The Nation Newspaper

Category: Letters

  • Secularism, forgotten key to Nigeria’s security

    Secularism, forgotten key to Nigeria’s security

    • By O. Odunuga, mni

    Sir: For over six decades, Nigeria has battled one wave of insecurity after another—terrorism, communal violence, kidnappings, and banditry—each more brutal than the last. Yet, despite the heavy military budgets and endless reforms, peace remains elusive. The reason may lie deeper than politics or firepower; it is our failure to free the Nigerian mind from foreign religious control and embrace genuine secularism.

    The religions that dominate Nigeria today—Christianity and Islam—did not emerge from within our soil. They were introduced through conquest, trade, and colonial subjugation. Both faiths came with moral promises but also political baggage. They arrived not merely as spiritual paths but as instruments of foreign influence, dividing communities that had once lived under shared indigenous values.

    Colonial administrators quickly recognized the power of religion to control minds. They exploited Christian and Islamic loyalties to establish hierarchies that served imperial interests. After independence, Nigerian politicians inherited these divisions and weaponized them. The result is a country where religious identity often dictates political alignment, employment, and even access to justice.

    Today, religious sentiment has become a dominant force in public life. Political campaigns are launched from pulpits. Government funds sponsor pilgrimages. Security forces sometimes hesitate to confront extremists who claim divine mandate. This blurring of lines between faith and governance weakens the moral authority of the state.

    When the state kneels before religion, national security becomes secondary to sectarian loyalty. Soldiers see themselves as defenders of faith rather than defenders of the republic. Public officials fear religious backlash more than constitutional accountability. And citizens, indoctrinated from birth to see their religion as the ultimate truth, become easy tools for manipulation by extremists and politicians alike.

    Secularism is not atheism. It is the simple principle that governance should serve all citizens equally, without favour or prejudice to any religion. In a truly secular society, the law—not scripture—defines right and wrong; the constitution—not clergy—guides policy.

    Ironically, Nigeria’s own constitution already hints at secularism, yet the state behaves as though it is tethered to the mosque and the church. Until the government completely withdraws from religious sponsorship, the country will continue to experience moral confusion and divided loyalties.

    True secularism would strengthen national unity. It would free security institutions from the silent pressure of religious influence. It would also empower education to nurture critical thinkers instead of dogmatic followers. A citizen trained to think critically is harder to radicalize, and a soldier loyal to the constitution is harder to corrupt.

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    Long before foreign religions arrived, African societies—including Nigeria’s—had moral systems grounded in justice, community, and respect for life. The Yoruba concept of iwa pele (good character), the Igbo idea of omenala (customary balance), and the Hausa principle of mutunci (human dignity) provided ethical compasses that guided behaviour without imported doctrines.

    These indigenous systems valued social harmony and accountability more than abstract theology. They bound people to the land, the ancestors, and the community. Reconnecting with these home-grown philosophies can help Nigerians rediscover a sense of belonging that transcends religious labels.

    Nigeria’s insecurity will not end through bullets alone. It requires a cultural and philosophical awakening—a shift from foreign dependency to national self-awareness. That shift begins with secularism: separating religion from governance and reviving indigenous moral frameworks that prioritize peace, justice, and reason.

    If Nigeria truly wants to defeat extremism and reclaim stability, it must stop fighting wars inspired by foreign ideologies and start rebuilding a moral order anchored in national identity. Only then can Nigerians see one another not as Christians or Muslims, but as citizens bound by shared destiny.

    In the end, the path to lasting peace does not lie in the mosque or the church, but in the human conscience guided by reason and justice. That is the essence of true secularism, and Nigeria’s best hope for security.

    •O. Odunuga, mni

    <alaye2000ng@gmail.com>

  • Bumper harvests: Why Nigerian farmers are not smiling

    Bumper harvests: Why Nigerian farmers are not smiling

    • By Lawal Dahiru Mamman

    Sir: Nigeria has always been an interesting case study. Over the last two years, citizens have lived through austerity. Government officials, whenever handed the microphone, have often likened the experience to that of a child who must first endure the prick of a needle before receiving the protection of a vaccine.

