The Nation Newspaper

Category: Letters

  • When government cheats its own workers

    When government cheats its own workers

    • By Prof Leonard Karshima Shilgba

    Sir: Every month, thousands of federal workers watch deductions disappear from their payslips—contributions to the Contributory Pension Scheme (CPS) under the Pension Reform Act 2014 and to the National Housing Fund (NHF) under the National Housing Fund Act. These deductions are not voluntary; they are statutory. They are meant to secure the dignity of workers in retirement and to offer them a pathway to home ownership while still in service.

    Yet, for some time now, the federal government has been guilty of a shocking breach of trust: the systematic failure to remit these deductions to workers’ Retirement Savings Accounts (RSA) and Housing Fund Accounts (HFA).

    This practice is not merely an administrative lapse—it is an ethical scandal and a legal violation. Section 11(3)(b) of the Pension Reform Act 2014 requires every employer to remit both the employee’s and employer’s contributions to the Pension Fund Custodian not later than seven working days from the day the employee is paid his salary. Similarly, the National Housing Fund Act mandates employers to remit contributions to the Federal Mortgage Bank of Nigeria. Failure to remit is therefore a breach of the law, plain and simple.

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    But the consequences go beyond legality. By withholding these remittances, the government inflicts irreparable harm on its workers:

    Retirees discover, too late, that their pension balances are grossly underfunded, condemning them to financial insecurity at a vulnerable stage of life.

    Workers are denied access to NHF-backed mortgage loans, even though deductions have been made from their salaries in trust.

    Both groups lose out on accrued yields—the compounded investment returns that would have accumulated had their funds been promptly remitted.

    In effect, workers are cheated twice: first, by the illegal withholding of their contributions, and second, by the forfeiture of the investment income they should have earned.

    And where is the National Assembly in all this? The legislature, constitutionally charged with oversight, has looked away as executive agencies and ministries flout the law with impunity. Committee hearings come and go, but no real sanctions are imposed. Reports are written, but accountability is missing. By failing to call the federal government and its agencies to order, the National Assembly has become complicit in this injustice. Silence in the face of systemic wrongdoing is itself a betrayal of Nigerian workers.

    This crisis is not just about mismanagement of funds; it is about the moral contract between the government and the governed, which has been violated by the government. How can a government insist on discipline from the workforce when it itself defaults in the most basic obligation of trust?

    The solution is clear: The federal government must remit all outstanding pension and housing deductions, with interest, into workers’ accounts. The National Assembly must summon and sanction defaulting agencies, not with empty rhetoric but with enforceable resolutions. Workers should be able to independently verify that deductions have been credited to their accounts within the statutory seven-day period; and where remittances delays happen, penalty payments by government should be transparently reflected enough for workers to know.

    The Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), the Trade Union Congress (TUC), and other organized labour groups must rise beyond token protests. They must make this injustice a defining battle for workers’ dignity. Civil society organizations, the media, and the public must join hands to demand restitution.

    Nigeria cannot build a just and prosperous society while robbing the very people who serve it daily. The measure of a government is how it treats the labour of its people. On this measure, by withholding pension and housing remittances, our government has failed.

    The time for excuses is over. Justice demands restitution. Nigerian workers must not wait silently. Their unions must act, and civil society must amplify. Together, the voices of the cheated must become too loud to ignore. Workers deserve better, not bitter treatment from the government and its institutions that should protect them.

    •Prof Leonard Karshima Shilgba,

    <shilgba@gmail.com>

  • Bauchi: Prioritising roads, flyovers over education

    Bauchi: Prioritising roads, flyovers over education

    • By Yasir Shehu Adam

    Sir: When Gombe State recently launched a bold programme to tackle its education crisis, I could not help but think of my own state, Bauchi. Gombe, with more than 700,000 out-of-school children, has moved quickly to harmonise data, engage communities, and create practical solutions. The government there has set targets for every local government area, introduced special programmes for older learners, and partnered with UNICEF and UBEC to get children back into school.

