The Nation Newspaper

Category: Letters

Make Armed Forces Remembrance Day public holiday
- By Fisayo Ajala PhD
Sir: January 15 is celebrated annually as Nigerian Armed Forces Remembrance and Celebration Day (AFRD). This day honours the supreme price paid by fallen heroes of the Nigerian military. It recognizes the sacrifices of serving soldiers and veterans who have fought under challenging climatic, psychological, social, and physical conditions to protect and defend the territorial integrity of the Nigerian state. The date also marks the end of hostilities between the Nigerian state and the secessionist Republic of Biafra, following the latter’s surrender on January 15, 1970.

While the AFRD has gained symbolic recognition among members of the Nigerian military community and the public, the activities associated with it remain mostly military in nature: ceremonial parades, official wreath-laying ceremonies, and events held in military barracks. For the average Nigerian citizen, it is just another national day lacking deep reflection, appreciation, or symbolic significance.

Designating the AFRD as a national public holiday could enhance national unity during this time of growing social mistrust, insecurity, and division. It also has the potential to boost civilian-military relations. This is especially important given the strained relationship between the Nigerian military and its citizens, evidenced by human rights abuses committed by the military, many of which have occurred not only during the current democratic era but also date back to the decades of military rule in the country.

Although AFRD is often viewed primarily as a military event, the effects of Nigeria’s various low-intensity armed conflicts have also impacted civilian communities, whose safety depends on military efforts. This supports transforming AFRD into a shared national celebration that extends beyond the military and includes civilians, whom the military is meant to protect. Therefore, a public holiday like AFRD, similar to the October 1 Independence Day celebrations, can foster a sense of national ownership, belonging, and unity. It can also encourage private and civil society groups to organize commemorative events through partnerships with established military charities such as the Nigerian Legion, the Retired Army, Navy and Air Force Officers Association (RANAO), the Defence and Police Officers Associations (DEPOWA), various Officers Wives Associations (OWA), the Military Wives Association (MIWA), and other social groups dedicated to protecting their interests.

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Declaring the day a national holiday would promote public reflection and support for the sacrifices of Nigerian military families, including wives and children of serving officers and personnel, wives and caregivers of wounded soldiers and disabled veterans, widows of fallen heroes, veterans suffering from combat-related injuries, and other post-combat conditions. It would also inspire calls for greater accountability and transparency regarding the human costs of military operations and their effects on families and communities.

A public holiday would also create an opportunity to draw more national attention to the needs of active soldiers and veterans, encourage policy discussions on veteran welfare and rehabilitation, and serve as a platform for fundraising and veteran-support initiatives, similar to practices in advanced militaries.

Like other militaries with remembrance days, such as the United States (Veterans Day on November 11 and Memorial Day on the last Monday in May), the United Kingdom (Remembrance Sunday, observed annually on the second Sunday in November), and Ghana (Veterans Day on November 11), which all establish dedicated national holidays or nationwide observances to honour their fallen soldiers and veterans, Nigeria—with its history of civil war, a notable peacekeeping record, and ongoing internal security challenges—has even greater reason to do likewise.

A national AFRD holiday would place Nigeria within this global tradition of respect and remembrance for its military.

The AFRD deserves broader public and national celebration, beyond digital spaces and social media hashtags and posts, to extend further into civilian spaces and life across elementary, secondary, and tertiary institutions, government, religious and financial establishments, recreational and hospitality centres, and ultimately to the hearts of individual citizens instilling a shared sense of responsibility to honour and publicly commemorate the Armed Forces of Nigeria. The government should declare this day a national public holiday. This would serve to publicly celebrate the occasion, promote national appreciation for active soldiers and veterans, and honour the ultimate sacrifices made by fallen heroes defending the nation’s integrity and sovereignty.

