The Nation Newspaper

Category: Letters

  • Sowore: What manner of criticism?

    Sowore: What manner of criticism?

    SIR: Criticism – the disapproval of someone or something on the basis of perceived mistakes is no doubt, one of the factors that enhance quality of governance. It enriches democracy. And a true leader, notably democrat, rarely underestimates the influence of criticism in nation building.

    Apart from keeping people at the helm of affairs on their toes, criticism also propels government to go the extra mile to deliver dividends of democracy to citizenry by all means. It’s unfortunate that most detractors of government policies nowadays only talk about obstacles; they usually fail to proffer solutions. There is no gainsaying the fact that it’s easier for many critics in Nigeria to spot and unearth defects in the policies of government; offering better solutions is what they always find difficult to do.

    The recent outburst of Omoyele Sowore against the president, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, is a perfect example of how low some self-acclaimed critics could go in their lack of understanding of constructive criticism. Many Nigerians want to know exactly the motive behind Sowore’s misleading comments and unguarded utterances against the president and the Nigeria Police Force.

    The last time I checked, Sowore still nursed the ambition of ruling Nigeria. And this led me to wonder the kind of president he would be, considering the manner by which he usually addresses constituted authority in public. Who is going to trust someone who finds it difficult to guard his utterances? Calling a democratically elected president a criminal is not only a crime, it’s also an insult to the masses who massively gave the president their votes.

    Read Also: Group slams Sowore over attacks on IGP

    Undoubtedly, Sowore has the constitutional right to contest for any political post in Nigeria, but this must come through the ballot, not by name-calling or any other negative, undemocratic means. Who will enlighten Sowore that Nigeria has gone beyond casting bitter speeches to gain followers? What Nigerians desire and demand in this age are relevant discourses, not indecent comments against individuals on social media and pages of newspapers?

    I believe it’s not inappropriate to advise the former presidential candidate of African Action Congress that it’s more beneficial to start demonstrating what he has in stock for people if at all he is serious about his ambition. He can do better by presenting his case decently rather than dispensing his energy on attacking personalities. Insofar as political maturity is one of the qualities the electorate looks for in candidates running in elections, I urge Sowore to take things easy and gentle before it’s too late. Without a doubt, Sowore needs enlightenment, or else he loses his relevance via his ceaseless, indecorous attacks on personalities.

    • Ademola Babalola, babalolaademola39@gmail.com
  • Global crisis of undervalued academia: ASUU in focus

    Global crisis of undervalued academia: ASUU in focus

    Sir: The decline in pay for academics is a global crisis, but it is particularly serious in developing nations like Nigeria. From Ghana to India, the government appears to prefer other sectors of industry over education, leading to academe and its members being neglected. The trend has serious consequences for national development. For example, in Ghana, state universities have been plagued by recurrent lecturers’ strikes for better remuneration and working conditions. The situation is no different in India, where lecturers in top universities are paid peanuts compared to their counterparts in the private sector or government.

    The Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU)’s struggle is a struggle for the soul of Nigerian education. The decline from the good old days when a professor’s salary was within the same range as that of a permanent secretary to the present where it is far behind that of a politician is a depressing pointer to Nigeria’s changing values. The country, once so proud of its intellectual elite, now seems to be more concerned with political patronage than with book wisdom.

    The fact that a senator who holds a certificate of secondary school is paid higher than a professor is not just an economic issue; it is a moral one. It conveys the message to young people that politics is a better paid and appreciated career than intellectualism. ASUU’s demands for a salary grade that reflects their position and societal value are less about money; they are about the dignity of the teaching profession.

    Read Also: Experts urge Nigerian universities to prioritise soft skills training to tackle youth unemployment

    ASUU’s call is an attempt to turn the situation around. The union’s call for better funding for universities is a call for the value to be placed on intellectual work as the engine of national progress. The solution lies not in disbursing meager loans or in offering temporary palliatives. It is to basically revolutionize the way Nigeria values its human capital. The government must value the fact that spending on education is not a cost but an essential investment in the future. The pay of academics must be put in perspective with those in comparable professions, say, high-stakes civil servants and professionals in other lines of work.