    Now, compare this with Bauchi State. According to UNICEF’s 2023 figures, Bauchi has an estimated 1.2 million out-of-school children — the highest in the country. Yet, instead of a serious, data-driven response, what we see are new roads and flyovers. Impressive structures, yes, but they do little to lift children out of illiteracy or to secure the future of our state.

    Education is not just another sector; it is the foundation of every kind of progress. A society cannot rise on illiteracy. Without educated citizens, there will be no sustainable development, no innovation, and no future leaders. Bauchi’s failure to prioritise education is nothing less than a betrayal of its children.

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    The same is true of health and welfare. Other states are using federal allocations to cushion the suffering caused by fuel subsidy removal, but here in Bauchi, there are no real welfare programmes for struggling families. Hospitals remain under-equipped, and the youth are left without meaningful job opportunities.

    This is why Gombe’s example matters. If a neighbouring state can gather traditional rulers, religious leaders, education experts, and communities around a single cause — saving children from the streets and bringing them back to school — then Bauchi has no excuse. We need more than promises; we need action.

    The government of Bauchi State must launch a mass enrolment campaign with measurable targets, support poor families so children, especially girls, stay in school, improve school infrastructure and teaching quality and redirect resources from vanity projects into human development — education, health, and youth empowerment.

    Bauchi does not need more roads; it needs more classrooms. Bauchi does not need more flyovers; it needs more teachers. What we need is leadership that sees children as the real foundation of development.

    The future of over a million children is at stake. Bauchi must act now.

    •Yasir Shehu Adam (Dan Liman),

    Bauchi.

  • Captured in the East, courted in the North

    Captured in the East, courted in the North

    • By Folorunso Fatai Adisa

    Sir: The Nigerian Army has scored a tangible operational success. Ifeanyi Eze, a high-ranking commander of the Eastern Security Network, known by the alias “Gentle de Yahoo,” was apprehended at a hideout in the Aku-Ihube area of Okigwe, Imo State. Alongside him, security forces seized weapons, ammunition, and other materials linked to insurgent activity. On paper, this is a decisive tactical achievement for a military long criticized for its uneven response to the insurgency in the Southeast.

    A tactical win, no matter how dramatic, does not automatically dismantle the Eastern Security Network or resolve the grievances that sustain it. The capture of Eze is an opportunity, not an endpoint, and it places a clear responsibility on policymakers to convert a military success into strategic progress.

    The Nigerian Constitution, along with international conventions to which Nigeria is a party, guarantees the right to a fair trial. Amnesty International and other human rights organizations have repeatedly highlighted challenges in prosecuting alleged insurgents, from prolonged detention to opaque judicial processes. Ensuring that Eze is tried transparently and promptly is essential. It is not merely a procedural formality; it is a strategic signal. A credible trial demonstrates that the state, not armed groups, is the ultimate arbiter of justice. Conversely, a flawed process risks propaganda victories for insurgents and can fuel recruitment into the very networks the military seek to dismantle.

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    Contrast this with Katsina State, where the approach has been markedly different. Only days ago, a wanted bandit leader openly attended peace talks in Faskari Local Government Area, one of the worst-hit councils in the Northwest. Instead of being arrested, he was welcomed to the negotiating table as communities sought to broker a fragile peace with armed groups. The symbolism could not be starker: in Imo, a commander was seized and paraded as evidence of state strength; in Katsina, a kingpin walked freely into dialogue, underscoring the state’s willingness, or desperation, to negotiate.

    Local communities in Katsina are themselves divided. Some see negotiation as a necessary evil, a way to stem ceaseless killings, kidnappings, and raids that have devastated livelihoods. Others recall with bitterness how previous peace deals in the Northwest collapsed into betrayal, as bandits regrouped and returned to violence once concessions were granted. To them, dialogue without accountability feels like surrender, eroding faith in the rule of law. The decision not to arrest a wanted bandit in full public view creates a dangerous precedent: one Nigeria where insurgents face trial, another where bandits enjoy immunity in exchange for shaky promises.