•Fisayo Ajala PhD,

University of Bath, England.
January 12, 2026
De-marketing Nigeria: An unaffordable national invoice

Sir: Nigeria is paying a perception tax it can no longer afford. Even as the state pursues difficult but necessary reforms including tax consolidation, foreign-exchange liberalisation, and subsidy removal, it is bleeding value through a quieter channel: the systematic de-marketing of the country by citizens at home and in the diaspora. This is not a public-relations issue; it is a fiscal, monetary, and national-security risk.

In a world of fragile supply chains and risk-averse capital, national image functions like currency. It shapes risk pricing, borrowing costs, partner confidence, and crisis dynamics. Criticism is essential, but an unfiltered narrative of permanent failure has become Nigeria’s dominant export and its cost is now measurable.

De-marketing Nigeria is not dissent, protest, or accountability; it is the persistent amplification of the country as ungovernable, hopeless, unsafe, or terminal by citizens, elites, and influencers across global digital, media, and professional spaces.

This reputational over-correction, sustained without proportional acknowledgement of reform, variation, or complexity, even amid positive macro signals noted by Moody’s and S&P in 2025, carries penalties in a world where algorithms reward outrage and markets price fear faster than facts.

At home, de-marketing thrives through a feedback loop. Lived experience (real hardship, insecurity, bureaucratic failure) is packaged as proof of total state collapse. Isolated incidents are framed as definitive. Nuance disappears. Global platforms amplify the most extreme representations because they travel faster.

The social cost is not abstract. Persistent negativity corrodes civic patience, weakens reform coalitions, and normalises exit over engagement. Afrobarometer surveys show that over half of Nigerians, and nearly two-thirds of those aged 18–35, have considered emigration, with pessimism about national trajectory rising sharply since 2020. This despair has consequences: declining volunteerism, lower institutional trust, and reduced tolerance for reform adjustment periods.

Nigeria’s diaspora estimated by the United Nations at over 17 million is one of the country’s most strategic assets. According to the World Bank, Nigerians abroad remit over $20 billion annually through official channels, exceeding foreign direct investment and sustaining households while supporting foreign exchange inflows. Yet segments of this same diaspora have become inadvertent de-marketers.

When departure is framed solely as escape from a “burning house,” the signal transmitted is not resilience but terminal decline. Posts discouraging investment, professional forums depicting Nigeria as irredeemable, and de-contextualised viral narratives shape institutional risk perception. While remittances remain vital, diaspora credibility increasingly competes with them, manifesting in heightened scrutiny, visa denials, and compliance burdens documented in international mobility and migration studies affecting Nigerians abroad.

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Governments can ignore online noise. Markets cannot. Ratings agencies, development banks, sovereign wealth funds, and multinational boards do not read social media for entertainment; they read it as signal. Persistent narratives of dysfunction feed directly into sovereign risk perception, alongside fiscal data, regardless of nuance.

In today’s geopolitical climate, narrative is security, as countries perceived as unstable face tighter scrutiny in arms procurement, intelligence cooperation, and strategic partnerships, and are treated as potential liabilities rather than anchors.

Stopping de-marketing does not require censorship, propaganda, or image laundering. It requires a shared defence of national credibility rooted in accountability. Transparency must function as strategy, not confession; documenting response and correction rather than endlessly restating harm. Citizens, particularly the diaspora, should be engaged as partners through credible feedback channels, reform tracking, and investment de-risking mechanisms. Reform must be made visible through verifiable indicators, not slogans.

Criticism should sharpen state capacity, not pre-emptively liquidate it. Nigeria is not asking for silence; it is asking for proportion. In a fragile global system, narratives are priced in real time. De-marketing Nigeria may feel righteous, even necessary, but its costs are socialised. The choice is not truth versus loyalty, but truth that builds versus truth that bankrupts the future.