    Academic remuneration must be supplemented by incentives that recognize the type of work they do, i.e., research grants, home grants, and access to world-class facilities. Universities must be well-funded in order to conduct cutting-edge research and help in solving national problems.

    The government of Germany, for instance, understands the importance of intellectual capital. The government, headed by Chancellor Friedrich Merz, has invested heavily in research centers and universities to put the nation at the vanguard of technology and innovation. Despite the fact that Germany is a developed country, there is the rule: the future of a nation relies on the quality of academic institutions.

    The answer to this old crisis requires more than measures for immediate stop-gaps. It requires a root and branch review of the manner in which the Nigerian state prioritizes and invests in education. The most immediate and effective measure is to place the salaries of professors on the same level as those of permanent secretaries. This is a reasonable and rational position.

    A professor, as chief of a university department or faculty, is essentially the “permanent secretary” of intellectual and academic affairs. A professor has the responsibility of coordinating research, advising staff, and guiding academic programmes, duties that are vastly complex and carry great onus. By structuring their pay and allowances on the same scale as permanent secretaries, the government would be restoring an old parity that had been followed during the first few decades and acknowledging the same level of their ranks.

    Ultimately, the pay issue is a symptom of a broader problem: chronic underfunding of education. Nigeria’s annual budgetary expenditure to education always falls short of the UNESCO standard of 15-20% of the country budget. An enduring solution requires a resolve to fill this gap. Additional funds would not only allow for better remuneration but also upgrading of decaying university infrastructure, provision of updated research equipment, and reducing the student-to-lecturer ratio. A well-funded system is one in which academic brilliance is a desirable and feasible career path, stopping the brain drain and offering Nigeria’s youth an opportunity.

    •Dr. Olaleke Alao,Maryland, USA

  • Can Jonathan contest again?

    Can Jonathan contest again?

    Sir: The question of whether former President Goodluck Jonathan can contest another presidential election has generated much debate. The answer lies in the clear provisions of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended by the Fourth Alteration, Act No. 16 of 2018).

    Section 135(2) of the Constitution stipulates that the maximum tenure of a president is two terms of four years each, amounting to a total of eight years.

    In the special restriction under the 2018 amendment, the fourth alteration introduced Section 137(3), which provides:

    “A person who was sworn in as president to complete the term for which another person was elected as president shall not be elected to such office for more than one single term.”

    This provision was deliberately inserted to regulate situations where a vice president assumes office after the death, resignation, or removal of a sitting president.

    In 2010, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan was sworn in for the first time to complete the tenure of President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua after his death. In 2011, he was sworn in a second time following his own electoral victory.

    Therefore, by the clear wording of Section 137(3), Jonathan has already exhausted the constitutional allowance. Having been sworn in twice, he cannot lawfully present himself for another presidential election.

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    The framers of the amendment foresaw this precise scenario. They ensured that no individual could indefinitely recycle themselves in power by exploiting succession loopholes. The amendment protects the sanctity of the two-term limit and preserves fairness in the democratic process.

    This is not a matter of sentiment or politics. It is a matter of law and constitutional clarity. Should Jonathan attempt to contest again, any challenge to his candidacy would almost certainly succeed in court, because the constitution expressly bars any person sworn in twice as president from seeking the office again, irrespective of whether one of those tenures was partial.

    Such an outcome would plunge the nation into needless controversy and distract from the real issues of governance and nation-building.

    Some may argue that Jonathan only served one full elected term, but the constitution is clear: it is not the number of years served but the number of swearing-in that determines eligibility.

    The constitution is unambiguous. While a president is ordinarily entitled to two terms, a vice president who has been sworn in to complete another president’s term and then elected for a subsequent term cannot run again. In the case of Dr. Jonathan, having been sworn in twice already, his eligibility is constitutionally foreclosed.

