The Nation Newspaper

Category: Letters

  • Giving AI a Nigerian accent

    Giving AI a Nigerian accent

    Sir: For millions of Nigerians, digital assistants like Siri, Alexa, and Google remain outsiders to daily life. They stumble over names, flatten accents, and mispronounce places with comic clumsiness. “Enugu” becomes “En-you-goo” and “Ibadan” mutates into “Eye-bay-dawn.” Beneath the humour lies a deeper frustration: global technologies still struggle to understand African voices.

    That is about to change. At the 80th United Nations General Assembly, Nigeria unveiled N-ATLAS, the country’s first AI model trained specifically to understand local languages, accents, and contexts. More than just a tool, N-ATLAS promises to give 200 million people a digital assistant that finally “speaks home.”

    Behind this milestone are years of planning and collaboration. The project emerged from Nigeria’s Language-AI Initiative, spearheaded by the National Centre for Artificial Intelligence and Robotics (NCAR) in partnership with Awarri Technologies, private contributors, and academics. Minister of Communications, Innovation, and Digital Economy, Bosun Tijani, explained that starting with Yoruba, Hausa, Igbo, and Nigerian-accented English was only the beginning.

    lously annotated to capture pronunciation, tone, and context. In Yoruba, for example, the same word can carry entirely different meanings depending on pitch. The AI had to learn to “listen” as carefully as a human ear.

    Cultural experts also ensured the model could handle slang, proverbs, and colloquial expressions, features of Nigerian speech that often baffle foreign-trained systems. This blending of technical precision and cultural authenticity makes N-ATLAS stand apart from conventional AI.

    N-ATLAS is not just a technological feat; it is a statement about identity and representation. For decades, AI systems trained on Western voices have misrepresented or excluded African languages. By prioritizing Yoruba, Hausa, Igbo, and Nigerian-accented English, Nigeria has pushed back against this digital colonialism.

    Read Also: Nigeria secures AfDB commitment for agric expansion as SAPZ rolls out to 24 states

    The model’s ability to transcribe radio shows, interviews, and casual conversations helps preserve Nigeria’s linguistic diversity in digital form. It also democratizes access: government portals, call centres, and educational platforms can now operate in local languages, making services more inclusive. For rural communities, students, and people with disabilities, this leap could be transformative.

    But challenges remain. Nigeria has over 500 languages and countless dialects. Expanding coverage will demand massive data collection and continuous refinement. Long-term sustainability requires funding, adoption, and trust from citizens and businesses. Global tech giants are also racing to integrate African languages, making it crucial for Nigeria to move fast and build relevance.

    Beyond Nigeria, N-ATLAS could seed a continental AI ecosystem. Countries like Kenya, Ethiopia, and South Africa could adapt it to their own languages, creating a network of African AI systems that reflect regional identities while sharing resources and expertise. This collective approach could challenge the dominance of Western-trained models and ensure Africa is a contributor, not just a consumer, in the AI revolution.

    The success of N-ATLAS ultimately hinges on Nigeria’s ability to sustain it. Investment in research, infrastructure, and AI education is critical. More than a technological showcase, N-ATLAS signals an ambition: for Africa to speak, innovate, and lead in its own voice.

    By giving AI a Nigerian accent, the country has asserted that its languages and people deserve recognition in the digital age. Whether this becomes a catalyst for a broader transformation depends on how well Nigeria nurtures, scales, and integrates the model into daily life. One thing, however, is clear: the world is now listening, and for once, it is Nigeria speaking on its own terms.

    •Shuaib S. Agaka, Kano.

  • The costly cycle of demolitions

    The costly cycle of demolitions

    Sir: Across major Nigerian cities, a recurring and painful drama unfolds: the roar of bulldozers tearing down completed, and often inhabited, structures. The official reason is consistent and non-negotiable: lack of statutory building approval plans. While state governments, notably in Lagos and Abuja, defend these actions as necessary for urban renewal, public safety, and adherence to master plans, the practice has sparked a debate over efficiency, accountability, and justice.

    The demolition of standing structures, sometimes with families or businesses already in place, represents a colossal failure of governance that should have been prevented.