    This divergence captures Nigeria’s broader security dilemma.

    Peace studies pioneer Johan Galtung once observed that “negative peace” is the absence of violence, while “positive peace” requires justice, equity, and reconciliation. Nigeria today risks settling for negative peace in Katsina, silencing guns without addressing grievances, while in Imo, it courts further instability by pursuing justice through force alone. True stability requires harmonizing the two: the discipline of law with the inclusiveness of dialogue.

    In essence, the capture of Eze presents the state with a dual challenge: operationally, it is a win; politically and socially, it is a test. Can the government leverage this moment to address grievances, restore confidence, and build a sustainable peace? Or will it be treated as a symbolic triumph, celebrated in headlines while underlying tensions persist? History offers caution. Across the world, insurgencies thrive not only on ideology but on perceived injustices. When the state responds solely with force, communities may close ranks around the very networks it seeks to dismantle.

    For the Nigerian public, the question is not whether the army can capture a commander? It is whether this translates into safer streets, functioning markets, and a return to normalcy. Tactical victories matter, but they are a means to an end, not the end itself. The military’s success must be accompanied by visible improvements in law enforcement, judicial integrity, and civic trust.

    The capture of Ifeanyi Eze in Imo and the negotiation with a bandit kingpin in Katsina together mirror the contradictions at the heart of Nigeria’s counter-insurgency efforts. Military prowess can disrupt, deter, and dismantle. Dialogue can pacify, de-escalate, and buy time. But enduring stability requires the patient work of rebuilding relationships, enforcing the rule of law, and addressing the conditions that allow armed groups to flourish. The battle may be won in Imo, and the gamble staked in Katsina, yet the peace, fragile, elusive, and desperately needed, remains to be written.

    •Folorunso Fatai Adisa,

    United Kingdom.

  • Anambra: Candidates should sheathe their swords 

    Anambra: Candidates should sheathe their swords 

    • Emeka Asinugo, PhD

    Sir: The recent public spat between Senator Uche Ekwunife, Governor Charles Chukwuma Soludo, and by extension the governor’s wife, has once again brought to attention how easily politicking can derail from constructive engagement to become a theatre of mockery. It is a sad and unhealthy development that does not serve the interest of the Igbo nation well, by any stretch of the imagination. The spectacle of respected Igbo leaders exchanging personal insults, questioning family life, marital fidelity and educational qualifications in the marketplace of political discourse is most unbecoming.

    The November governorship election is a serious matter. It comes at a time the state is grappling with issues that go far beyond personalities. The people of Anambra are looking for solutions to insecurity, especially the menace of unknown gunmen and kidnappers that has devastated communities, thrown families into mourning and slowed the pace of economic growth. They are concerned about unemployment, about how to create opportunities for the young people who are daily streaming out of the state in search of greener pasture. They are asking questions about infrastructure, about how to ensure that roads, hospitals, and schools in Anambra measure up to twenty-first century standards. They are worried about the state’s economy, about how to strengthen small and medium scale enterprises that are the heartbeat of Igbo commerce. These are the issues that politicians should concentrate on in their campaigns.

    The role of Governor Soludo in this saga cannot be overlooked or swept under the carpet. As the sitting leader of Anambra State, he carries the responsibility not only of governance but also of setting the tone for political discourse. When the exchanges between him and Ekwunife began to slide into the realm of the personal and the petty, he had the opportunity to steer the ship of state in the direction that would halt the drift. He could have de-escalated the rhetoric, re-centred the conversation on issues, and reminded his supporters that the eyes of the nation are watching. Unfortunately, he failed to do so.

    It is not the first time that Nigerian politics has seen spouses drawn into the battlefield, but the Anambra example was particularly troubling because it came at a time when the Igbo quest for national relevance requires discipline and focus, not distraction and scandal. The people of Anambra deserve better. 