    •Chionye Hencs Odiaka, <chionyehencs@googlemail.com>

  • Open letter to the Northeast Development Commission

    Open letter to the Northeast Development Commission

    Sir: I write to remind the Northeast Development Commission (NEDC) to return to its core values and fulfil the mandate for which it was created. Since its inception, the commission has consistently failed woefully to meet the expectations of the people of the Northeast, who had high hopes that it would spearhead the rebuilding of their war-torn communities.

    The NEDC was established in 2017 as a special intervention agency to coordinate, drive, and implement programmes that would restore stability and development in the Northeast after years of devastation caused by the Boko Haram insurgency. Sadly, many years down the line, the commission has reduced its work to mere distribution of relief materials, abandoning its larger responsibility of reconstruction, rehabilitation, and resettlement.

    For countless displaced persons, the dream was that the NEDC would rebuild destroyed schools, hospitals, markets, roads, and homes. These are the tangible markers of progress that give dignity back to people who have lost everything to violence. Instead, what we see today are photo opportunities of rice, spaghetti, and mats being shared to vulnerable families. While these items may provide temporary relief, they do not address the fundamental issues of rebuilding lives and communities.

    Every year, billions of naira are allocated to the commission in the national budget. One would expect that such massive funds would translate into visible projects across Borno, Yobe, Adamawa, Bauchi, Taraba, and Gombe states. Yet, when one travels across these states, it is difficult to point to sustainable infrastructure or major developmental projects executed by the commission. This raises serious concerns about transparency, accountability, and leadership.

    The people of the Northeast are not asking for much. They are demanding the fulfilment of a mandate. After over a decade of insurgency, the region deserves serious investment in education, healthcare, housing, agriculture, and economic empowerment. These are the foundations upon which peace and prosperity can be built. Relief items alone cannot rebuild a region.

    The commission must also understand that the continued neglect of its mandate deepens the sense of marginalisation among the people. When citizens see billions allocated but no results on the ground, it fuels frustration, mistrust, and hopelessness. For a region that has suffered so much bloodshed, this negligence is both insensitive and dangerous.

    Read Also: Tinubu working assiduously to engender responsible borrowing to address Nigeria’s public debt – Speaker Abbas

    Rebuilding the Northeast is not only about physical infrastructure; it is also about healing and empowerment. The NEDC should prioritise psycho-social support for victims of insurgency, skill acquisition for youth, and empowerment programmes for widows and orphans. These interventions can restore dignity, reduce poverty, and close the gap that insurgents exploit to recruit followers.

    Equally important is the need for proper monitoring and evaluation. Projects must be tracked, audited, and made public for accountability. The commission cannot continue to operate in opacity. Nigerians deserve to know how funds are being spent and whether they are making any difference. Transparency is key to rebuilding trust.

    The NEDC should also embrace partnerships with international development agencies, civil society organisations, and community leaders. By working together, more sustainable projects can be implemented, and duplication of efforts can be avoided. Development is most effective when it is participatory and inclusive.

    It is also important to emphasise the role of good leadership within the commission. The heads of the NEDC must rise above politics and personal interests to focus on the larger picture of development. The future of millions of people in the Northeast depends on their decisions. This is a huge responsibility that must not be toyed with.

    Mr. President and the National Assembly also have a duty to hold the NEDC accountable. Oversight should not be reduced to political visits and handshakes. Real scrutiny must be done to ensure that the commission is not another drainpipe for public funds. The suffering of the Northeast should not be used as an excuse for corruption.

    The people of the Northeast are resilient, hardworking, and hopeful. Despite the years of violence, they continue to dream of a brighter future. What they need is a responsive agency that will match their resilience with infrastructure, opportunities, and security. That is the promise the NEDC was created to deliver.

    The time for excuses is over. The time for action is now.

    •Kasim Isa Muhammad, Potiskum, Yobe State.