    At the macro level, things appear to be taking shape. The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) recently reported the highest Net Foreign Exchange Reserve (NFER) in over three years. According to the April report, the figure marked an increase from $3.99 billion at the end of 2023, to $8.19 billion in 2022, and $14.59 billion in 2021.

    Analysts say this reflects a substantial improvement in the country’s external liquidity, reduced short-term obligations, and renewed investor confidence. The naira, which had been on a steep downward path toward N2,000, has rebounded to around N1,400—its strongest level in months—as it rallies against the dollar in both official and parallel markets.

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    It is on track to end the year on a firm note, buoyed by the growing forex reserves. Additionally, the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) reported that Nigeria’s headline inflation rate dropped to 18.02 percent in September, while also announcing an increase in its Consumer Price Index (CPI)—a measure of the change in prices paid by consumers for a basket of goods and services.

    The Gross Domestic Product (GDP) has also recorded a growth rate of 3.13 percent, particularly following the rebasing exercise. Despite these improvements, the common argument remains that such progress has not truly trickled down to the micro level.

    Most recently, however, food prices in markets across the country have begun to decline—particularly for rice, a staple that holds a special place in Nigerian households. While consumers have welcomed the news with relief, there is a flipside: farmers are crying out.

    In truth, while lower prices delight the markets, they have left many farmers struggling to recover their investments. The government attributes the decline to increased local production through its interventions. Although the federal government opened a window for zero-duty importation of food items, the Minister of State for Agriculture and Food Security, Aliyu Sabi Abdullahi, insists that the fall in prices is due to large-scale agricultural investments under the National Agricultural Growth Scheme (NAGS) Agro-Pocket programme.

    Farmers, however, tell a different story. They argue that the massive importation of food items has crashed local prices and left them counting heavy losses. This is why, as a nation, we must proceed with caution. In reality, low prices can discourage cultivation—especially in a period of high input costs—threatening future harvests and deepening food insecurity.

    There must be balance between food security, farmers’ prosperity, and government intervention. Farmers should be supported through affordable credit, agricultural extension services, and guaranteed market access. The distribution of fertiliser to smallholders and the deployment of new tractors to Agricultural Mechanisation Service Centres will further help to reduce production costs and increase efficiency.

    The current situation presents a clear dilemma. While lower prices may bring short-term relief to consumers, prolonged losses could cripple agricultural productivity and strengthen dependence on imports—placing Nigeria’s food future at risk.

    In all that we do, we must choose our approach carefully. Do we import food items to slash prices and win temporary public approval, if indeed such imports are genuine? Or do we double down on domestic production to achieve true self-sufficiency—especially in crops we can grow ourselves?

    We must choose our pill carefully. Agriculture was once abandoned for oil, and we paid dearly for importing refined products while neglecting local refineries. Now that there is renewed interest in cultivation, we must not repeat the same mistake.

    •Lawal Dahiru Mamman,

    Abuja.

  • National Library headquarters: Time to finish what we began

    National Library headquarters: Time to finish what we began

    Sir: Standing before the magnificent Qatar National Library recently, I felt a rush of pride—and a deep ache. Pride, because nations that honour knowledge light the path for their people. Ache, because for 44 years, I have longed to stand before our own completed National Library of Nigeria headquarters in Abuja and take the same photo with my country’s name behind me.

    In 1981, inside the conference room of National Library branch at 227 Herbert Macaulay Street, Yaba, Lagos, I watched—spellbound—as the late architect, Olawale Adeleye, unveiled the scale model of the new National Library headquarters building. I was a young accountant then, among colleagues and senior management staff who shared the same electricity of hope. When I later processed the cheque for the concept design, it felt like signing a promise to the future: a place where every Nigerian, young or old, could access the best of human thought.

    History, however, had other plans. With the relocation of the Federal Capital to Abuja in 1991, the project had to be reimagined and moved. Years passed. In 2006, construction in Abuja was awarded, and for a moment it seemed the dream had breathed again. Then funding gaps, changing priorities and the familiar turbulence of administration-to-administration handover pushed the project into limbo. The unfinished structure now sits in our capital’s central district—within sight of iconic buildings—reminding us not of what we have achieved, but of what we have postponed.