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    As the November elections draw close, it is imperative that state politicians campaign with a sense of decorum. They must recognize that their conduct sets the pace for the wider Igbo political agenda. They must rise above insults and pettiness. They must demonstrate that politics can be a noble calling, one that puts the people at the centre. A campaign conducted with dignity will not only inspire confidence among Anambra citizens, it will also send a strong message to the rest of Nigeria that the Igbo are ready for leadership at the highest level. For more than six decades since independence, Ndigbo have been denied the opportunity to produce an executive president. If that aspiration is ever to be realised, then every political contest in Igboland, especially in a strategic state like Anambra, must be conducted with the highest sense of responsibility.

    The incidents of the last few weeks have set the eyes of Nigeria and the international community on Anambra State. The insults traded in public are not just damaging to the individuals involved; they are damaging to the collective image of Ndigbo. They could create doubt about whether the Igbo can unite around serious leadership and present a credible front in national politics. That doubt must be immediately dispelled, not confirmed. And the only way to dispel it is for candidates to change course immediately, abandon the politics of mudslinging, and embrace the politics of ideas.

    It is time to end the washing of dirty linens in public. It is time to restore dignity to Igbo politics. It is time to respect Igbo for who they are and what they represent. It is time for Governor Soludo to call for peace in his state.

    •Emeka Asinugo, PhD.

     <emekaasinugo@gmail.com>

  • Education: From budget size to learning impact

    Education: From budget size to learning impact

    • By Lekan Olayiwola

    Sir: The deeper problem of Nigeria’s education crisis is not simply “too little money,” but a funding architecture that fails to match regional realities. These realities include conflict, displacement, floods, urban crowding, language gaps and a system that rewards spending inputs over learning.

    The education sector needs money that moves where the harm is, spends as conditions demand, and pays for results households can feel.

    World Bank data shows that 72.6% of children aged 7–14 cannot read with full comprehension, while 17.1 million children remain out of school. With pupil-to-classroom ratios nearing 64:1 and public spending at just 10% of the national budget (roughly $23 per capita, far below global benchmarks), the system is underfunded and overstretched.

    But national averages obscure sharper regional disparities: the Northwest and Northeast suffer concentrated learning deprivation, coastal states face flood-induced disruptions, and urban centres grapple with overcrowding and rising costs.

    A uniform federal budget cannot address this fragmented reality; what’s needed is a conflict-sensitive, regionally adaptive approach that reflects the true geography of harm.

    Spend follows payroll, not pedagogy. Most federal and state education budgets are absorbed by salaries and recurrent costs—necessary, but insufficient. Classrooms stay congested, toilets broken, labs unfunded, and connectivity absent.

    Funds stall on the way to the classroom. States routinely fail to provide counterpart funding to access available federal grants. Since 2023, over N45.7 billion in UBEC grants earmarked for classrooms remained stuck in fiscal purgatory.

    In the Northwest, banditry and abductions have hollowed schools. The binding constraint is safety. Budgets should fund community vigilance compacts, trauma counselling, secure perimeters, flexible farming-season timetables, and contingency disbursements that activate immediately after attacks. Nigeria’s N144.8 billion Safe Schools Plan (2023–2026) is a legal anchor, but states must localise it into real protection and attendance recovery.

    The Northeast’s protracted displacement requires accelerated learning to compress lost years, Hausa/mother-tongue bridging, and stipends that keep girls in class. Hardship allowances, secure housing, and rotational deployment are essential to retain teachers. Federal transfers should be weighted for displacement and verified catch-up, not just budget lines.

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    In the North-central, farmer–herder violence demands mobility: conflict-season calendars, mobile classrooms, and mediation cells linking school heads with local peace actors. Attendance continuity plans, transport vouchers, safe temporary sites, remedial modules must be pre-funded.

    The South-south’s 2022 floods proved schooling can vanish overnight. Budgets should include flood-risk triggers releasing funds for raised classrooms, canoe/bus routes, and 30-day catch-up cycles.

    In the South-east, economic fragility pulls children out of class. Solutions lie in micro-credit for caregivers, evening schools, and police–community pacts to secure routes.