•Lekan Olayiwola, lekanolayiwola@gmail.com

January 9, 2026
Plea to Makinde and Oba Ladoja on Onido stool crisis

Sir: For nearly two decades, Ido has lived with an uncomfortable contradiction: a town with history, land, and promise, yet without a settled traditional leadership. What should have been a unifying institution has instead become a symbol of confusion, contestation, and stagnation. The lingering crisis over who truly occupies the stool of the Onido of Ido is no longer just a traditional dispute; it is a development emergency.

Ido, a strategic border town between Ibadan and the Ibarapa zone and one of the local government areas within the Ibadan metropolitan structure, ought to be thriving. Its proximity to Ibadan, fertile land, and growing population should place it on a steady path of economic and social growth. Instead, unresolved traditional leadership disputes have slowed progress, scared away investors, and denied the town its fair share of government attention.

Now, at the centre of the problem is a succession crisis that has produced three claimants to the Onido stool. For the people of Ido, this is not merely about titles or prestige. It is about legitimacy, order, and the authority required to attract development and maintain peace. A community cannot move forward when its traditional leadership remains unsettled.

Historically, Ido was headed by a Baale, with recognised ruling houses under the Agura family tree, Akinyemi, Alalade, Dada-Pero, and Okanlawon. The elevation of Baales to Obas during the agitation for the creation of Ibadan State changed the traditional landscape, and Ido was not exempt from the consequences of that transition. Oba Benjamin Ademola Ishola Orobiyi II’s coronation in 1997 as the Onido of Ido was part of this broader restructuring of Ibadanland’s traditional system.

However, what followed exposed the fragility of that transition. His suspension and deposition in 2007, the installation of Tajudeen Adeosun (Akinola Agura), the subsequent legal battles, and the prolonged court processes created a leadership vacuum that has never truly been filled. Each intervention, rather than resolving the issue conclusively, appeared to deepen the fault lines.

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The brief reign and eventual suspension of Oba Tajudeen Akinola Agura, amid allegations of abuse of office and forgery, further eroded public confidence in the traditional institution. Then came Oba Gbolagade Muritala Babalola (Gbadewolu I), whose suspension in 2024 over alleged security concerns, followed by his reinstatement, only added another layer of complexity to an already tangled situation.

Today, the reality is cold: Oba Benjamin Ademola Ishola Orobiyi II, Tajudeen Akinola Agura, and Oba Gbolagade Muritala Babalola are all, in one way or another, laying claim to the Onido stool. For a town yearning for stability, this is an untenable situation.

The danger is not abstract. Traditional institutions still command deep loyalty in many Nigerian communities. When legitimacy is disputed, tensions can easily spill over into conflict. Ido has so far avoided large-scale violence, but history teaches that unresolved traditional crises rarely remain dormant forever.

This is why the appeals to Governor Seyi Makinde, the Olubadan of Ibadanland, Oba Senator Rasidi Adewolu Ladoja, and relevant traditional authorities should not be treated as routine petitions. They are a call to prevent a looming crisis and to restore order to a community that has waited far too long.

Oba Ladoja, in particular, enjoys a reputation for firmness and fairness. Many in Ido believe that his leadership presents a rare opportunity for a decisive and credible resolution. That confidence should not be wasted.

Ultimately, this crisis is a pointer that tradition, when left unresolved, can become a barrier rather than a bridge to development. Ido does not need another temporary fix or political compromise. It needs clarity, finality, and justice, delivered in a way that respects history while securing the town’s future. Until that happens, Ido will remain a town with one stool but too many kings, and a community paying the price for uncertainty.

•Ogungbile Emmanuel Oludotun,<thedreamchaser65@gmail.com>

January 9, 2026
Kano’s unfolding power game

Sir: Kano politics has been thrown into uncertainty following reports that the Kano State Governor, Abba Yusuf, is planning to defect from the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC). For years, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso aspired to be Kano’s undisputed political kingmaker. He only succeeded in realizing this ambition by installing his perceived political godson as the current governor of Kano State. His earlier attempts had failed; notably, the current governor is the only candidate Kwankwaso attempted to install twice.