    This is not a story of blame. It is a rallying cry. A National Library is not just another office block. It is a civic temple of learning; a sanctuary for students and teachers; a home for authors, researchers, and entrepreneurs; a safe harbour for our collective memory. It anchors reading culture, strengthens education outcomes, and signals—to ourselves and to the world—that Nigeria invests in knowledge as a strategic asset.

    The good news is that we are not starting from zero. The structure exists. Momentum can be rekindled. And recent gestures of goodwill—such as philanthropic mobilization efforts led by Senator Oluremi Tinubu, First Lady, and other prominent Nigerians—prove that when we appeal to the better angels of our nature, support appears. Let us be blind to politics and clear-eyed about purpose. This is a nonpartisan task worthy of every citizen, institution and friend of Nigeria.

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    Here is what we can do—now:

    1. Create a transparent completion fund. Let private philanthropists, corporate bodies, alumni associations, publishers, tech firms, and ordinary citizens contribute to a ring-fenced account with independent oversight, clear milestones, and public dashboards.

    2. Adopt-a-component. Diaspora groups, states, and companies can fund specific floors, reading rooms, children’s libraries, digital labs, or accessibility features. Name the spaces after donors who help finish them.

    3. Mobilize the knowledge economy. Partner with universities, ed-tech start-ups, publishers, and telecoms to equip a world-class digital library.

    4. Fix a date—and keep it. Announce an achievable opening timeline with quarterly progress reports. Nigerians will rally when they can see progress.

    5. Invite the public in. As sections are completed, open them in phases—children’s and exam-reading rooms first—so the building begins serving Nigerians while the final touches continue.

    We have delayed long enough. Let’s finish what we began. We did it for the National Mosque, National Ecumenical Centre, National Theatre, even for private presidential libraries. Let us do it for the National Library as well. One day soon, God willing, I hope to stand—not in Doha, but in Abuja—smiling for a photo beneath the completed sign: National Library of Nigeria Headquarters.

    •Olufemi Bayode, olufemibayode@yahoo.com

  • Mr President: Beware of old traps in new disguises

    Mr President: Beware of old traps in new disguises

    Sir: There comes a time when a leader must listen not only to praise-singers but to truth-tellers.

    Mr. President, Nigeria today stands at a delicate crossroads, both internally and internationally. The recent designation of our country as a Country of Particular Concern (CPC) by the United States has opened a new chapter of global scrutiny. If not carefully managed, it could become a tool of political manipulation, designed by those who wish to mislead for selfish gain.

    History has a habit of repeating itself when its lessons are ignored. The same web of deception that unseated President Goodluck Jonathan is being spun again, only this time with different actors and new disguises.

    Mr. President, you were part of the movement that replaced Jonathan in 2015. You know the script. And yet, some familiar traps are being quietly reset.

    The U.S. designation of Nigeria as a Country of Particular Concern is not just a diplomatic tag, it is a strategic test. How your government handles it will shape both your image abroad and your credibility at home. Already, opportunistic politicians are exploiting it for cheap popularity, while religious extremists are inflaming emotions. But, Sir, Donald Trump did not accuse Islam; he spoke against terrorism. Those now beating the drums of war against America might well be the very people America seeks to expose.

    We must be wise. Nigeria cannot afford reckless confrontation. We have not even defeated bandits in 20 years, shall we then threaten America, a nation that fights with satellites, drones, and robots?

    Their goal is to lure your administration into a diplomatic misstep, just as they did with Jonathan before 2015.

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     Be wary of those urging you to turn your back on America and seek refuge in Russia or China. They present themselves as patriots, but many are merchants of dependency. Both Russia and China are pursuing their own interests, not Nigeria’s.

    It is widely alleged that China’s illegal mining in Nigeria is protected by armed militias. Even more disturbing are allegations that Chinese interests have been arming bandits and terrorists to safeguard their illegal operations, bleeding Nigeria while pretending to be partners in development.