    In the Southwest, overcrowding demands double shifts, para-teacher coaching, and real Technical and Vocational Education and Training–employer pipelines. Price constraints, meals and transport, are the fastest levers to stabilize attendance.

    With design set, unblock the bottlenecks that keep funds from classrooms. Reform UBEC matching rules so states that can’t post the full cash match can still access a minimum grant by meeting governance conditions (procurement transparency, school-based management committees, open data).

    Convert the remaining match into in-kind milestones, e.g., verified teacher postings to rural schools. Given that N45.7 billion recently sat idle for years, unlocking even half would be transformational.

    Tie cash to children, not ledgers. Fund contact time and learning checks rather than line-item inputs. If a school can verify 180 days of instruction and measured reading gains for JSS1, it gets the tranche regardless of whether the ceiling was painted in Q2 or Q4.

    Publish a national “Learning and Safety” dashboard. Put attendance, closures, teacher vacancies, and short literacy/numeracy checks online, school by school. Let parents see what the money bought. The point isn’t to shame; it’s to steer.

    This is not a blank-cheque appeal. It is a reprogramming of existing flows to track Nigeria’s real risk map. The Safe Schools financing plan already exists; use it as the crisis window. The World Bank’s deprivation profile identifies where learning losses are deepest; use it to weight transfers.

    UN benchmarks and UNICEF finance guidance establish why Nigeria’s envelope must rise over time; use them to justify a medium-term glide path toward the 15–20% share, but only if each extra naira buys measurable gains.

    Above all, resist the easy false choice between “more money” and “better governance.” Nigeria needs both, but the sequencing matters: fix the pipes while you fill the tank.

    Money must track where children are missing, where violence or floods close gates, where classrooms suffocate. The past five years proved that “more” is not enough.

    The next five must prove that smarter, faster, fairer spending keeps children in school, keeps them safe, and helps them learn. Until then, rising line items will keep buying falling futures and families will know government failed the test.

    •Lekan Olayiwola,

    lekanolayiwola@gmail.com

  • Still on the clamour for state police

    Still on the clamour for state police

    • By Francis Onyema

    Sir: The recent declaration by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on the creation of state police demands serious and critical national discourse, especially in light of previous policies that have exacerbated hardship for millions of Nigerians.

    While the growing insecurity across the nation is a grave concern, establishing state police is a potentially dangerous solution that fails to address the root causes of the problem. The notion that simply placing a police force under a state governor’s command will end crime is a fallacy, as demonstrated by the statement from the governor of Zamfara State, Dauda Lawal.

    The fundamental issue plaguing our current security apparatus is not structure, but chronic underfunding. The lack of manpower, poor equipment, inadequate training facilities, and low morale within the Nigeria Police Force are all direct consequences of insufficient financial investment.

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    Proponents often cite the United States as a model, but this comparison is fundamentally flawed. The annual budget of a state like Florida is over 317 times larger than that of Zamfara State. This stark financial disparity raises critical questions: Can state governors truly afford to fund a professional police force? Would state officers receive better pay, training, and equipment? Or would this new structure simply create 36 underfunded and politicized security outfits?

    Opposition to the establishment of state police is grounded in the following critical points:

    It ignores the root cause: State police does not address the fundamental driver of insecurity: the proliferation of illegal arms. Vesting control of police in governors, many of whom have shown disregard for the rule of law, invites the weaponization of security agencies against political opponents. Moreover, states are already struggling to meet obligations like the new minimum wage and capital projects. Adding the immense financial burden of a police force is untenable. Creating multiple police forces risks deepening ethnic and regional divisions, while fostering mutual distrust among federating units.

    Instead of creating a new layer of policing, the government should focus on reforming and properly funding the existing system. A good way to start is to recruit 60,000 new officers annually to achieve a 1:200 officer-to-citizen ratio within three years, invest heavily in modern technology for intelligence-led policing; strengthen borders to staunch the flood of illegal weapons, while reinforcing the state’s monopoly on the use of force.