The governor’s recent move to cross over to the ruling party has been strongly opposed by the state party leadership and the NNPP’s national leader, Senator Kwankwaso. This development has triggered internal disagreements within the NNPP, particularly between supporters of the governor and loyalists of the Kwankwasiyya movement.

From a rational political standpoint, the situation reflects a deep and intense struggle—a clear attempt at reclaiming the throne between the Governor of Kano State and the leader of the Kwankwasiyya movement, Senator Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso.

By all political indicators, the governor’s effort to reclaim the throne appears aimed at securing absolute control and liberating himself from total submission to the national leader of the Kwankwasiyya movement.

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Although no official statement has been issued by the governor’s office since reports of the planned defection emerged, the body language of prominent government officials suggests that the plan is already in motion and that it is only a matter of time. So far, only the Speaker of the State Assembly, Yusuf Falgore, has publicly endorsed the governor’s planned defection. Sources also indicate that a significant number of local government chairmen have joined the governor’s defection train.

The Kwankwaso–Abba conflict is, at its core, politics in its truest form—a search for solutions and self-determination. There is a clear distinction between betrayal in politics, the pursuit of solutions, and the quest for independence from total submission.

If Governor Abba succeeds in taking the bulk of NNPP’s structure to APC, it’ll be a major blow to Kwankwaso’s influence. It seems Kwankwaso’s biggest fear is Abba taking the state with him, leaving him with a movement without a state.

No doubt, the planned defection would reshape Kano’s politics significantly- APC regains dominance in Kano, strengthening its position ahead of 2027, while NNPP’s national relevance takes a hit, struggling to recover from losing its only governor. Kwankwasiyya faces a tough test without state power, potentially losing influence. New alliances might emerge as Yusuf’s move triggers political recalibrations across the North.

•Abba Dukawa,Kano

January 9, 2026
Save Radio Nigeria, Kaduna
- By Ibrahim Mustapha
Sir: Radio Nigeria Kaduna stands as a historically significant broadcast institution in Nigeria. Founded in 1962 by a regional government and later integrated into the federal broadcasting system, it played key roles in national communication and development, spreading educational and cultural programs across the Hausa-speaking world.

Despite facing infrastructure and relevance challenges in recent decades, its legacy as one of Africa’s most influential radio stations remains widely acknowledged.

Radio Nigeria Kaduna (also known as Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria, FRCN Kaduna) transmits its programmes using different types of radio broadcast technologies so people can receive the signals on ordinary radio receivers.

Historically, Radio Nigeria Kaduna used shortwave (SW) frequencies to cover very long distances — reaching listeners across northern Nigeria and even other countries in sub-Saharan Africa. Its Kaduna station broadcasts on medium wave (often called AM), which uses lower frequencies and cover a wide area, especially at night just as the FM frequencies serve local and regional audiences in Kaduna and nearby areas.

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However, the shortwave service which covers wide range of services has largely collapsed and have not been operational thereby robbing the wider audiences the benefits of enjoying the hitherto various Hausa services provided by the station across the length and breadth of the country. Instead of focusing on rehabilitating the short wave transmission, the management now places more emphasis on online streaming through which listeners can access the station’s programmes anywhere via internet. With high cost of data, many regular listeners who relied on short wave (SW) transmission to enjoy their daily broadcasting programmes have been shut out of the station.

The zonal director should go beyond lamentations or creating an alternative channel for Hausa, Nupe, Kanuri, Fulfulde listeners to fix the short wave (SW) transmission which covers wide areas. Radio Nigeria Kaduna is a historical station and a household name not only within Kaduna but entire northern Nigeria. Despite its importance, radio station has continued to lose listeners due to the collapse of the Short wave (SW) transmission.