  • Why Makurdi needs air connectivity

    Why Makurdi needs air connectivity

    Sir: Nigeria’s aviation industry has grown significantly over the last two decades, with remarkable improvements in flight safety, fleet expansion, and passenger traffic. Yet, a persistent limitation remains: the overwhelming concentration of flight connectivity around Lagos and Abuja. Almost all domestic commercial routes are structured as spokes leading into either of these two hubs—Port Harcourt to Lagos or Abuja, Uyo to Abuja or Lagos, Asaba to Lagos or Abuja, Enugu to Lagos or Abuja, Owerri to Lagos or Abuja, Yola to Abuja, Kano to Abuja, Benin to Abuja or Lagos, and so forth. Rarely do we find direct intercity connections outside this Lagos–Abuja loop.

    This hub-and-spoke model constrains regional development. To accelerate Nigeria’s commercial and economic growth, transportation connectivity—road, rail, and air—must expand in an integrated manner. While railway and road projects are ongoing and commendable, Nigeria needs to revisit and redraw its air transportation graph (having a closed or connected graph in focus).

    Makurdi, the Benue State capital, stands at the confluence of strategic advantages that justify a vibrant commercial aviation presence. It lies at the heart of Nigeria’s middle belt, serving as a natural gateway to parts of Cross River, Enugu, Kogi, Nasarawa, and Taraba states. Many of these regions are far from their state capitals or commercial hubs. Additionally, parts of neighbouring Cameroon could become accessible through Makurdi flights, opening cross-border trade and tourism opportunities.

    The Alia administration has embarked on repositioning Benue as a preferred investment destination. To attract and sustain investor confidence, critical infrastructure—airports, five-star international hotels, and modern conference facilities—must be provided. Investors and tourists alike seek convenience. The perception that “Benue is accessible” can be a game-changer.

    Read Also: Tinubu working assiduously to engender responsible borrowing to address Nigeria’s public debt – Speaker Abbas

    Benue is Nigeria’s food basket. A commercial airport with a dedicated cargo terminal would enable the rapid evacuation of perishable agricultural produce to local and international markets. This will reduce post-harvest losses, expand agribusiness, and create jobs in storage, logistics, and export services.

    With five universities (two federal, two state, and one private), several polytechnics, and colleges of education, Benue hosts one of the densest clusters of tertiary institutions in Nigeria. Air connectivity would enhance academic collaborations, attract national and international conferences, and support student and staff mobility.

    Benue has untapped tourism potential—from River Benue’s scenic views to cultural festivals and historic sites. Accessibility by air would unlock these assets, positioning Makurdi as a weekend destination for both domestic and international tourists.

    A functional commercial airport strengthens regional security architecture and emergency response capability, including medical evacuations, disaster response, and rapid deployment of humanitarian aid when needed.

    Governor Alia’s administration does not need to carry this project alone. A range of funding options can be explored.  One model is where the state provides land and enabling regulatory environment, while private investors finance and manage infrastructure, with revenue-sharing agreements. This is already working in other Nigerian states with concessioned airports.

    Rather than building from scratch immediately, Benue State can negotiate a cooperative agreement with the Nigerian Air Force (current custodian of Makurdi airport) for dual civil-military use. Several states worldwide operate this model efficiently.

    Institutions like the African Development Bank (AfDB), African Export-Import Bank (Afreximbank), and the Infrastructure Corporation of Nigeria (InfraCorp) can co-fund aviation infrastructure tied to

    Since one of the strongest cases for Makurdi Airport is agribusiness, Benue State can float export-linked infrastructure bonds, repayable from cargo handling fees and export tariffs.

    Instead of outright purchase, the state (with private equity partners) can lease mid-sized aircraft to operate as a Benue-based airline. This lowers entry costs while testing market viability.

    Airlines and hotels often co-invest in destinations. The state could attract hospitality investors by offering land concessions near the airport for hotel and conference centre development.