    Also, state governors should work with the federal government to oversee police activities without direct control to ensure accountability, implement a system to record all arrests in real-time to prevent illegal detention.

    The debate must shift from “should we create state police?” to “how can we properly fund and reform the policing system we already have?”

    • Francis Onyema,

    Abuja.

  • Let’s support CDS Musa

    Let’s support CDS Musa

    By Kennedy Elaigwu Awodi

    Sir: In the face of persistent and multifaceted security challenges, Nigeria is at a critical juncture. The calls to dismiss key security personnel, particularly Chief of Defence Staff General Christopher Musa, are not only counterproductive but also misguided. President Bola Tinubu must stand firm in his support for a leader whose record demonstrates a clear and effective strategy for national security. This is a time for patience and pragmatism, not for bowing to pressures that seek to undermine tangible progress.

    A campaign such as to reshuffle Nigeria’s security architecture is one such misguided and ill-informed demand. It is a call that President Tinubu must, and should, ignore, for the records are clear. For instance, the Chief of Defence Staff, General Christopher Musa, has done a remarkable job, and his leadership is a bulwark against the forces of instability.

    Since his appointment, General Musa has moved beyond a reactive defense posture to a proactive, intelligence-driven approach. His leadership has yielded concrete and verifiable results across all theaters of operation, signaling a significant shift in Nigeria’s fight against instability.

    Under his command, the armed forces have neutralized over 6,260 terrorists and arrested 14,138 others. These are not just statistics; they represent a significant blow to the criminal networks that have held the nation ransom.

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    A staggering 5,365 kidnapped victims have been rescued, restoring hope to countless families and demonstrating the military’s renewed effectiveness. Musa’s focus on inter-agency collaboration has been instrumental in disrupting logistics networks. This has led to the recovery of large caches of arms and ammunition, the deactivation of over 808 illegal refining sites, and the recovery of stolen crude oil valued at approximately N29.5 billion.

     He has championed strategic rebranding, such as the transition from “Operation Safe Haven” to “Operation Enduring Peace” in the North-central region. This reflects a shift in mindset from merely containing conflict to building lasting peace.

    While some groups, like the Northern Ethnic Nationality Forum (NENF), advocate for the removal of security chiefs, others, such as the Concerned Hausa Ethnic Stakeholders Forum (HESFO), argue that such demands are a distraction from the root causes of insecurity. HESFO asserts that a cosmetic reshuffle is insufficient and calls for accountability, justice, and recognition of the systematic terror against their people.

    According to HESFO, the Hausa people have endured one of the most devastating humanitarian crises in recent history. The group claims that in 2024 alone, over 614,937 lives were lost, primarily Hausa individuals in Zamfara, Sokoto, Katsina, and Kaduna. Furthermore, they state that more than 2.2 million abductions occurred in the same year, with trillions extorted in ransom. HESFO argues that this is not mere insecurity but rather a “genocide in slow motion” that has been largely ignored.

    According to HESFO, if the call to remove General Musa is truly because of his statement on confronting bandits, then it is even more urgent to demand the removal of others whose loyalties have proven compromised.

    It is worthy of note that, constant reshuffling of security leadership creates instability and prevents the consolidation of gains. It is time for President Tinubu to recognize these attempts as potential distractions fueled by political, personal, and ethnic agendas rather than a genuine desire for a safer Nigeria. History will judge those who prioritize personal gain over the nation’s well-being.

    By trusting the proven record of his appointees and allowing General Musa and his team to continue their critical work, President Tinubu can demonstrate a commitment to a stable and secure Nigeria for all its citizens.

    •Kennedy Elaigwu Awodi,

     North Carolina, USA.

  • Igbo unification as assault on minorities’ rights

    Igbo unification as assault on minorities’ rights

    Sir: What began a few years ago as a social media campaign by Biafra separatist agitators, and got escalated by social media content creators, has now crept into the Nigerian political space, and is beginning to assume a worrisome dimension. It is the idea of Igbo unification which is clearly turning into an expansionist agenda.