With the Tinubu government’s policies and programmes, the need for sensitisation and passing of information to Nigerians in the language they understand and through the medium that is accessible to everyone is of paramount importance. It has therefore become imperative to quickly fix the SW for wider coverage. I am hereby appealing to the minister of information and communication to come to the aid of this historical and educative radio station by prevailing on the zonal director to do the needful and save the station before it collapses.

•Ibrahim Mustapha,

Pambegua, Kaduna State
January 8, 2026
Before we crucify Victor Osimhen!
- By Ogungbile Emmanuel Oludotun
Sir: Victor Osimhen is not just Nigeria’s striker. He is Nigeria’s first defender; Nigeria’s first presser. Nigeria’s emergency midfielder when the shape collapses. He tracks back when others jog. He presses centre-backs built like trucks. He harasses goalkeepers into mistakes. He runs channels that are never rewarded with passes. He fights for second balls no highlight reel will ever celebrate. For these few years, Osimhen has done the work of defenders, midfielders and strikers combined and still gets reduced to a villain because he dared to shout.

Let us also talk about sacrifice. Real sacrifice, not online patriotism. Osimhen has played through pain more times than Nigerians care to remember. He wore a protective mask not as fashion, but because his face was literally broken in service of club and country. He rushed back from injuries. He showed up for qualifiers others quietly missed. He chose Nigeria again and again despite chaos, politics, and dysfunction. Yet the moment frustration leaked into his body language, Nigerians behaved as though he had committed treason.

And let me be clear, I am a fan. And if we are being honest, being a fan does not mean loving only the goals, the highlights, and the celebrations. Being a fan means taking the mess too. It means standing with your player on the good days and the uncomfortable ones. So to those who call themselves Osimhen fans and were part of Monday’s shame, a simple question must be asked, where are you now? Where are the loud hype merchants who sing his praises when he scores but disappear the moment he shows fire? What kind of fandom evaporates at the first sign of imperfection?

It is therefore unsurprising that reports have begun to circulate suggesting Osimhen is considering walking away from the national team. Whether true or exaggerated, pause and ask yourself this: after what Nigerians showed him on Monday, what kind of non-human would not at least consider it? At what point does emotional abuse stop being called “criticism”? At what point does loyalty become self-harm? We demand unconditional commitment from players, yet treat them as disposable the moment they fail our emotional comfort test.

What makes this hypocrisy even more insulting is how selective we are. In Europe, we worship players with “ego.” We call them monsters. Mentality kings. Serial winners. Diego Costa was chaotic. Zlatan was arrogant. Cristiano Ronaldo sulks, gestures, demands, fumes. Luis Suárez bites and still gets defended. These players are excused because their hunger is seen as greatness. But when Osimhen shows the same obsession, Nigerians suddenly discover moral standards they do not apply anywhere else.

Monday also exposed something Nigerians refuse to confront; we are uncomfortable with players who demand more from us and from their teammates. Osimhen did not react because Nigeria was losing. He reacted because Nigeria could be better. That is not indiscipline; that is expectation. Serious teams are not built on silence. They are built on standards, friction, and accountability.

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And context matters. This Super Eagles team is still evolving. Chemistry does not fall from the sky. Voices will be raised. Emotions will spill. That is football at the highest level. Pretending otherwise is dishonest. Yet Nigerians froze one moment and used it to construct an entire personality profile, complete with insults, boos, and character assassination.

What happened on Monday was not “constructive criticism.” It was bullying. Booing your own player in the middle of a tournament is not love, not support, not standards, it is self-sabotage.

Nigerians demand loyalty from players but offer none in return. Today you are king; tomorrow you are disposable. We have done this before. We will do it again. Then we will rewrite history and pretend we were always supportive.

Victor Osimhen is not perfect. He never claimed to be. But perfection has never been the standard we apply to ourselves, so it is dishonest to demand it from him. Nigerians complain endlessly about players lacking elite mentality, yet panic the moment one behaves like an elite competitor. We want winners, but only the obedient, quiet, apologetic kind.