    Air connectivity is not just about moving people; it is about moving ideas, investments, and opportunities. Makurdi deserves a place on Nigeria’s aviation map—not as a luxury, but as an economic necessity. The Alia administration should seize this moment to negotiate partnerships, mobilize funds, and launch a bold aviation agenda that makes Benue the heartbeat of Nigeria’s central air corridor.

    Benue is setting a new narrative of bold, inclusive development. Air connectivity must be part of that story.

    •Leonard Karshima Shilgba <shilgba@gmail.com>

  • Nigeria’s killer touts

    Nigeria’s killer touts

    • By Kene Obiezu

    Sir: A couple of days ago, touts within the Federal Capital Territory chased a man and his wife to their death as they went about their business in the heart of  Nigeria’s capital. The touts, operating on their usual lawless and rudderless frequency, which unfortunately has some imprimatur of authority, fought for the control of the couple’s vehicle. The struggle that ensued led to an accident that instantly killed the couple. An irate mob promptly burnt two of the touts to death.

    Every other day, Nigerians die carelessly in circumstances that lend credence to the fragility of life in the country. The fact that many of these deaths are preventable but are never really prevented speaks volumes. It explains Nigeria’s ever plummeting life expectancy. It explains the fact that insecurity ravages the land, destroying the confidence of investors and sentencing locals to a life of constant fear and uncertainty.

    Nigeria has always had a problem with touts and thugs. The Nigerian landscape is indeed littered with touts and thugs. Empowered by the powerful to tighten their grip on power, these touts are used to rig elections, intimidate opponents, or serve as informal state actors. The fact that they blur the lines between state actors and criminals shows the multifaceted threats they pose.

    Read Also: 23 terrorists killed, 26 kidnap victims rescued in Katsina

    Many times, they behave like criminals. At other times they are actual criminals who do what they want to while acutely aware that there are too many cracks in the Nigerian system that they can escape through.

    Alarmingly, these touts and thugs, who sometimes operate in the full view of Nigeria’s security personnel, consider themselves part of the security structure. But rather than secure Nigerians and make Nigerians feel more secure, they terrorize Nigerians.

    As a country, Nigeria remains a society where civility, dignity, and decorum, especially in public, remain in scandalously short supply.  Many Nigerians have a problem with doing the right thing, and as a result of this, anything goes, many times with deadly consequences for all involved.

    The presence and proliferation of thugs and touts, especially in Lagos and Abuja, is a tear in the image of a country that has the kind of grand aspirations Nigeria has.  It is a shame that such criminals are allowed to rule the roost in many parts of the country.

    While Nigerians generally need reorientation in how to be better citizens of their country, the authorities must do something about thugs and touts all over the country. Many of them are no different from criminals and do all the things that criminals do. They kill, rape, disrupt, and threaten innocent citizens and inflict grievous bodily harm.

    But it is doubtful that the authorities here can really do anything about them. After all, they are helpful and are useful tools in the hands of many of those in power, especially during elections.

    •Kene Obiezu,

    keneobiezu@gmail.com

  • Between X, DSS and Sowore

    Between X, DSS and Sowore

    • By Abdullahi Suleiman Otiwe

    Sir: On August 7, the rights activist, Omoyele Sowore published via his official X’s handle the notification he received from the X Team informing him of a complaint from Department of State Services (DSS). According to X, DSS claimed the Sowore’s alleged publication referring to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu as “this criminal…” violated the laws of Nigeria. X further claimed not to have taken any action against such publication at the time of informing him. While putting disclaimers, X advised him to take appropriate steps in seeking redress if Sowore felt his rights was being infringed upon in any way.

    The conclusion one could easily reach from the notification by X to Sowore above is that the platform was ignorant of the laws of Nigeria despite the DSS’s formal notification citing relevant provisions of the laws. It is fair also to conclude that X did not investigate the compliant by DSS before its prejudicial notification to Sowore to “weigh his options” against the Nigerian government.

    Interestingly, this is the same X that interpreted the innuendo in case of late President Muhammadu Buhari leading to restrictions placed on its operation in Nigeria.