    I have followed with keen interest, the current National Assembly constitutional review activities, and particularly find the utterances and activities of some highly placed political actors quite disturbing, especially those of senators Ned Nwoko an Onyekachi Nwaebonyi.

    I have watched and listened to Senator Nwaebonyi claim that the people of the geographical area in Delta State referred to as Anioma are all Igbos. Also, Ned Nwoko who is the senator representing the Delta North senatorial district of Delta State is zealously campaigning for the creation of Anioma State from the present day Delta State, while also vigorously pursuing the so-called Igbo unification cause.

    Nwoko is so zealous about the two projects that he even wants the proposed Anioma State to be part of the Southeast geopolitical zone. This is curious!

    My concern here is that both senators Nwoko and Nwaebonyi are erroneously operating on the assumption that the part of Delta State referred to as Anioma is populated by a homogeneous ethnic group. This assumption is borne out of either ignorance or sheer mischief. 

    For the purpose of clarity there are largely three distinct but interrelated ethnic groups in the area referred to as Aniona today, namely Ika, Ukwuani, and Aniocha/Igbo.

    Ika people are not Igbo, and like every other minority group anywhere in the world, have the right not only to determine but also to maintain and promote their own identity. They (Ika people) are a separate, distinct ethnic nationality within Delta North senatorial district (often referred to as Anioma).

    Historically, Ika ethnic group, with its many communities, clans, and  kingdoms, had existed as a separate, distinct group and lived harmoniously with its neighbours, namely the Binis (Edos), the Esans, the Ukwuanis, and the Aniocha/Igbos. They had well established and organised social and political systems in their various clans and kingdoms with monarchies. It may be noteworthy to point out here that at the advent of British colonisation, the people of Owa, one of the kingdoms in Ika land fought a war against the British in 1906. Owa people lost that war, resulting in the Owa king (Obi Igbonoba) being exiled to Warri, where he eventually died.

    There is no doubt that Ikas have been substantially influenced by their neighbours over the centuries, particularly the Binis and Igbos, resulting in linguistic affinities and similarities of names shared with these neighbours. But they are neither Binis nor Igbos.

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    Like the Igbos, Ikas celebrate the new yam festival, and like the Binis the Ikas also celebrate the Igue festival. But beyond these, they also celebrate other festivals that are purely indigenous and exclusive to them, such Osiezi festival and others.

    Ikas are totally different from Igbos in their culture, customs and traditions. The current campaign by Ned Nwoko and his associates has moved beyond the original natural Igbo boundaries and is now encroaching on other peoples’ spaces. What we have today is a situation in which some Igbo politicians and social media warriors are attempting to impose an alien identity on minorities who live next to them, particularly Ika people of Delta State. By implication, they are demanding authority which they neither have nor deserve over Ika people.

    Following this development, brickbats are now being thrown on social media between Igbos and their neighbouring minorities. Experience shows that in vast majority of cases, what begins and gains traction on social media does not always end there; it often ends in the streets. This is why it has become imperative here to call on the Nigerian intelligence community to wake up now, begin to do their work more diligently, and advise government accordingly…and government must act swiftly to avert what could snowball into violent conflicts in the near future.

    And to our Igbo friends, neighbours and compatriots, it may be apt to remind them that international human rights law exists, which offers protection to minorities in order to ensure the preservation of their cultural, religious, and linguistic identities from the expansionist and assimilationist tendencies of majority groups. The time is now to learn to LIVE AND LET LIVE.

    •Solo Igunbor, Crownhill, Milton Keynes, United Kingdom.

  • Strike, an ill-wind in tertiary institutions

    Strike, an ill-wind in tertiary institutions

    Sir: Since coming on board of Dr Maruf Tunji Alausa as Minister of Education, his body language, unimpeachable approach and perceptible outlook towards the issue of education, especially at the tertiary level, is to say the least, highly commendable.