Victor Osimhen did not fail Nigeria on Monday. Nigeria failed Victor Osimhen, again. And until Nigerian fans learn that loving greatness means enduring its rough edges, we will keep asking the same tired question in the future: “Why don’t our stars love us anymore?”

Maybe the answer has never been far away. Maybe it has always been us.

•Ogungbile Emmanuel Oludotun,

<thedreamchaser65@gmail.com>
January 8, 2026
Bauchi: Prioritising titles over classrooms
- By Yasir Shehu Adam
Sir: The Bauchi State government has announced the appointment of 142 District Heads across the 20 emirates and chiefdoms in the state, describing the move as an effort to strengthen traditional governance and grassroots administration.

The chairman of the Local Government Service Commission, Abubakar Wabi, disclosed this during a media briefing at the Government House in Bauchi. According to him, the exercise followed the Bauchi State Chieftaincy (Appointment and Deposition) Law, 2025, which led to the creation of 20 emirate councils and chiefdoms and, consequently, the establishment of new districts.

With this development, Bauchi State now has over 140 newly created districts, added to the already existing ones, bringing the total number of districts in the state to well over several hundreds.

While government officials argue that the appointments will enhance coordination at the grassroots, many Bauchi residents are asking more urgent questions: Is this the most pressing problem of the state? Does the creation of new districts and appointment of district heads solve the crisis in education, health care, or youth unemployment?

Across Bauchi State today, public schools lack basic learning materials, classrooms are overcrowded or dilapidated, and many children are still out of school. Health facilities remain under-equipped, understaffed, and inaccessible to rural dwellers. At the same time, thousands of young people roam the streets without jobs, skills, or hope for the future.

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These are the real challenges confronting the people.

Yet, instead of prioritizing education, health care, job creation, and social welfare, the government continues to expand political and traditional structures that place additional financial burden on the state. The key question remains unanswered: How does this appointment boost the economy of Bauchi State? How does it reduce poverty, unemployment, or insecurity?

In a democratic system, government is often described as “government of the people, by the people, and for the people.” In this situation, many citizens are struggling to see how these appointments directly serve their daily needs or improve their standard of living.

This is not an attack on traditional institutions, which have played vital roles in community leadership and conflict resolution. Rather, it is a call for clear priorities. A state with weak education cannot develop. A state with a poor health system cannot protect lives. A state with unemployed youths cannot sustain peace and stability.

Illiteracy does not bring development. Poor health systems do not save lives. Idle and frustrated youths do not build peaceful societies.

Year after year, I have consistently emphasized in my writings that education, health, and job creation are the foundations of human development and sustainable growth. Any government that truly seeks progress must place these sectors at the centre of its policies and spending.

The people of Bauchi deserve honest answers from decision-makers: Why now? At what cost? And to what direct benefit to ordinary citizens? Leadership is not measured by the number of titles created, but by the number of lives improved.

•Yasir Shehu Adam (Dan Liman),

Bauchi
January 8, 2026
WAEC CBT exams: Laudable initiative, but…

Sir: The Senior Secondary School Certificate exam, conducted by the West African Examinations Council (WAEC), is held in Ghana, Sierra Leone, Liberia, The Gambia, and Nigeria. WAEC announced plans to shift from traditional paper-and-pencil tests to Computer-Based Testing (CBT) for Nigeria’s 2026 West African Senior School Certificate Examination (WASSCE), affecting about two million students across 23,554 schools.

The rollout begins with this year’s edition, tentatively scheduled from April 24 to June 20, with the aim of improving integrity, reducing malpractice and ensure results are released 45 days after the exam, with digital certificates available within 90 days.

WAEC’s Head in Nigeria, Amos Dangut, revealed that 1,973,253 students (979,228 males and 994,025 females) will participate, covering 74 subjects and 196 papers. According to him, the digital exams will feature unique question papers for each of the 1,973,253 as part of efforts to uphold academic integrity.