    The fundamental question many Nigerians ask is: How can a structure of such magnitude, often a multi-storey building representing a huge financial investment, proceed without a building permit?

    For developers who invest millions in a project reaching its fifth floor, the idea that they simply forgot to seek approval is often implausible. The reality is frequently one of two scenarios: firstly, the developer knows their project violates zoning laws (e.g., building on a drainage path, a road setback, or a high-tension power line corridor) and understands a legitimate permit is impossible to obtain. They choose to bypass the law entirely. Secondly, the developer sought approval but encountered an overly bureaucratic, slow, and opaque process. They may have been approached by unscrupulous personnel in the Ministry who collected the money meant for approval but issued fake documents or promised protection for illicit construction.

    In either case, the financial risk taken is enormous, yet the complicity of government officials is the engine that allows the dangerous gamble to succeed temporarily. For a storey building at the centre of the city to reach the third, fourth, or even fifth floor, what was the government looking at from the ground level? For buildings that take four to five years or more to complete, the government’s sudden intervention is a textbook case of campaign after election.

    This phenomenon highlights the irresponsibility and wickedness on the part of the government.

    Government has enormous capacity to enforce urban and physical planning laws and regulations against incipient criminal trespass to land. There is no credit for waiting until buildings are completed before demolishing them!

    Monitoring agencies, such as the Lagos State Building Control Agency (LASBCA) or the FCT Development Control Department, are legally mandated to conduct regular site inspections and issue immediate stop-work orders and seals at the foundation stage of any unapproved building. Their failure to act for years is a fundamental breakdown of duty.

    Read Also: Designating Nigeria’s mangroves, Savannas, Deltas as critical national environmental assets

    To allow a building, possibly a family’s home, to become habitable only to then demolish it, is viewed as an act of wickedness and economic waste. This is especially galling when the government arrives with media coverage on the day of demolition, seemingly taking pride in the act it should have prevented.

    The cycle of construction and demolition cannot continue if Nigeria is to achieve planned, sustainable urban development. Demolishing the structures is only half the solution; the other half is bringing the corrupt system to book.

    True justice demands that the focus be shifted from the vulnerable structure to the system that enabled it.

    Every demolition must trigger an immediate internal and criminal investigation. The specific officers who were meant to inspect, monitor, and enforce compliance—from the issuance of potential fake documents to the failure to issue stop-work orders at the foundation stage—must be identified and prosecuted. This action is the only way to break the dangerous cycle of impunity.

    Governments must embrace technology to streamline the approval process and reduce human interface, which is the primary source of corruption. A fully digital approval and inspection system would create an uncompromised audit trail for every building project, ensuring that illegal construction is flagged before it gets past the ground floor.

    True governance is not measured by the speed of its bulldozers, but by its effectiveness in preventing illegal construction from ever beginning.

    Obadiya John,obadiyajohn@yahoo.com

  • Katsina @38: From a decree to hub of progress

    Katsina @38: From a decree to hub of progress

    • By Usman Salisu Gurbin Mikiya

    Sir: Katsina State was carved out of the former Kaduna State on September 23, 1987 by the military government of Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida. Since then, Katsina State has continued to shine among its peers, attracting unprecedented development and establishing itself as an entity of its own, giving millions of Katsinawas hope for a brighter future.

    Popularly known as the “Home of Hospitality,” Katsina is one of the core northern states with a deep Islamic heritage and a rich tradition of scholarship dating back to ancient times. The state is made up of 34 local government areas, with Katsina city as its capital. Beyond material blessings, Katsina State has produced two democratically elected presidents namely, Umaru Musa Yar’Adua and Muhammadu Buhari, both of blessed memory.

    With a population estimated between 10–12 million, making it the third and fourth most populous state in the Northwest and in Nigeria, Katsina has recorded remarkable progress in human development, infrastructure, and resource management across its entities.

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    In education, Katsina has long been recognized as a land of scholars. Over the past 38 years, successive governments have invested heavily in primary and secondary schools, as well as federal, state, and private higher institutions of learning and this has given millions of Katsinawas the opportunity to pursue their dreams.

    Katsina State also boasts of renowned scholars whose contributions to Western and Islamic knowledge extend beyond Nigeria.

