parts of the Northwest and Northeast, literacy rates hover around 30 to 40 percent, compared with 80 percent in the Southwest.

    Implementing a policy that delays children’s exposure to English in these regions would disadvantage them further when writing national exams or competing for university placement.

    Ironically, a policy designed to support learning risked widening educational inequalities.

    Supporting the reversal does not mean dismissing our rich linguistic heritage. Nigerian languages deserve preservation and active cultural promotion. But they should be strengthened through compulsory mother-tongue classes, literature and cultural studies, extracurricular and community-led enrichment, translation projects and digital language preservation.

    These are proven and sustainable methods. Making indigenous languages the medium of instruction in a country with 500 languages is not one of them.

    The government’s reversal is not a rejection of indigenous identity. It is a recognition of Nigerian complexity.

    It is a decision based on data, capacity, financial realism, and the urgent need to improve learning outcomes. English provides national uniformity, facilitates mobility, gives access to global knowledge and strengthens competitiveness.

    Nigeria must celebrate its languages, but it must also educate its children in a way that reflects its realities.

    •Tosin Adeoti,contact@tosinadeoti.com.

  • Abuja land drama: Who crossed the line?

    Abuja land drama: Who crossed the line?

    Sir: The recent altercation between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, and a naval officer in Abuja has once again thrown open Nigeria’s long-standing debate about the use and abuse of power in public service. What began as a dispute over a piece of land quickly escalated into a national talking point — not just about property, but the delicate relationship between civil authority and military discipline.

    The viral video, which showed a visibly angry Wike confronting a uniformed naval officer over an alleged “encroachment” on government land, has dominated social media feeds and national discourse. It was a spectacle that seemed to pit political authority against the very discipline the military prides itself on.

    Beyond the drama of the moment lies a deeper question — who truly holds the line of authority in such matters? Many of Wike’s supporters argue that as a minister and political head of the FCT, he possesses the constitutional right to enforce compliance within his jurisdiction. After all, the FCT administration oversees land allocation and urban development. To them, the Navy officer’s presence on the disputed site amounted to an act of defiance against constituted civil authority.

    Yet, others see it differently. They argue that Wike’s approach — loud, public, and confrontational — undermined the very decorum expected of a senior member of the federal cabinet. The confrontation, they insist, could have been handled administratively or through inter-agency coordination rather than a public clash that embarrassed both the civilian and military institutions involved.

    Section 217(2) of the 1999 Constitution, alongside Sections 7 and 8 of the Armed Forces Act, clearly vests operational command of the military solely in the hands of the president as Commander-in-Chief. Ministers, including the Defence Minister, have administrative oversight, not operational authority. This means that while Wike wields significant political power as FCT minister, he cannot issue operational directives to any branch of the Armed Forces.

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    The incident also revealed another failure — that of Wike’s security aides. In situations of escalating tension, the first rule of protective security is de-escalation. Bodyguards are trained to shield their principal from confrontation, not to watch as emotions flare. As one commentator noted, “They stood there like statues while their principal walked into public humiliation.”

    But perhaps the most important lesson from this episode lies in its symbolism. It mirrors a broader Nigerian reality — where power often overshadows process, and personality sometimes eclipses institution. Both Wike and the naval officer represent two faces of authority in Nigeria: the civilian establishment and the armed forces. When either side steps out of line, the system suffers.

    To Wike’s credit, his passion for enforcing order in the FCT is evident. Since assuming office, he has waged a visible campaign against illegal structures and encroachments. But leadership, especially at his level, requires not just firmness but restraint — the ability to command authority without losing composure. The military, on the other hand, must continue to uphold discipline and chain of command, even when provoked. The officer’s calm response in the face of confrontation arguably preserved what could have spiralled into a deeper institutional embarrassment.

    Ultimately, the Abuja land incident is a reminder that Nigeria’s democracy thrives when its institutions understand their boundaries. Ministers must act within the ambit of law and protocol; security officers must maintain discipline regardless of circumstance. The day either side forgets these principles, the thin line between order and chaos blurs.