To support students, the examination body says it has introduced digital learning tools like the WAEC E-Study Portal, E-Learning Portal, and WAEC Konnect. These platforms offer past questions, marking schemes, and performance analysis.

While the shift toward digitalisation is a progressive move intended to curb examination malpractice and speed up the release of results, the infrastructure on the ground tells a different story. In many suburban and rural schools, the “digital revolution” feels like an ancient myth. It was only last year Nigeria crossed the 50% broadband penetration mark, according to data from the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) under the National Broadband Plan (NBP) 2020–2025.

We can also recall how, in May 2025, some students in Asaba, Delta State, took some of their exams with the aid of torchlights. The Minister of Education promised to “investigate” the situation, and Nigerians are still waiting for the outcome. But the substance of the matter is whether schools that lack the ability to purchase electric bulbs to lighten classrooms build rooms and stock them with computers before this year’s test commences.

Students in urban centres may not be affected; both at home and in school, they’re exposed to computers and the internet. But introducing a computer-based exam to a student who has never held a mouse or sat before a steady power source creates an unfair playing field.

The transition to digital examinations cannot be successful through pronouncements alone, but if the examination body insists, then there must be clear communication to students through their schools and other stakeholders on a step-by-step strategy for this rollout, because students have registered and the examinations are underway.

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Issues like the model of delivery must be addressed. Will the exam be fully digital for all subjects, or will it follow a hybrid model where practical and essay-based subjects remain on paper for now? Is it going to be JAMB-style? If essays don’t remain, this noble intention may end up being a disaster for all parties involved.

What is the plan to equip public schools at 2km intervals with functional computer laboratories and consistent power solutions, such as solar energy? This must be considered carefully because our reality tells us that there are students across Nigeria who study on bare floors and in other dilapidated conditions.

There must be a nationwide programme for “Mock CBT” exams to familiarise students in underserved areas with the software interface before the actual harvest of grades begins. In this case, even teachers in such areas must be trained to ensure adequate supervision.

In today’s world of artificial intelligence, big data, and other emerging technologies, digitalisation is inevitable, but it must be inclusive. If the goal is to improve the integrity of education, then no student should be penalised because of their geographical location or economic status.

One may not be able to speak for The Gambia, Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Ghana, but here in Nigeria, WAEC and the federal government must speak clearly on how they want this to happen, because if the questions raised above cannot be answered with clarity, we should as well heed the advice of the lawmakers in the green chamber to halt the process.

•Lawal Dahiru Mamman,Abuja

January 7, 2026
Still on Anthony Joshua’s car accident

Sir: The unfortunate road traffic crash involving popular boxer Anthony Joshua, which claimed the lives of two of his friends, is deeply sad and tragic. It is yet another painful reminder of how suddenly lives can be cut short on our roads. Beyond the grief and public attention surrounding the incident, it is important to reflect soberly on what happened and what could have been done differently.

This tragedy once again highlights the alarming number of lives lost daily on Nigerian roads, many of them avoidable. Road traffic crashes have become so frequent that they are often treated as routine news, yet each incident leaves behind devastated families and communities. These deaths are not inevitable; they are largely the result of human actions and systemic failures.

Although the crash itself has come and gone, the lessons must not be ignored. If nothing is learnt, similar incidents will continue to occur. Every major accident presents an opportunity to reassess our driving culture, enforcement systems, and collective attitude toward road safety.

The incident strongly reinforces the repeated calls by the Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC) for attitudinal change among drivers and other road users. Reckless driving, impatience, and disregard for traffic regulations remain major contributors to road carnage in Nigeria. Until these behaviours change, accidents will persist regardless of enforcement efforts.

The driver was alleged to have violated the legal speed limit of 100 kilometres per hour on that road, as stipulated in the Nigerian Highway Code. In addition, the driver also allegedly engaged in wrongful overtaking while over-speeding, making it impossible to regain control of the vehicle. There is a lot to say of this dangerous combination as a major cause of the collision with the stationary articulated vehicle parked on the outer part of the road.