    From having little to no healthcare facilities at inception, Katsina now hosts a Federal Teaching Hospital, Federal University of Clinical Sciences, Federal Medical Centre, General Amadi Orthopaedic Hospital, general hospitals, the Umaru Musa Yar’Adua Maternity Centre, Dialysis Centre, Air force hospitals and Imaging Centres, among others. In fact, each of the 361 wards in the state has at least one functional primary healthcare centre thus ensuring access to basic medical care for residents, depending on the nature of the illness.

    Katsina, with its two first class emirates of Katsina and Daura, remains a custodian of Hausa-Fulani culture, Islamic scholarship, and the legendary heritage of Bayajidda and Gobarau monument.  The cultural festivals and durbars held periodically across the two emirates is a testimony of cultural preservation.

    Katsina has steadily built a reputation for infrastructural development with Umaru Musa International Airport to Railway Road currently under construction; it has an expanding road network connecting communities across the state with more projects remain ongoing.

    As an agrarian state, agriculture remains the backbone of Katsina’s economy. The state is known for millet, maize, guinea corn, groundnuts, cotton, sesame, and livestock. At 38, it stands tall, blessed, and full of promise for greater development in the years ahead.

    •Usman Salisu Gurbin Mikiya,

    usmangurbi@gmail.com

  • Let NNPC Limited  breathe

    Let NNPC Limited  breathe

    • By Adeyemi Adegbola

    Sir: In the global oil economy, few stories shine brighter than Norway’s. The Scandinavian nation transformed its petroleum riches into enduring prosperity through a disciplined, transparent, and politically insulated model. At the heart of this success was Statoil, now Equinor, a commercially run national oil company that operated with strategic autonomy while the state focused on policy and oversight.

    Nigeria, with its vast hydrocarbon wealth, stands at a similar crossroads. But instead of empowering NNPC Limited to become our own Statoil, some quarters are advocating a move that could further entangle it in bureaucratic confusion: transferring the concessionaire role to the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC).

    This proposal is not just misguided, it’s dangerous.

    Since its incorporation under the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA), NNPC Limited has begun the long-overdue journey from a state-run agency to a commercially viable entity. The goal is clear: to operate like a real company, attract investment, compete globally, and deliver value to Nigerians. But this transformation requires clarity of purpose, operational independence, and a firewall against political interference.

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    Stripping NNPC Limited of its concessionaire role—the authority to hold and manage petroleum licenses on behalf of the federation, would undermine its evolution. It would muddle the waters of corporate governance, blur lines of accountability, and risk turning NUPRC into both referee and player in the upstream sector.

    Norway’s model worked because of clear institutional boundaries. Statoil handled exploration and production. The Ministry of Petroleum and Energy set policy. The central bank managed the sovereign wealth fund. Each entity had its lane and stayed in it.

    Nigeria must learn from this. NUPRC’s role is regulatory. It should monitor compliance, enforce standards, and ensure transparency. Giving it the concessionaire role risks regulatory capture and conflicts of interest. It’s akin to asking the referee to also play striker.

    Let’s be honest- 80% of NNPC’s historical dysfunction stems from politics, not structure. From opaque appointments to budgetary distortions and policy flip-flops, the company has been a victim of state overreach. The solution is not to weaken NNPC Limited further but to shield it from political meddling and let it operate like a business.

    Empowering NNPC Limited as the sole concessionaire, with strong oversight from the Ministry of Finance and the Presidency, would create a clear line of accountability. It would also allow the company to build strategic partnerships, raise capital, and deliver returns, just as Statoil did.

    To ensure transparency and good governance, NNPC Limited must embrace global best practices in corporate reporting and public accountability. This includes publishing audited financial statements, disclosing beneficial ownership structures, and making contract terms and revenue flows publicly accessible. Nigeria is a member of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), and NNPC Limited should not merely comply but lead by example, setting a new standard for openness in Africa’s energy sector. Transparency is not a luxury, it is the bedrock of credibility.

    Furthermore, NNPC Limited must be governed by an independent, merit-based board with clear performance metrics tied to profitability, efficiency, and environmental stewardship. Internal audit systems should be strengthened, and whistleblower protections enforced to encourage accountability from within. These reforms will not only insulate the company from political interference but also position it as a globally respected energy player, one that can attract investment, drive innovation, and deliver long-term value to Nigerians.