    Russia, for all its power, could not shield its allies, not Iran, not Syria, from American strikes. Their promises often come wrapped in debt, dependency, and quiet domination. Nigeria must remain strategically independent: cooperating with all, submitting to none. Our diplomacy should serve Nigerian interests, not foreign ambitions.

    Mr. President, never let your second-term ambition weaken your war against insurgency. The moment politics begins to dictate security, insecurity becomes a tool of politics. Demonstrate commitment to ending terrorism, not managing it. Modernize intelligence coordination and empower the military to act decisively.

    No nation can survive when violence is funded from within. Nigeria’s greatest danger is not the gun in the forest but the pen in the office that writes the cheque for destruction. You must order the arrest and prosecution of all those who sponsor, fund, or protect terrorism, no matter their region, religion, or political connection. Justice must be blind to sentiment if peace is to be genuine.

    Your Excellency, the enemies of progress have changed their costumes but not their mission. They will approach you as advisers, allies, and loyalists, yet their true intent is to weaken your government, divide your allies, and turn the world against you.

    Lead with clarity.

    Listen with caution. Act with courage. And remember: the greatness of a leader is not measured by how long he rules, but by what endures after he is gone.

    •Nasiru Jagaba,Kwassam Ward, Kauru Local Government Area, Kaduna State.

  • Alarming rise of ethnic and religious discord

    Alarming rise of ethnic and religious discord

    Sir: It is truly heart-breaking to witness how deeply divided Nigerians have become along ethnic, regional, tribal, and religious lines, especially across social media platforms. What was once a space for connection and ideas exchange has increasingly turned into a battlefield of hate, bias, and intolerance. This growing polarization is alarming, and one cannot help but wonder how we got here as a people.

    Many of these divisions appear to stem from years of indoctrination, whether from local influences, places of worship, or manipulative political narratives. The result is a generation conditioned to see one another not as compatriots, but as rivals divided by faith, language, and geography.

    The current level of disintegration we are witnessing on social media today is far beyond what Nigeria ever experienced in the past. Those of us who grew up in the 1980s and 1990s can recall a time when, despite our differences, we still held a collective sense of pride and love for our country. Patriotism was not just a word; it was a way of life. We respected one another, valued our diversity, and saw our unity as our greatest strength.

    Today, however, the story is different. On social media, one can hardly make an honest or factual statement without being attacked, not for the merit of the idea expressed, but for one’s name, religion, or region of origin. Opinions are no longer judged by logic or truth but by tribal and sectarian affiliations. It has become a toxic cycle that weakens our social fabric and distracts us from the real issues that demand our collective attention.

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    Even in moments of external aggression or national tragedy, rather than standing together, some wish harm upon other regions or celebrate the misfortunes of fellow Nigerians. This is not who we are meant to be.

    What we need now, more than ever, is unity, genuine unity built on mutual respect, understanding, and love for one another and for our nation. Our diversity should be a source of strength, not a weapon of division.

    Much of the disunity we see today is rooted in ignorance, poverty, and the failure of leadership. When citizens are educated, empowered, and provided with basic social amenities, they become less susceptible to manipulation by divisive elements. Let us therefore prioritize education, equity, and justice. Let the government lead with honour, transparency, and empathy. A united Nigeria is still possible if we all commit to rebuilding trust, healing wounds, and placing love for the country above all else.

    •Iliyasu Haruna Bala, Jabi, Abuja.

  • Trump’s crusade to save “Nigerian Christians”

    Trump’s crusade to save “Nigerian Christians”

    Sir: When President Donald J. Trump thundered recently that he might send American troops to Nigeria to “rescue persecuted Christians,” one could almost hear the angels clearing their throats for the opening hymn of a new Made-in-America Crusade. Only that this time, the Saviour is not nailed to a cross—he tweets from a golden throne and preaches deliverance through drone strikes.

    Trump’s sudden compassion for Nigerian Christians would have been heart-warming if not for the lingering smell of hypocrisy wafting all the way from Washington to the savannahs of northern Nigeria. The world has seen this script before. America creates chaos, arms fall into the wrong hands, terrorists multiply like weeds after rain—and then the same America returns, halo polished, claiming to be the redeemer.