    At the end of it all, the question is not merely who was right or wrong — but what the episode says about the health of our governance culture. Because in moments like this, the real test of power is not how loud it speaks, but how calmly it leads.

    •Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu, Abuja.

  • The Wike-Yerima metaphor

    The Wike-Yerima metaphor

    Sir: It is with grave disappointment and deep concern that I address the recent incident involving Minister of the FCT, Nyesom Wike, and a junior naval officer, Lieutenant Yerima, who chose to assert himself as a security guard at a private construction site in Abuja and then, astonishingly, refused to recognise the civil authority of the minister constitutionally governing the FCT on behalf of the President and Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

    This debacle reveals far more than a clash of personalities. It exposes the rot of selective obedience to the law, the breakdown of institutional hierarchy, and the dangerous elevation of emotion over reason in our public discourse.

    Was Lieutenant Yerima legitimately posted at that private construction site as part of his official naval duty? If the answer is “yes,” then we must ask: under whose orders, under which legal instrument, and under which ministerial or military command structure? If the answer is “no,” then his presence alone was illegitimate—and his defiance of a minister becomes not composure, but crass insubordination.

    Can the Minister of the FCT be denied access to a site within the FCT by a junior military officer? The very principle of democratic civil authority demands that the chain of command be clear. If the president’s representative is obstructed by a subordinate, the state has begun to unravel.

    Many Nigerians celebrate Lieutenant Yerima’s “calmness,” his poise. Yet poise cannot override lawful authority. What we are witnessing is a dangerous pattern: tribal or ethnic sympathies determine who gets celebrated, and whose affronts to the law get ignored. When that happens, the nation drifts from justice into favouritism, from rule of law into rule of prejudice.

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    The reaction from the Minister of Defence—apparently treating the episode as inconsequential—should be a wake-up call to President Tinubu. If a junior officer can risk defying a minister of state and the minister tasked with the FCT, and the Defence Ministry says “nothing to see here,” then the system of civilian oversight and ministerial accountability is under threat. A government that allows pockets of impunity in its security apparatus cannot claim to be serious about reform or governance.    A nation that cannot enforce its boundaries of legitimate authority is by definition a lawless nation where terrorism can flourish. And a lawless nation is a “disgraced country” (apologies to President Trump). If citizens believe law is optional or negotiable, public institutions are hollowed out, and every conflict becomes a matter of personal privilege rather than public order.

    If the facts show that Lieutenant Yerima was out of line, acting privately rather than as part of his official duty as a naval officer, then swift and unequivocal action must follow. Otherwise, it sends the signal that might makes right, that protocols and hierarchies are optional, and that emotional spectacle outranks institutional order.

    To those celebrating the junior officer: I say this to you: “Examine your moral compass.” Calm demeanour does ‘not’ excuse undermining the law. The applause you give today may be the very precedent that robs someone else of access to justice tomorrow. Celebrate virtue, yes—but not when that virtue is a cloak for disobedience.

    Nigeria’s future depends on the earnest, consistent regard for law, authority, and process. If the president allows this incident to pass with ambiguity or partiality, he undermines one of the most basic pillars of statehood: that every person—no matter junior or senior—recognises the rule of law. He sets up a governance culture where emotion, ethnocentrism, and selective outrage dominate instead of reason, constitution, and public interest.

    This moment is far bigger than one construction-site altercation. It is a test of Nigeria’s maturity as a republic. Let us pray that our leadership passes this test with integrity, clarity and courage.

    •Leonard Karshima Shilgba, <shilgba@gmail.com>

  • Food security and need for new national strategy

    Food security and need for new national strategy

    Sir: The agricultural sector is, without doubt, the bedrock of our economy and the guarantor of our national food security. Yet, for years, this vital sector has been left to contend with monumental security and systemic challenges almost entirely alone. This reactive stance has transformed what should be manageable local conflicts into an existential threat to production.