    Nigeria doesn’t need more agencies. It needs stronger institutions. The federal government must resist the temptation to dilute NNPC Limited’s mandate. Instead, it should reaffirm NNPC Limited’s role as concessionaire; strengthen NUPRC’s regulatory independence; insulate both entities from political interference; and hold NNPC Limited accountable through transparent performance metrics.

    Let NNPC Limited breathe. Let it become Nigeria’s Statoil. And let us finally turn our oil wealth into a legacy of prosperity, not another chapter of missed opportunities.

    •Adeyemi Adegbola,

    Ile- Ife.

  • Remi Tinubu: Rolling away a national embarrassment

    Remi Tinubu: Rolling away a national embarrassment

    Sir: For Senator Oluremi Tinubu, Nigeria’s First Lady, the rot must now be brought to a stop in a country seemingly stuck in a rut. Since 2006, the National Library, which was supposed to serve as a symbol of a progressive, productive country moving from a resource-based to a knowledge-based economy, has stuck out like a sore thumb in its incompletion.

    To celebrate the grand occasion of her 65th birthday on September 21, the First Lady appealed to her well-wishers to use the opportunity to raise funds to facilitate the completion of the National Library. So far, well oveN20 billion has been raised. It is worth celebrating. She is worth celebrating.

    Undoubtedly, the pulse of a country, any country, can be felt, unmistakably, in the temperature that radiates from the pages of its books. From the lowest rungs of the society to the corridors of power, books that open up to embrace education, literacy, egalitarianism, equality, and measurable progress can tell a society where it is at any given moment. This has been true from time immemorial.

    All over the world, for centuries, public libraries have served as a monument to enlightenment but also equality. Indeed, in keeping books safe and accessible to all, no matter their standing in the society, public libraries have often served as a bastion of progress and a bulwark against creeping dictatorship. Yet, since 1981, when it was first mooted, Nigeria’s National Library has stood incomplete, a sign of a country racking up miles in a feverish race to return to its retrogressive past.

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    In the time the National Library has stood incomplete and inconsequential, mocking a country’s futile efforts to make any appreciable progress, bloated budgets have been dedicated to far less meaningful projects by successive administrations. In the time the National Library has become a national eyesore, government houses have been renovated and refurbished many times over at outrageous amounts, even when there was no need for such; many other public structures have sprung up in different areas. There has also been no shortage of instances where government officials grew inventive in devising new ways and means to spend public resources.

    For many years, the reading culture in Nigeria has been steadily declining. Today, many young people in Nigeria would rather do anything else than open a book. With the standard of education calamitously falling at the same time, Nigeria has come to face a problem brewed by ignorance and illiteracy. The consequences have been devastating.

    With so many young people at crossroads, crime rates have soared and poverty deepened, with many young people dissatisfied with the quality of their lives.

    It is thus highly commendable that the First Lady has turned her benign attention towards such an important project. In a country where past presidents prefer to set up gigantic personal libraries, it is refreshing that something will finally be done to complete such a national monument. If she can coordinate the resources for its eventual completion, she will be fondly remembered for it. But, even more than the space its completion would reserve for her in Nigeria’s history books, she would have rolled away a national embarrassment for Nigeria while giving the country the beacon it needs to navigate its turbulent seas.

    •Ike Willie-Nwobu,

    ikewilly9@gmail.com

  • Bedlam at UNILAG gate

    Bedlam at UNILAG gate

    • By Emmanuel Ogbonna

    Sir: There are two main differences between   Idumota Bus Stop on Lagos Island and UNILAG Bus Stop on Lagos Mainland. At Idumota Bus Stop is a disused pedestrian bridge. But UNILAG Bus Stop is a zebra crossing that most motorists ignore with impunity.

    However, both bus stops have a common feature: Bedlam.

    At the two places, commercial vehicle and Keke Marwa operators operate without caring a hoot about the law.

    Idumota Bus Stop is a haven for louts, the scruffy-looking urchins always ready to start a fight over anything, just for their pleasure. It also harbours an array of LASTMA officials whose preoccupation is ‘alms’ collection rather than traffic management.