    Let’s rewind to 2011. The “moral” United States, under President Barack Obama, turned Libya from one of Africa’s most stable nations into a sprawling marketplace of mercenaries and misery. The fall of Muammar Gaddafi sent truckloads of weapons cascading southward—through Mali, Niger, and Chad—until Boko Haram found itself awash with ammunition and ambition.

    When Nigeria sought U.S. help to fight the very monsters that America’s Libyan adventure helped spawn, the Obama administration withheld critical military equipment—because Nigeria had passed an anti-LGBT law. Apparently, America’s moral compass points toward whichever direction its sexual politics lean, not toward genuine peace.

    And yet, the same Bible that America loves to quote during campaign season already criminalizes homosexual acts. So one must ask: What “Christian values” can a morally bankrupt America export to a country whose real struggle is survival, not pronouns?

    Now enters Trump, the self-anointed Defender of the Faith, claiming he will “save Nigerian Christians.” One might think the man had discovered the Book of Acts last week. But beneath the pious growl of his rhetoric lies a more familiar melody: political opportunism dressed in religious robes.

    He speaks of “radical Islamists” not out of compassion, but calculation. His base—American evangelicals—love such talk. It feeds their apocalyptic imagination while securing their votes. It’s the same logic that turned “Make America Great Again” into a creed and Trump into its reluctant messiah.

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    But how exactly does he plan to “save” these Christians? Will his Marines parachute into Nigerian villages and ask for baptism certificates before opening fire? Or will the Pentagon distribute Bibles with infrared chips that glow red only in Christian hands? Because in Nigeria, Christians and Muslims live side by side, shop at the same markets, and even intermarry. There are no “Christian neighbourhoods” to rescue. A Trump raid would be an equal-opportunity slaughter.

    Let us be honest: Trump’s concern for Nigeria is not about religion—it’s about regaining America’s shrinking influence in Africa. China is building railways; Russia is signing defence pacts; and the U.S., late to the feast, now arrives waving a blood-stained Bible. Nigeria, rich in oil, gas, and critical minerals like lithium, suddenly looks “spiritually” interesting.

    When empires dress greed in the garb of faith, the sermon always ends in ashes.

    If the United States truly wished to help Nigeria curb terrorism, it would not send sermons wrapped in missiles. It would share real-time intelligence on terrorist movements; provide advanced surveillance equipment to locate camps in forests; offer targeted training to Nigerian Special Forces, and, help rebuild the communities that terrorism has wrecked.

    But those steps do not generate dramatic headlines—or evangelical applause. So, Trump prefers a more cinematic script: “Send the troops, save the Christians, and Make America Feel Righteous Again.”

    Trump’s proposed “sweet and fast” raid on Nigeria is not about rescuing anyone. It is about resurrecting himself—a theatrical crusade staged for applause at home, not compassion abroad. The tragedy is that behind his vanity parade lie real human lives: Nigerians of every faith struggling to live beyond the reach of both terrorists and foreign saviours.

    So when Trump preaches salvation for Nigerian Christians, let the world remember:

    This gospel is not according to Christ—it is according to Trump, chapter Ego, verse Empire.

    •Leonard Karshima Shilgba, <shilgba@gmail.com>

  • President Trump’s war of interest

    President Trump’s war of interest

    Sir: The recent statement from the President of the United States, threatening to cut aid to Nigeria and order military preparations unless attacks on Christians cease, has escalated an already tense atmosphere into alarming headlines. Many interpret this declaration as an expression of moral outrage, which is understandable. However, such an approach risks causing more harm than good, not only to the individuals it aims to protect, but also to U.S.–Nigerian relations and the broader principles that should guide international responses to crises.

    First and foremost, it is crucial to acknowledge that the complexities of Nigeria’s security situation are multifaceted. The country grapples with a range of violence, from the insurgencies of Boko Haram and ISIS-affiliated groups in the northeast to communal clashes and criminal banditry in the Middle Belt and northwest regions. Victims of this violence span various religious and ethnic communities, and the root causes of such violence often lie in local grievances, historical conflicts, governance failures, land and resource competition, and the erosion of security institutions.