    The right to free speech is no doubt, very fundamental and all constituted authorities must be compelled to respect it. In democracy, feedbacks from the citizens are the bedrock of sustainable government and any attempt to silence one citizen especially in this digital media era will lead to chaos. The constitution that guarantees fundamental rights of every Nigerian must be guarded jealously. However, the citizens too must understand their boundaries.

    While Section 39 of the Nigerian Constitution provides for right to freedom of expression, Section 45 of the same constitution also set some restrictions on such right amongst others in the interest of public order or for the purpose of protecting the rights and freedom of other persons. Laws and orders are made in the interest public and people throughout Nigeria. The various laws cited by the DSS for which Sowore is alleged to have breached could be enforced in this country.

    Years back, I had cause to decry the federal government’s decision when it banned the operation of X in the country without considering the rights of other citizens that relied on the platform for their businesses. This is against the backdrop that X was not even monetized then. Today, things have changed.

    Read Also: DSS summons Sowore over post on Tinubu

    Like every nation, the federal government should be able to take measures in defence of national security, public order and the protection of the rights of its citizens. The United States government did the same when it restricted the operation of TikTok citing similar reason under the US laws. The fact that X has not given an official statement on its failure to investigate the alleged threat to Nigeria’s national security shows complicit and how our nation’s sovereignty is disrespected.

    The fact that Sowore actually referred the nation’s president as “this criminal…” should have actually been censored even if it were reference to ordinary Nigerian. Except for the court of law, no person has a right to call another a criminal under the laws of this country. The task before us is to create a balance where the government must resist the urge to silence dissent, while citizens respect the boundaries of lawful expression. Platforms like X should act responsibly, neither as government censors nor as indifferent bystanders.

    •Abdullahi Suleiman Otiwe Esq

    Abuja

  • Unlocking trillion-dollar economy through gender inclusion

    Unlocking trillion-dollar economy through gender inclusion

    • By Lekan Olayiwola

    Sir: Nigeria’s aspiration of a $1 trillion economy is a referendum on whether the country can build inclusive, resilient growth. Yet, the lofty goal may be unreachable if women remain side-lined. Women’s economic exclusion isn’t just unfair it’s an economic loss.

    According to the World Bank, closing Nigeria’s gender gap in labour force participation could add $229 billion to GDP by 2030. That’s nearly a quarter of the country’s current economic output.

    Female labour force participation stands at 80.7%, nearly equal to men’s at 84.4%, yet women earn less, own fewer assets, and are locked out of formal credit. Only 9% of female-owned MSMEs have access to formal financing.

    The Northwest is home to over 20 million women, many of whom sustain agriculture and informal trade in Sokoto, Zamfara, and Katsina. Yet literacy is barely 53.3%, maternal mortality is nearly 1,000 deaths per 100,000, and insecurity makes schools and markets unsafe.

    Women here contribute significantly to the region’s agricultural GDP estimated at N5.2 trillion annually. But due to lack of access to extension services, credit, and secure markets, their productivity is suppressed. If even 30% of women’s agricultural labour were formalized and scaled, the region could unlock N1.5 trillion ($1.8 billion) in additional value annually.

    The Northeast’s female labour force is underutilised in both education and health sectors. If trauma-informed reintegration programmes enabled just 500,000 displaced women to re-enter teaching, caregiving, and community health roles, the region could gain N400 billion ($480 million) in annual productivity.

    Accelerated learning for displaced girls, stipends for female-headed households, and rotational female teacher postings with secure housing are not charity, but economic recovery tools.

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    North-central’s Benue, Plateau, and Niger host millions of women who farm, trade, and mediate conflict. Yet farmer–herder violence displaces families, disrupts markets, and halts girls’ education. State budgets fail to fund mobile classrooms or mediation hubs; women’s cooperatives are cut out of agricultural grants.

    Women here are central to food production and local commerce. If land access reforms and transport vouchers enabled one million rural women to scale their farming and trade, the region could unlock N600 billion ($720 million) in added GDP annually.