    UNILAG Gate Bus Stop, however, has no louts on open parade; it has the university’s security personnel, Civil Defence, and LASTMA officials watching the daily display of chaos – unperturbed. Like the yellow-shirted and black pants-decked state traffic officials at Idumota, their pockets come first.

    Sadly, the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) has a permanent office at the bus stop. Its personnel obtain clearance from commercial motorists and keke riders to gain access to the building. One day, I took the issue to the security operatives at the main gate. What was their response? ‘Something will be done,’ they assured me.

    Trust my beloved country: nothing has been done.

    The second time, in the same week, I was at the security post near Henry Carr Hall. The same old promise: “We will act.”

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    But as you read this, there is likelihood that the bedlam is still raging there, unchecked. Honestly, I don’t understand why the university management appears indifferent to the chaos at their main gate.

    A few years back, the authorities built two bus stops – one immediately after MRS filling station and the other after the canal on University Road. The primary reason was to decongest Gate Bus Stop.

    But after the millions of naira spent on the two bus stops, they remain unused. Are the university authorities waiting for a fatal accident or violence by the unruly drivers and Keke operators to occur at the bus stop before sanity would be restored there?

    If the management does not want to wear a thinking cap, a free solution is hereby offered: Barricade the Main Gate Bus Stop from Erastus Akingbola Hostel to the Canal (from St. Finbarr’s College Road, now Rev. Fr. Slattery Road) to the canal. Use plastic barricades on the way from the Gate to St. Finbarr’s College Road from the campus.

    I refer the university management to a known proverb in Thomas Fuller’s 1732 book, Gnomologia; it says: “A stitch in time saves nine.”

    •Emmanuel Ogbonna,

    Lagos.

  • Infrastructure and real estate development

    Infrastructure and real estate development

    • By ESV Nike Ogunjobi

    Sir: If there is one thing we need to do as a nation, it is the need to prioritize investment in infrastructure the way we have not done before. Infrastructure is a critical enabler of long-term wealth generation, economic growth and development, particularly through the real estate.

    Infrastructure plays a pivotal role in real estate investment and development. It is not only a top factor in driving investment in real estate, but in shaping real estate market dynamics. And because real estate is a key driver of economic development, infrastructure development will continue to be an important pillar in discharging good governance to the people. No nation that is desirous of sustainable development treats infrastructure with levity.

    Since the 70s, the United Arab Emirate government has been investing heavily in infrastructures so as to create a favourable environment for local and foreign investment. Dubai, the most populous city in the United Arabs Emirate and the capital of the Emirate regards infrastructure development as the basis of economic and social development; hence it attaches great importance to infrastructure construction. Today, the economy of Dubai is the second largest in the United Arab Emirate, with real estate investment providing one of the highest Return on Investment (ROI) to real estate.

    No doubt, consistent investment in road, rail and other infrastructures over the years contributed immeasurably to the emergence of Dubai as the most attractive destination for investment, especially in the real estate sector.

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    Real estate development and improved rental values in such places in Lagos as Gbagada, Anthony, Ogudu and Ketu would not have been as they were today if not for the construction of the 3rd Mainland Bridge. The bridge opened up the locations for real estate investment and appreciation in property values.

    Worldwide, property value is an essential aspect of property markets, determined and affected by a number of factors, of which infrastructure is very significant. Infrastructure is not only a top factor in driving where real estate development happens, its upgrades is a strong priority for future investments, while offering opportunities for real estate investors to participate in the positive dynamics that follow such investment cycles.

    I urge the Lagos State government to expedite action on the proposed 4th Mainland Bridge. You can be sure that upon completion of the bridge, movement and relocation of people to Langbasa, Baiyeku towns, Itamagba, Ikorodu and its suburbs would increase the population of the areas, and this would subsequently lead to increase in demand for commercial and residential accommodations, and increase in real estate development. Rental values of residential properties would improve, land prices will skyrocket along the axis, and stimulate economic activities which would drive growth and innovation, shape and impact lives in countless ways.