    Unilateral military threats carry substantial legal and practical risks. International law imposes strict limitations on the use of force across borders; unless clearly defending oneself or authorized by the UN Security Council, foreign military interventions in sovereign states raise troubling questions about legality and legitimacy. Even when framed as humanitarian efforts, such interventions can have unintended consequences: they may fuel nationalist sentiments, embolden extremists, destabilize fragile institutions, and create power vacuums that further exacerbate violence. Any entity contemplating military action must carefully consider whether it can achieve sustainable protection without aggravating the dynamics that lead to violence.

    Additionally, coercive gestures may undermine long-term partnerships and hinder progress. Nigeria is a strategic partner for the U.S. in Africa, vital for regional stability, counterterrorism cooperation, and economic relations. Sudden aid cuts could have a detrimental impact on civilians who rely on humanitarian assistance and development support. The threat of military force complicates collaboration on shared security objectives. If the aim is to strengthen protections for vulnerable communities, a more effective approach would involve continuous diplomatic pressure, conditional aid tied to specific reforms, and support for Nigeria’s capacity to investigate and hold accountable those who perpetrate abuses—not abrupt aid cuts or threats of military intervention.

    This discussion does not advocate for complacency. Where credible evidence exists regarding systematic persecution, the international community has both a moral obligation and practical means to act responsibly. Options include targeted sanctions against perpetrators, judicial cooperation for accountability, multilateral pressure through the United Nations and regional organizations, bolstered civilian protection programs, and strengthening the rule of law and community reconciliation.

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    At its core, the ongoing tensions reflect a complex interplay of interests, especially regarding U.S. foreign policy. As the United States faces significant economic challenges, it needs to explore mutual relations that benefit both parties. However, being a superpower does not justify military interventions in resource-rich countries. Historical examples, such as U.S. involvement in Iran and Libya, highlight the unintended consequences of such actions.

    Instead of resorting to force, the U.S. should focus on diplomatic engagement, trade partnerships, and cultural exchanges that foster lasting ties. While the U.S. has specific interests globally, prioritizing collaboration over coercion will lead to a more stable and prosperous future for all nations involved.

    To Nigeria’s leaders, this moment calls for urgency and humility. Protecting citizens, irrespective of their faith, remains the core duty of any government. Authorities should embrace impartial investigations, foster collaboration with partners, and implement proactive measures such as effective policing, support for displaced communities, and robust early-warning mechanisms.

    This is a pivotal moment, a stark reminder of the challenges that lie at our doorstep. It calls for a reassessment of our approach and emphasizes the urgent need for well-coordinated actions to address our national issues. We cannot afford to wait for others to highlight our struggles. Let this be a turning point in our commitment to take responsibility for our future and ensure that we are active participants in forging the path forward, rather than passive observers of our own fate. The time for change is now.

    •Isah Aliyu Chiroma,<aliyuisahchiroma29@gmail.com>

  • Anti-corruption tactics: A call for new approach

    Anti-corruption tactics: A call for new approach

    Sir: Nigeria’s fight against corruption and other financial crimes is essential, and agencies like the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) are central to that effort. Yet increasingly aggressive tactics (surprise arrests, publicised investigations, dawn raids, and detentions) are creating a climate of fear that may be undermining the very outcomes Nigeria needs: investments, productivity, and sustained growth.

    High-profile operations send a powerful signal, but they also ripple through firms in unintended ways. When senior executives face the possibility of unannounced arrests for non violent economic offences, leadership teams become overly cautious and apprehensive.

    Requiring the physical presence of chief executives for routine queries is especially counterproductive. When finance, legal, or compliance officers can answer questions, summoning the CEO serves little investigative purpose while inflicting maximum disruption. It diverts leadership from operations, stalls approvals, and signals that cooperation will be met with spectacle rather than professionalism. Allowing designated officers to respond, or using written interrogatories and virtual meetings, can resolve issues without fear tactics.

    Many sectors and transactions such as energy, telecommunications, finance, and infrastructure are technically complex.