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Equally concerning was the improper parking of the articulated vehicle on such a busy highway. This practice is regrettably common on Nigerian expressways, where broken-down or parked vehicles are left without adequate warning signs. The absence of caution signs to alert approaching drivers has contributed to countless fatal crashes and should be unequivocally condemned.

Commendation, however, must be given to the FRSC officers who arrived at the scene within minutes. Their prompt response ensured that Anthony Joshua was rescued and taken to the hospital swiftly. Such professionalism demonstrates the critical role the corps plays in saving lives under challenging circumstances.

That said, the responsibility of securing lives on our roads should not rest solely on the FRSC. The agency is clearly underfunded and lacks sufficient logistics, equipment, and patrol vehicles to effectively cover the vast road network. Drivers, on their part, must take personal responsibility by obeying traffic rules, particularly speed limits, which remain a leading cause of fatal accidents.

The federal government should, as a matter of urgency, declare a state of emergency on traffic accidents in Nigeria. Adequate funding and equipping of the FRSC is essential if accidents are to be reduced to the barest minimum and fatalities prevented. Road safety is a shared responsibility, and only through collective commitment can we hope to end the needless loss of lives on our roads.

•Tochukwu Jimo Obi, Abuja

January 7, 2026
Still on the challenges of agricultural input distribution

Sir: One of the critical setbacks in Nigeria’s agricultural landscape is the late and often insufficient supply of essential inputs such as seeds, fertilizers, and pesticides. These delays not only disrupt planting schedules but also reduce crop yields and farmers’ income. According to recent studies, over 60% of Nigerian smallholder farmers report challenges in accessing inputs on time, directly affecting their productivity and market competitiveness.

Timely availability of agricultural inputs is vital for optimizing crop cycles and ensuring bountiful harvests. Inputs delivered late or in inadequate quantities lead to poor crop establishment, increased pest attacks, and ultimately food insecurity. Countries that have excelled in this area—such as Kenya, Ethiopia, and Vietnam—demonstrate significant improvements in agricultural productivity by prioritizing efficient input distribution systems.

For example, Kenya’s government-backed input subsidy programs coupled with private sector partnerships have increased fertilizer usage by 25% in the last five years, leading to a 30% rise in maize production. Similarly, Vietnam’s investment in rural infrastructure and supply chain management has helped reduce input delivery times by 40%, boosting rice yields substantially.

Enhancing Nigeria’s agricultural sector requires strong political commitment and clear policies aimed at developing value chains and modernizing farming practices. Political will must translate into investments in infrastructure, extension services, and market access to empower peasant farmers.

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Post-harvest losses remain a major hurdle. It is estimated that Nigeria loses up to 30% of its agricultural produce annually due to poor storage and processing technologies. Addressing these challenges calls for government-led initiatives to promote affordable post-harvest technologies and farmer education programs.

It is time for Nigeria to establish efficient logistics networks and public-private partnerships to ensure timely delivery of seeds, fertilizers, and agrochemicals. So is the need to invest in post-harvest technology. Supporting the adoption of modern storage, drying, and processing facilities to reduce losses has become an imperative.

Again, now is the time to strengthen extension services to enhance farmer training and access to information on best agricultural practices.

Finally, governments at all levels must prioritize agriculture in budget allocations and policy frameworks; emulate strategies from countries like Kenya and Vietnam, adapting them to Nigeria’s unique context.

Nigeria’s agricultural potential is vast, but unlocking it demands coordinated efforts across political, technical, and social spheres. The years ahead present an opportunity to build resilient agricultural systems that support peasant farmers, enhance food security, and stimulate economic growth. Timely input distribution is just one piece of this puzzle—but it is a critical one that, if addressed, can transform the future of Nigerian agriculture.

•Michael Adedotun Oke, Abuja

January 7, 2026