    Conflict-sensitive school calendars, land access reforms, and rural mobility protections are not just social interventions, but economic imperatives.

    In the Southwest, Lagos, Ogun, and Oyo teem with women in trade, caregiving, and tech. Yet overcrowded schools, unpaid caregiving, and bias in funding keep them out of the formal economy. Budgets chase infrastructure, not social protection.

    If just 10% of informal female labour were formalized through tech incubators, para-teacher programmes, and employer incentives, the Southwest could unlock N1.8 trillion ($2.2 billion) annually.

    Double-shift schools, gender-focused tech hubs, and employer tax breaks are not fringe ideas, but fiscal strategies.

    Women’s trade networks in the Southeast contribute an estimated N3.5 trillion to regional GDP. If microcredit and safe mobility expanded access for 500,000 female traders, the region could unlock N500 billion ($600 million) in new value annually.

    Evening schools, credit tied to attendance, and community-police compacts aren’t just protective, but productive.

    In the South-south, Bayelsa, Rivers, and Delta are rich in resources but poor in resilience. Women fish, farm, and rebuild after climate shocks. The 2022 floods closed 18 schools in Bayelsa, yet budgets had no flood-triggered disbursements. Adolescent fertility remains high at 86 births per 1,000 girls aged 15–19, compounding vulnerability.

    Women’s labour in fisheries and agriculture contributes over N2.8 trillion to the region. Climate-smart training and maternal health stipends could unlock N400 billion ($480 million) in new productivity annually.

    Flood-resilient classrooms, catch-up cycles, and maternal stipends are not emergency responses, but economic stabilizers.

    Inclusion is not charity. It is economic strategy. The World Bank’s projection of $229 billion in GDP gains from gender parity is not theoretical; it’s already visible in the zones where women are working without support.

    Women own 43% of MSMEs, yet only 9% have access to formal credit. These numbers are not just statistics, but missed opportunities.

    Nigerian women contribute, but institutions constrain. But a one-size-fits-all national policy cannot fix a multi-crisis map. State institutions often undervalue, underfund, and under protect women through budget neglect, poor planning, or outright exclusion.

    A national dashboard that tracks female labour force participation by zone, gender-responsive budget allocations, crisis-triggered disbursements, and vocational and literacy outcomes for girls would allow policymakers, civil society, and citizens to see where the budget is working or failing.

    •Lekan Olayiwola,

    lekanolayiwola@gmail.com

  • Ikoyi Ile needs an Oba

    Ikoyi Ile needs an Oba

    • By Adewuyi Adegbite Adegbite

    Sir: Ikoyi Ile is an ancient kingdom in Yorubaland. It is the headquarters of the Oriire Local Government, Oyo State. In the ancient times, the kingdom played significant role in Yoruba history as one of the defenders of the vast Yorubaland right from Ile Ife. It was the capital of one of the four provinces of the old Oyo Empire. Onikoyi, the Oba of the kingdom was one of the classical Obas in Oyo State with original beaded crown. The ancient kingdom has been without an Oba in the last five years due to the demise Oba Yekini Ayinla Oladipo 11. 

    As the largest local government in Oyo and an area harbouring majority of herdsmen in Oyo State, the role the Onikoyi in maintaining cordial relationship among various ethnic groups and foreigners in the local government cannot be overemphasized. Besides, Ikoyi Ile is the home of about 16 Ikoyi towns spread across Yorubaland and the Republic of Benin and there is a social cultural relationship among all Ikoyis hence the yearly gathering in Ikoyi Ile in form of Eso Day. This gathering fosters unity and understanding among Ikoyis worldwide.

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    Since the demise of Oba Yekini Ayinla, the meeting has been put on hold. Not only this, absence of an Onikoyi has stifled the development that could have been witnessed in the town. Also, being the chairman of Oriire Local Government Traditional Council, the meeting of the council has not been held as it supposed to be. Issues affecting the local government traditional institution that are usually settled at Ikoyi have equally been put on hold.