    Routine investigators may not always distinguish legitimate structures or transactions from red flags at first glance. In such cases, agencies should seek expert help or request detailed explanations and supporting documents from firms before escalating. Early technical engagement saves time, reduces disruption, and improves outcomes for both investigators and firms.

    Publicised investigations and sensational headlines before facts are fully established can weaken, not strengthen, corporate governance. Directors may focus on reputational damage control rather than building robust compliance systems. Fear encourages secrecy and siloed decision making, eroding the internal transparency that underpins effective oversight.

    These dynamics carry real financial costs. Boards and lenders price risk, and when enforcement feels unpredictable or punitive, risk premiums rise. Companies face higher borrowing costs, tighter covenants, and reduced access to capital as financiers account for potential disruption from investigations or sudden removal of key decision makers. In an economy where credit is already expensive, this “fear premium” can stall expansions, slow hiring, and blunt productivity.

    Foreign investors look for clear rules, consistent processes, and proportionate treatment. The impression that firms may face spectacle, extended detentions, or unwarranted raids discourages market entry and reinvestment.

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    Capital flows to jurisdictions where robust enforcement coexists with predictable, fair outcomes.

    The broader economy pays the price. When investment is deferred, infrastructure lags, supply chains thin, and technology transfers slow. Contracts shrink for local suppliers, talent drifts to calmer markets, and entrepreneurship shifts from building to hedging.

    None of this diminishes the need for strong enforcement. Deterrence matters and credible prosecution is essential for market integrity and public welfare. But enforcement must avoid fear based tactics that cause collateral damage. International standards point the way: the United Nations Convention against Corruption stresses pairing enforcement with prevention through education and public awareness, integrity in the public sector, private sector compliance frameworks, and civil society participation.

    A better path is available. For less potent economic crimes and cooperative suspects, written summons and voluntary interviews could serve as the default response, reserving arrests and detention for cases involving credible flight risk, evidence tampering, obstruction, or similar concerns. In line with the UN Convention, education led prevention—regular guidance, sector trainings, and reminder notices that nudge firms toward best practices should be prioritised. Simple public scorecards (such as best  and worst performer lists) based on objective criteria could be considered to reward improvement and spotlight laggards without theatrics.

    These measures do not weaken enforcement; they strengthen it. By emphasising proportionality, due process, expertise, and incentives for compliance, Nigeria can deter misconduct without deterring investment, inviting more good capital to fuel economic growth and shared prosperity.

    •Samira Ladan Tsamiya Esq London, UK.

  • Shares valuation as tool for economic development

    Shares valuation as tool for economic development

     Sir: I have noted with dismay that despite the fact that shares and stocks valuation constitute one of the most dynamic areas of national growth and sustenance, and despite several opportunities in it, transaction channels and large market availability, Nigerians are not making the best use of these opportunities for economic development. This is unlike in the more developed countries of the world. Nigeria’s shares and stocks assets, if properly harnessed and utilized, have the potential to achieve that objective.

    This is the gap we need to close, and the initiative we should key into.  When we launch into this critical aspect, more capital would be accessed by companies with higher valuations, and this will ensure more investment in growth-oriented activities. Confidence would be enhanced in the financial markets, investors would buy and sell various financial instruments such as stocks, bonds, currencies, commodities, derivatives and raise capital. With more capital raised, more funds would be available for investment, and the more we invest in the economy, the more growth we record.

    Nigerian economy is unique in various ways, with challenges in all critical services. Shares and stocks valuation is one of the challenges. We only need to comprehend the significance of shares and stocks valuation, and stakeholders would make informed choices and protect their interests effectively.

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    That makes it mandatory for estate surveyors and valuers to effectively key into this initiative and spearhead the unlocking of potentials in shares and stocks valuation. Partnership with the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) would suffice. SEC is strategic to ensuring standardization and optimal professionalism in carrying out this aspect of economic services with total compliance to best global practices in the overall interest of our nation. The partnership would enhance the promotion, advancement and deepening of the financial markets, a critical mission the organization has been driving since inception in 1979. The process will assist us in building human and institutional capacity for effective service delivery.