    The crisis is most acute during the crucial window between crop maturity and harvest. Our dedicated farmers are being forced into desperate, life-or-death battles for their livelihood, leading to catastrophic losses in production. The cost of this insecurity is not just measured in monetary figures; it is measured in the sleepless nights, profound fear, and loss of life endured by those who feed the nation.

    The current environment, where security challenges are allowed to fester and multiply, demonstrates a failure to implement a proactive security paradigm. Farmers should be focused on maximizing yield, not guarding against death during the final, most vulnerable period of the agricultural cycle.

    To move beyond this costly cycle of loss and reaction, we need not merely marginal, tactical efforts, but a fundamental shift in national policy. The government has a non-negotiable role in establishing enduring peaceful agricultural communities and secure corridors.

    The pivot required is twofold:

    Holistic security paradigm: Security is not solely a military concern; it is an economic imperative. The federal government must deploy resources to actively foster secure agricultural zones (or “colonies”) where infrastructure, intelligence, and a visible state presence are permanent features, not temporary fixes.

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    Increased stakeholder participation: To make security durable and sustainable, we must move beyond top-down mandates and embrace increased participation. This means integrating local communities, traditional institutions, and private sector agri-businesses into the security architecture. This approach creates a system of decentralized vigilance and shared responsibility, making conflict foreseeable, preventable, and stoppable before it reaches the harvest.

    By formalizing the protection of this sector and increasing communal and institutional participation, we secure not only the harvest but also the future growth and stability of our nation. This integrated strategy of economic investment and security enablement is the roadmap to transforming our agricultural crisis into an economic catalyst.

    •Michael Adedotun Abuja.

  • Making urban regeneration vehicle for sustainable development

    Making urban regeneration vehicle for sustainable development

    Sir: Urban regeneration could be explained as a reform mechanism for the enhancement of existing communities. The programme involves demolition of structures and neighbourhoods, relocation of businesses and people. But over time, urban regeneration has evolved into a policy based less on destruction, but more on renovation and investment.

    Today, urban regeneration is an integral part of continuous development efforts, especially in the developing climes such as ours, which has been largely overtaken by challenges and social vices such as criminality, housing problems, infrastructural decay, environmental degradation and traffic congestion among others. The reality in the major Nigerian cities such as Lagos, Benin City, Ibadan, and Port Harcourt bears visible testimony to this phenomenon. Thus urban regeneration and renewal is provoked by problems and challenges of urban decay, with facilities in poor condition and in disrepair, deterioration of buildings, overcrowding, lawlessness, slum and a large percentage of the population living in unhygienic conditions and in areas prone to floods and accidents, and the invasion of peri-urban spaces leading to loss of land and natural resources.

    Nigeria has been trying since early post-independence years to deal with slums, squatter and illegal settlements which came about as a result of rapid population increase, compounded by inadequate supply of housing and or inadequate supply of land for residential purposes, abject poverty, and economic incapability of low-income urban residents. These challenges provoke the government to undertake urban regeneration as a tool for sustaining urban development, infrastructure and economic development.

    A lot of Nigerians would stop at nothing to be in the major cities because of their perception of the cities as havens for personal economic development and prosperity. These anomalies must be corrected if we must have the megacities we desire, and if we must attain the socio-economic height we desire.

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    Hitherto, only few state governments such as Lagos, Akwa Ibom and the Federal Capital Territory are known to have embarked on urban regeneration projects. Other states must follow; otherwise the present chaotic urban development situation will worsen in the years to come. This is the time to address the situation.

    The way to go is that housing shortfall and problems which give rise to slums, shanties and illegal settlements across our major cities should be more frontally addressed. Then a good number of the existing slum communities would have to be regenerated and completely redeveloped but with consideration to resettlement of indigenes, the original community settlers, property owners, tenants and other stakeholders. Carrying out these activities will not only improve the aesthetics and appearance of the communities, but will also enhance their property values, and gradually urban decay would be dealt with before it snowballs into a bigger problem.