    In a nutshell, the importance of strategic infrastructure as a catalyst for real estate development cannot be over-stated. The synergistic relationship between infrastructure and real estate highlights the importance of strategic infrastructure investments and availability in shaping real estate market trends.  And for this reason, the government should continue to prioritize infrastructure projects, and monitor their impact on real estate values, as this would spur consistent investment, and sustainable economic development.

    •ESV Nike Ogunjobi,

    Lagos.

  • Before blaming Aso Rock

    Before blaming Aso Rock

    • By TJ Ishola

    Sir: Ah, Nigeria! Land of staggering numbers and imaginative accounting. August 2025 has just blessed us with the largest ever federal revenue allocation: N2.225 trillion. That’s right, over two trillion naira—enough to make your local councillor blush, or at least pretend to. The FAAC communiqué reads like a financial symphony: oil royalties humming, VAT tickling the ear, and electronic money transfers jingling softly in the background.

    But here’s the kicker: while we all wag our fingers at the man in Aso Rock—because it’s the national pastime to blame the president for everything from potholes to potholders—what about the folks a little closer to home? You know the people with actual offices in your state capital, senatorial district, or local government secretariat. Yes, those elected officials who collect billions and somehow manage to keep the streets looking like a post-apocalyptic movie set.

    Let’s break it down for those not fluent in trillion-speak: out of N2.225 trillion, the federal government walked away with N684 billion. States scooped N347 billion, and your local government got a modest N267 billion. Oh, and the oil-producing states got their share too—N179 billion. That’s a lot of zeros; Enough to pave every road, light every street, and maybe even put some real roofs over some heads.

    Then comes VAT, because nothing says “we care about ordinary citizens” quite like taxing their bread and gari. States got N336 billion; locals got N235 billion. The federal government? Just N100 billion. Generous, sure—but somehow, in your town, the market road is still a mudslide waiting for rainy season auditions.

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    And don’t get me started on the electronic money transfer levy and exchange rate difference allocations. Tiny funds trickle to the local governments, but hey—every naira counts, right? Especially when it’s earmarked for “interventions, transfers, refunds, and savings”—official-speak for “we’ll figure out what to do later, maybe.”

    Yet here we are, scrolling social media, lamenting Aso Rock’s perceived extravagance while the people entrusted with your local roads, schools, and hospitals are probably arguing about whose turn it is to spend the VAT money on a conference in Dubai. That pothole in front of your house? That creaking health clinic? That non-functional streetlight? Not Aso Rock. Ask your governor. Ask your senator. Ask your local government chairman.

    It’s easier to pin blame on a distant figurehead, but in reality, this is a game of local monopoly with billion-naira pieces. And somehow, your slice of the pie gets eaten before it reaches the table. The numbers are big. Impressive. But the results? Let’s just say they’re abstract art—beautiful on paper, confusing in reality, and impossible to live in.

    So next time you’re about to curse the president for your town’s woes, pause. Open your eyes. Follow the money. It’s not hiding in Abuja—it’s probably stuck in the parking lot of a state assembly, collecting interest in inefficiency. And the best part? You’re funding it.

    Nigeria distributes trillions like candy at a parade, yet your community waits for crumbs. Blame the central government? Too easy. Real politics is closer, messier, and frankly, more hilarious if you squint. Ask around. Watch the local budgets. Follow the allocations. Then laugh. And maybe, just maybe, you’ll stop imagining that the man in Aso Rock controls your potholes. He doesn’t. Your local officials do.

    •TJ Ishola,

    United Kingdom.

  • Local fintechs finally winning the trust battle?

    Local fintechs finally winning the trust battle?

    • By Emma Nwachukwu

    Sir: In recent times, growing concerns over the stability, transparency, and regulatory compliance of some major fintech players in Nigeria have left many users uneasy about where to entrust their hard-earned money. Reports of account restrictions, regulatory warning, and alleged misuse of platforms have stirred debate about fintech accountability.

    While fintechs like OPay and PalmPay have propelled Nigeria toward digital payments adoption, several red flags have been raised and serious questions about Regulatory Non-Compliance & Penalties, ownership and foreign influence, and user worries over safety of deposits have equally arisen.