    Completely free of cant, and undue academic polemics, that have held Nigeria’s tertiary education for many years at the jugular, the recent decision by the federal government to impose a seven year moratorium on the establishment of any new federal university, is one good step to resolve the long term lingering impasse in the country’s tertiary institutions.

    With close to a hundred federal universities, it is a wrong assumption that there will be no financial hiccups in the running of the administration of these universities. But the solution does not lie in establishing more universities, but in a temporary stoppage, just as the government has done, in order to find means of providing for the financial wellness of the existing ones.

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    With the Academic Staff Union of the Universities (ASUU), Academic Union of Polytechnics (ASUP) and Senior Staff Association of Nigerian Polytechnics (SSANIP) all threatening strikes, the decision of the minister to meet them collectively to iron out their grievances in the hope of finding lasting solutions, seems the best step in the right direction.

    This is quite a departure from past approaches where these unions were usually met individually and handed over promises that remained conjectures to others. Again, the minister has been sincere enough to agree that there is an agreement between these unions especially ASUU and the government. It behoves the government to see how to fulfil such agreements to a reasonable degree during the present talk between them and the Yayale Ahmed committee.

    Education is capital intensive, and in the past couple of years that the government has struggled to keep a stable calendar in our tertiary institution, there seems a gradual decline in the ‘japa’ syndrome; students have become at least, hopeful and parents have become happy, even despite biting economic challenges.

    It behoves the government to strive to keep stability in the tertiary institutions at all cost. Education in the words of former South African president, late Nelson Mandela is the only legacy parents can bequeath to their children. According to him also; “It is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world”.

    Like George Weah, the former Liberian president also observed, “Education is a continuing process. Like a bicycle, if you don’t pedal it, you don’t move forward”.

    •Sunday Olagunju,Ibadan, Oyo State.

  • Why the everyday Nigerian should matter more

    Why the everyday Nigerian should matter more

     Sir: In Nigeria today, the loudest voices are those of politicians, policymakers, and power brokers. They dominate the headlines, flood our timelines, and distract us with promises that rarely survive beyond campaign seasons. Yet, the true story of this country isn’t written in the echo chambers of Abuja or the mansions of Lagos. It is written daily in the struggles, resilience, and quiet innovations of ordinary citizens.

    Think about the woman who wakes before dawn to fry bean cakes by the roadside not only to feed her children but also to put other people’s children on the road to school. Or the young graduate who, tired of waiting for white-collar jobs, starts a small business online and employs three others. These stories rarely make the news. Yet, they are the heartbeat of our nation.

    But here’s the tragedy, contemporary Nigeria seems designed to work against these everyday heroes. Power cuts paralyze small businesses. Inflation, now on food items, erodes family savings before the end of the month. Insecurity forces farmers to abandon their fields and traders to fear the road. Meanwhile, most of the political class remains locked in battles over appointments, power-sharing, and personal interests.

    The question is not whether Nigeria has potential; we have repeated that mantra for decades. The real question is, when will we begin to prioritize the citizen above the system?

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    Imagine a Nigeria where governance shifts from elite negotiations to practical solutions; working schools, safe communities, accessible healthcare, and reliable electricity. That’s not fantasy, it is a choice.

    The good news is that despite the odds, Nigerians are not waiting. Communities are solving their own problems. Tech-savvy youths are creating digital markets. Women’s cooperatives are building small savings pools. Farmers are collaborating to beat middlemen. These are the silent revolutions we must amplify, not just the failures of the elite.

    If the political class won’t prioritize the citizen, then the media, civil society, and Nigerians themselves must. We must keep shifting the spotlight from what politicians promise to what Nigerians are already doing. Because that is how change starts, not from the top, but from the people who refuse to give up.

    Nigeria stands at a crossroads. One road leads to more political drama, endless debates, and broken promises. The other road leads to a citizen-centred nation where leaders are compelled to serve, not rule.

    The choice is ours. But more importantly—the responsibility is theirs.

    •Usman Muhammad Salihu, Jos.