    It is also recommended that the occupiers of such slum communities be integrated and be a part of the process leading to better neighbourhoods. Everybody is a stakeholder and has roles to play in urban renewal. From the federal government to state governments, to urban renewal agencies and other organizations saddled with the responsibility of urban renewal and regeneration, to private organizations carrying out consultancy work relating to planning and physical development, to community leaders, community dwellers, landlords and tenants.

    •Elimihele Adesua Kate, Irrua, Edo State.

  • Optimizing land titling as a major source of revenue

    Optimizing land titling as a major source of revenue

    Sir: Land titling is the transfer of land ownership to individuals, organizations or entities through the issuance of legal titles or documents. There is convincing evidence that this process enhances security of tenure, facilitates land transactions, and has had diverse impacts on loan availability, investment incentives, higher output, incomes and family wealth, social security and economic development around the world.

    It is worrisome that in Nigeria, in real estate documentation is still characterized by confusion and disorder. More worrisome is the fact that about 90% of land in Nigeria is unregistered and untitled. With over $300 billion in dead capital tied up in undocumented land, the nation’s vast land assets are not economically viable, and do not boost states’ revenue.

    Government has enormous responsibilities and obligations, such as provision of infrastructure and social amenities for the people and for the betterment of the society. For government to be alive to the responsibilities, there must be unhindered flow of revenue from multiple sources. Land titling is a good economic tool, with potentials to significantly boost the states’ revenue, enhance the value of properties and transaction in the marketplace, if it is fully harnessed and implemented. Property is a very secured and reliable source of income, particularly through titling and registration.

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    It is in this light that the strategic move by the Ministry of Housing and Urban Development and the World Bank Group to unlock the several billions of dollars in dead capital tied up in such undocumented land must be commended. In year 2024, the ministry and the World Bank resolved to work together towards addressing the 90% of unregistered and untitled land in Nigeria.

    Through the initiative, the ministry in conjunction with the World Bank planned to, amongst other objectives, register, document, and title all land parcels within five years; develop and launch a National Digital Land Information System (NDLIS) and define a framework that would make it accessible to all stakeholders.

    The plan also includes an increase in the formalization of land transactions from less than 10% to over 50% in the next 10 years; and train and deploy technically competent land registration officers nationwide. With this, land registration and titling will open up sources of revenue for the states, and would boost their income through ground rent, Certificates of Occupancy, and taxes accruing from increased investments in real estate.

    Such funds can be used to  support land administration in Nigeria, affordable housing, sustainable financing mechanism, provide urban services in the states of the federation, help to minimize the effect of infrastructure deficit in Nigeria, address the impact of climate change on the urban sector, and engage in urban land management towards the attainment of liveable cities, digitization, among others.

    To make the programme effective, the National Land Registration and Titling Programme should partner and collaborate with the state governments. In doing this, government can optimize revenue from titling. State governments should complement the ministry’s initiative by ensuring valuation report on the properties are provided for registration.

    Land titles are not just pieces of paper; they are foundational to land governance, development control, and the orderly growth of Nigerian cities. Without proper titling, even the best urban plans collapse under the weight of dispute, delay, and disorganization.

    To ensure sustainable development, Nigeria must align its land titling systems with physical planning frameworks. This alignment guarantees legal security, promotes investment, and prevents the urban chaos we see in unregulated areas. The future of Nigerian urban development rests on the strength of its land titles.

    •Wesey Titilayo Folashade, Lagos.

  • Lesson in political civility from Kano

    Lesson in political civility from Kano

    Sir: Over the past decade, Kano’s political landscape has been sharply polarized by the rivalry between the Gandujiyya and Kwankwasiyya movements. This division has often fuelled incivility, prioritizing blind loyalty over constructive dialogue.