    Recent concerns raised about the practices of some big players, especially those with majority foreign ownership, have reminded users that financial technology isn’t just about flashy apps and convenience. It is about the safety of deposits, the transparency of operations, and the assurance that when customers need access to their money, there are no surprises. This is where Nigerian-owned fintechs are quietly stepping forward, reshaping the narrative of what trustworthy digital banking should look like.

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    Brands like PiggyVest, Moniepoint, and the fast-rising Bankit reflect this shift. They embody a home-grown commitment to accountability and accessibility, being deeply rooted in Nigeria’s regulatory framework and operating under the watchful eye of the Central Bank of Nigeria and the Nigeria Deposit Insurance Corporation. For users, this means peace of mind: knowing that deposits are not just numbers in an app but are insured, protected, and backed by local regulation.

    The industry’s trajectory is clear: Nigerians are beginning to prioritize trust and long-term reliability over marketing blitz or foreign prestige. They want digital banks that don’t just promise convenience but deliver it consistently without compromising safety. PiggyVest continues to stand out for its disciplined savings culture, Moniepoint has earned its place in supporting small businesses across the country, and Bankit is emerging as a model for everyday consumers who want stress-free, transparent digital banking that aligns with local realities. 

    Nigeria needs fintechs that scale without sacrificing safety, transparency, and trust. Our locally and wholly owned local alternatives including the fastest rising ones like Bankit offers all that: Nigerian ownership, regulatory compliance, clear user value, and a roadmap of innovation.

    In a landscape where other providers are facing fines, public scrutiny, or ownership ambiguity, our Nigerian fintech brands are well-poised to be the go-to option for anyone who wants modern fintech service and peace of mind. 

    •Emma Nwachukwu,

    Lagos.

  • Jonathan: To run or not to run?

    Jonathan: To run or not to run?

    • By Sunday Olagunju

    Sir: One of the hallmarks of good politics is to know when to quit, and the legendary British novelist and playwright, Shakespeare, concludes it – “when the ovation is loudest”. Again, in the words of the iconic Shakespeare, “opportunities, like flood, are taken at the highest level, but when the flood resides, what remains are eyesores of unpleasantries”.

    Despite his defeat in 2015 by the then APC flagbearer, late Muhammadu Buhari, former president, Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, earned a place for himself by voluntarily relinquishing power and returned to his village, Otuoke, Balyesa State.

    The African Union (AU) found him useful as an ex-Nigerian administrator and had engaged him in many troubled spots as their peace mediator and ambassador and had done quite well.

    Jonathan’s humility and unassuming political attitude found favour with former president, Olusegun Obasanjo who did everything politically possible to make him vice president to the late Musa Yar’Adua at the expense of lots of more qualified politicians. Luck again smiled at him when his principal, Yar’Adua, died and by constitutional declaration, he became president and also contested in 2011 and won until 2015 when he met his political waterloo in the APC coalition.

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    Between 2010 and 2015, Jonathan’s presidency did not really redound into good governance, good welfare or well calibrated policies, but rather a great distortion to the economy he inherited from the late Yar’Adua. His saving grace was the defeat of 2015.

    Given the great difference between him and the personages that governed and are still governing the country since his exit from power, it will be a huge joke and a monumental deception on his part to think that Nigerians will want to troop out in 2027 to vote him as their president.

    Jonathan could borrow from former American president, Bill Clinton who confessed that after leaving the presidency, the money he was making for delivering speeches and lectures based on his years of experience as US President tripled his earnings as president. Is former President Jonathan saying that he has not discovered his other talents since leaving office as president that can stand him in good stead to his rather belated ambition to enter Nigeria’s murky political waters?

    If the examples of former Heads of State, Yakubu Gowon and Abdulsalaam Abubakar are anything to go by, there is certainty that Jonathan’s second coming may not be to bolster up his image. Nigeria’s political terrain since 2015 when he exited power, and now, has become more toxic and vicious than ever.

    Moreover, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) under which flag he became president has become a political anathema and a shadow of its old self. From 2015 till now, Nigerians have become wiser and much more informed politically that nobody, not even an ex-president now from the blues and political exile, can come suddenly to the ring to take them for a ride.

    Nigerians cannot be so careless as to succumb to any plan or gimmickry that can draw them to a false start again.

    •Sunday Olagunju,

    Ibadan, Oyo State.