    From the information gathered at Ikoyi, the traditional kingmakers responsible for the appointment of an Onikoyi has sat and appointed an Oba among the princes of the ancient kingdom and forwarded the name of the king to the Oyo State government for approval. Since the submission has been done, everyone is looking up to the governor, Engineer Seyi Makinde to approve the name so as to give the ancient kingdom an Oba.

    Makinde is reputed to be a lover of tradition and since assuming office, there has been smooth succession process in most of the vacant thrones in Oyo State as exemplified in the rancour-free succession in Ogbomoso, Ibadan, Eruwa and other towns. Onikoyi throne is highly significant than to leave it without an Oba this long.

    I appeal to Engineer Seyi Makinde to expedite action in filling the vacant stool of Ikoyi Ile as he had done for other towns. What is sauce for goose is also sauce for gander.

    •Adewuyi Adegbite Adegbite,

     ayekooto05@gmail.com

  • Citizen Amaye: Time to end mob justice

    Citizen Amaye: Time to end mob justice

    • By Peter Ovie Akus

    Sir: For far too long, the issue of mob justice has become a recurring decimal in our national life such that many have become inured to it and accepted it as the norm. Contrary to what many may think, these extrajudicial killings are not limited to Northern Nigeria alone, but are also prevalent in Southern Nigeria where alleged armed robbers, ritualists, witches and wizards, etc. are also routinely set ablaze by angry mobs. The recent lynching and setting ablaze of Citizen Amaye, a food vendor and alleged Muslim in Niger State, for blasphemy has brought to the fore the need to arrest this ugly trend of mob justice in our society.

    Mob justice gained currency in many parts of Nigeria during the era of military rule as most citizens lost confidence in the ability of the police and other security agencies to bring criminals to book after apprehension. However, this doesn’t make it right in any way. Now that we are in the era of democracy, where the rule of law is sacrosanct, the proper thing for the mob to do was to hand over Amaye to the law enforcement authorities for prosecution.

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    The police are also complicit whenever incidents of mob justice and extrajudicial killings occur. Their well-worn saying is always that they were overwhelmed by the mob and that their reinforcements arrived late. But we know that if it was a policeman that was about to be lynched by an irate crowd, they would find a way to save him no matter the cost. A situation where police officers who are supposed to enforce the law, become spectators of mob justice doesn’t augur well for our nation.

    Under Nigeria’s federal law, blasphemy is not recognized as a criminal offence. And extrajudicial killings are clearly prohibited by the 1999 Constitution and the Criminal Code. However, it is an offence under Sharia law which is applicable in 12 states in Northern Nigeria. Why was Amaye and others who have been victims of mob justice for blasphemy in times past not tried under Sharia law and made to face the music if found guilty?

    The number one reason why I oppose mob justice is that many innocents could be victims. What about those of other faiths who might be ignorant of the dictates of the Islamic faith? While some have said that sharia doesn’t apply to non-believers, the extrajudicial killings in times past have shown otherwise. Consequently, in the event that there is a clash between federal law and sharia law, which would prevail taking into account the volatile nature of religion in our national life?

    According to a report from Amnesty International, there were 555 incidents of mob violence between 2012 and 2023 in Nigeria. It is galling that certain communities are willing to discard both Nigeria’s common law and fundamental human rights in the name of religious zealotry. It is my belief that unless the government and other relevant authorities take decisive steps to curb these barbaric, horrific, and inhumane acts, mob justice would continue to be the order of the day. And this must begin with justice for Citizen Amaye.

    Her killers must not go unpunished.

    There are three things that must be done to ensure not only justice for Citizen Amaye but also to put an end to mob justice in Nigeria. One,all suspects arrested by the police must be prosecuted to a logical end. Two, sponsors and inciters of mob justice must be punished no matter how powerful or influential they may be. Three, police officers who fail to protect victims of mob justice must be held accountable and made to face the music.

    •Peter Ovie Akus,

    Ontario, Canada