    The recent, unexpected encounter at the Aminu Kano International Airport between Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf and former governor, Abdullahi Umar Ganduje underscores the importance of respect and dignity in politics—both in Kano and across Nigeria.

    Governor Yusuf’s gesture of stepping out of his vehicle to greet former governor, Ganduje reflects a remarkable level of humility and statesmanship.

    This simple yet profound act of courtesy demonstrates that politicians can rise above their differences and extend mutual respect, regardless of contrasting views or party affiliations. The unplanned meeting sets a positive precedent, promoting a culture of civility and respect in political life. The widespread commendation that followed serves as a reminder that politics need not be driven by divisiveness or hostility.

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    When leaders act with dignity and respect, they help bridge divides and foster a more united and harmonious society. Kudos to Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf and former Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje for showing that respect and kindness can have a profound impact even in the often-polarized Kano politics.

    Given the intense rivalry between Kano’s two dominant political blocs, few expected Governor Yusuf to extend such a gracious gesture toward his predecessor. Their actions offer a valuable lesson to politicians and supporters alike, especially those who resort to insults and hostility on social media.

     The act of goodwill between the two functionaries serves as a powerful caution to overzealous supporters who contribute to a toxic political climate by using disrespectful language—particularly toward elders—on social and traditional media platforms.

     Today, many respected figures in Kano face online attacks from individuals emboldened by partisanship to insult anyone with differing views. Yet Governor Yusuf’s gesture embodies unity, compassion, and empathy—transcending political and ideological boundaries. By choosing this path, he evokes memories of a time when political differences did not undermine mutual respect or social cohesion. His action stands as a beacon of hope for restoring civility and respect in Kano’s political discourse.

    •Abu Fouad, Kano.

  • Save Kwara’s Ekiti Local Govt. from bandits’ siege

    Save Kwara’s Ekiti Local Govt. from bandits’ siege

    • By Awe Babatunde Pilgrim

    Sir: I write to draw the urgent attention of the government and all relevant security stakeholders to the increasing spate of bandit attacks in Ekiti Local Government Area of Kwara State, particularly in the border communities adjoining Kogi State. The once peaceful Osi–Eruku road has unfortunately become a death trap for residents, travellers, and commuters, as bandits have turned the area into their operational base.

    In recent months, scores of attacks have been recorded along this axis, leaving several people dead, injured, or missing. The most recent incidents occurred on Saturday, November 8, when an evangelism bus was ambushed, and again on Monday, November 10, when another group of travellers were attacked, resulting in many injuries. Sadly, some victims from previous attacks remain in captivity, and the trauma this has caused in our communities cannot be overemphasized.

    It is disheartening that the poor state of the Osi–Eruku road has further worsened the situation, making it easier for criminals to lay ambush and evade security patrols. The bad road network, coupled with inadequate security presence, has emboldened these marauders to carry out their nefarious activities unhindered.

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    I therefore call on all relevant authorities, the Kwara State government, the Ekiti Local Government Council, the Kwara State Police Command, the Department of State Services (DSS), the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC), and the Operation Harmony Security Task Force to urgently intervene and restore peace and safety to the area.

    Likewise, the Federal Ministry of Works and the Kwara State Ministry of Works and Transport should take immediate steps to rehabilitate the Osi–Eruku road and other adjoining routes that have become havens for criminal elements.

    We also appeal to the Senator representing Kwara South, the member representing Ekiti/Irepodun/Isin/Oke-Ero Federal Constituency, and the Ekiti State House of Assembly member to use their good offices to facilitate federal and state-level attention to this pressing issue.

    Security is the foundation of development. If nothing urgent is done, the situation may degenerate beyond control, putting the lives and livelihoods of innocent citizens at further risk. The people of Ekiti Local Government Area deserve to live in peace, travel freely, and go about their daily activities without fear.

    •Awe Babatunde Pilgrim,

    awexin@gmail.com