    To maximally benefit from the unveiling potentials and long-term prospects in this aspect of professional service, estate surveyors and valuers must intensify and sustain skills acquisition efforts. We should not relent in growing standards and professionalism through training, and re-training in order to be at par with international best practices and standards, especially in today’s technology driven world, where every profession keep innovating in order to remain relevant.

    It is my hope that we will get insight into the challenges in this economic development-enhancing endeavour, as well as the roadmap to turning the challenges to prospects and benefits.

    •Olanrewaju Olaitan,Lagos.

  • Kogi: Touting salary payment as achievement

    Kogi: Touting salary payment as achievement

    Sir: Kogi State Commissioner for Information, Kingsley Femi Fanwo in a recent post on his Facebook page touted the payment of salaries to civil servants in Kogi State as an “achievement” of the state administration. For a man who occupies the exalted position of image maker of a state government, such a post was not only a professional misstep but also an unfortunate blunder in public communication.

    Here is what Fanwo wrote: “They said the payment of salaries is not an achievement. I agree. No questions. But when it is not paid, it becomes a failure. Isn’t it?

    “Government resources have competing pressures. Education is there, healthcare is there, roads are there, agriculture is there, youth and women empowerment is there, security is there, housing and urban development too and many others across all the sectors.

    “The magic of the Kogi State government to still meet all of these needs and still pay salaries should be commended.

    Let’s be clear: payment of salaries is not an achievement. It is an obligation. A responsible government pays its workers as and when due, not as an act of benevolence, but as a matter of statutory and moral duty. To celebrate it as an “achievement” is to set a dangerously low bar for governance and to insult the intelligence of the working population whose sweat and labour sustain the state machinery. Workers earn their pay through their service. Salaries are rights guaranteed by law, not favours dispensed by magnanimous governors.

    Under international labour standards, specifically Article 23(3) of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), it is clearly stated that “Everyone who works has the right to just and favourable remuneration ensuring for himself and his family an existence worthy of human dignity.” This provision makes salary payment a matter of right and justice, not benevolence.

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    Similarly, the International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention No. 95 (Protection of Wages Convention, 1949) mandates employers, including governments, to pay wages regularly and in full. The obligation is binding on all member states, including Nigeria.

    At the national level, the Nigerian Labour Act (Cap L1, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria, 2004) explicitly provides under Section 15(1) that “Wages shall become due and payable at the end of each period for which the contract is expressed to subsist.” In simple terms, the law expects that every employer, whether private or public, pays workers promptly at the end of each month.

    Also,  Kogi State’s Public Service Rules reinforce this, mandating that government employees receive their lawful entitlements as and when due. Nowhere in these laws is salary payment described as a government favour or an “achievement.”

    Governor Usman Ododo’s administration has indeed initiated and continued several development-related projects across the state. These are in road rehabilitation, construction of model secondary schools, support for security architecture, and expansion of infrastructure across tertiary institutions. These are tangible, measurable, and impactful indicators of achievement. Those are the milestones that define success in governance. Not the routine act of paying salaries.

    Across Nigeria, many states, especially in the Northwest and Southwest consider prompt salary payment a routine responsibility, not a trophy to flaunt. States like Lagos, Oyo, and Rivers have long normalized the practice of paying civil servants promptly, even while executing massive infrastructural and social projects.

    Let’s be honest, failure to pay salaries promptly is not only a sign of administrative incompetence; it is a woeful failure that reeks of irresponsibility. It cripples productivity, fuels corruption, and breeds resentment. When governments pay salaries late, they are not saving money — they are losing legitimacy.

    Therefore, Governor Usman Ododo’s decision to pay salaries promptly deserves acknowledgment for responsibility, not celebration for achievement. The distinction matters, especially in a democracy where accountability and communication shape public perception. Each time a spokesperson misrepresents responsibility as achievement, the government loses moral capital. The governor’s performance should speak through visible projects, economic reforms, and governance integrity, not through exaggerated praise for meeting basic obligations.

    •Ozumi Abdul, abdulozumi83@gmail.com