The Nation Newspaper

Category: Letters

2025: What a defining year!

Sir: President Bola Ahmed Tinubu had warned that national renewal would be neither fast nor painless. He described it as a painful surgery necessary to recalibrate the economy for future gains. By midyear, the warning had manifested. Inflation, driven by food and energy prices, persisted relentlessly. The naira existed in a state of limbo, neither collapsing completely nor regaining dignity. Salary-dependent citizens faced daily compromise, while speculators adjusted and profited. Official statistics merely confirmed what citizens already knew: adjustment had become endurance.

Yet governance did not stand still. Revenue mobilisation improved. Leakages narrowed. By April, a comprehensive tax reform framework was unveiled, aiming to redefine who pays, how, and to what effect. Properly implemented, it could stabilise finances for decades. Miscommunicated, it risks deepening mistrust. In public policy, substance alone is never sufficient; legitimacy also requires understanding, transparency, and civic consent.

Security offered evidence of the state’s potential when coordinated and intelligence-driven. Operations across Zamfara, Katsina, and Kaduna disrupted entrenched bandit networks. Camps once considered permanent were dismantled, and feared commanders neutralised. The significance was less in propaganda and more in the quiet lesson that impunity is not inevitable. Yet highways remained perilous, rural communities exposed, and kidnappings continued. Fear, while less permanent, had not fully dissipated. Structural justice, inclusion, and local legitimacy remain essential for lasting security.

International and regional developments added further complexity to an already strained year. Statements by the United States President, Donald Trump, asserting that Christians were being targeted in Nigeria and describing the situation as a Christian genocide, drew strong domestic and international reactions, reopening debates about sovereignty, narrative framing, and the external politicisation of Nigeria’s internal security challenges.

Almost simultaneously, a reported missile strike in Sokoto, justified as an operation against the so-called Lakurawa terror group, raised serious questions about intelligence credibility, civilian safety, and the expanding theatre of counterterrorism. Within the sub-region, Nigeria’s foreign and security policy faced its own test when Nigerian soldiers en route to Portugal were detained in Burkina Faso, a development that followed closely on the heels of an attempted coup plot in Benin Republic and Nigeria’s military support for the Cotonou government. Together, these events underscored the fragility of regional trust and the growing cost of instability beyond Nigeria’s borders.

The health sector revealed fragility in stark terms. Nationwide strikes by resident doctors, followed by allied health workers, paralysed tertiary hospitals. Emergency rooms were stretched. Laboratories and pharmacies operated at skeletal capacity. Citizens faced delays, avoidable loss, and mounting uncertainty. Professional sacrifice, not institutional strength, sustained the system. No nation aspiring to seriousness can indefinitely rely on individual endurance while postponing structural repair.

Read Also: New Year: First Lady urges Nigerians to choose peace, empathy, unity

Midyear brought a moment of national reflection with the death of former President Muhammadu Buhari. Flags flew at half-mast. Tributes poured from private citizens, politicians, and international observers alike. Yet beneath ceremonial mourning lay questions unresolved: the legacy of decisions, the costs of policy, and the gaps left in leadership. History rarely closes neatly. It lingers, asking questions long after the ceremonies end.

Politically, the year matured with quiet intensity. Alliances shifted, ambitions hardened. Northern cities, Kano in particular, became symbolic mirrors of broader anxieties. Silence, rather than violence, became the language of anticipation. Even without formal declaration, Nigerians understood that political calculation was underway, shaping the landscape for future contests.

Amid pressure, civic life persisted. Humour flourished in the streets, on social media, and in private gatherings. Satire became a language of participation, reminding those in authority that power is both observed and interpreted. In a constrained civic space, laughter and critique became inseparable.

By the year’s close, one conclusion is unavoidable. 2025 was not a season of miracles. It was a season of exposure. Governance demonstrated competence and direction in some areas, while revealing gaps in empathy and communication in others. Citizens displayed resilience, but also impatience and a refusal to be sustained by rhetoric alone. Reform is underway. Its success depends on trust, empathy, and the capacity of leaders to carry the public along honestly.

Nigeria did not fall. But we keep hope alive that the giant will rise. It confronted itself, and comfort proved in short supply. This confrontation, uncomfortable as it was, may yet lay the foundation for a more serious engagement with the demands of nationhood. Nations rarely change because they are persuaded; they change because they are compelled to see themselves clearly.

In this, 2025 may yet prove instructive.

•Usman Abdullahi Koli, mernoukoli@gmail.com.

January 1, 2026
New Year: Any hope for Nigeria and Nigerians?

Sir: Year 2025, was no doubt a very challenging and troubling one for Nigeria and Nigerians. The year tested the resilience of citizens across all strata, as hopes were repeatedly confronted by harsh realities. From security concerns to economic pressures, many Nigerians trudged through the year with heavy hearts, praying for relief and renewal.

Insecurity remained one of the most disturbing issues of 2025. Across several parts of the country, communities grappled with banditry, kidnapping, insurgency and other violent crimes that claimed innocent lives and disrupted livelihoods. The persistent shedding of innocent blood cast a dark shadow over national unity and development, leaving citizens yearning for lasting peace.

The economy also struggled under severe strain. Inflation, unemployment, and the rising cost of living took a toll on households and businesses alike. Many Nigerians found it increasingly difficult to meet basic needs, while small and medium-scale enterprises battled to stay afloat in a harsh economic climate marked by dwindling purchasing power.

Politically, the year was equally turbulent. Several political parties were engulfed in internal crises, factional disputes and leadership tussles that weakened their structures and distracted them from offering credible alternatives to governance. These crises further deepened public distrust in the political class and democratic institutions.

As Nigerians welcome the New Year 2026 with open arms, there is a collective yearning for renewed hope. Citizens desire a year that brings economic prosperity, job creation, and a noticeable improvement in security across the country. The expectation is that 2026 will mark a turning point where policies begin to translate into tangible benefits for the masses.

Read Also: 2026: Abiru urges Nigerians to consolidate reforms, back Tinubu for economic recovery

There is also a strong call for stability within the polity, particularly among opposition parties. Nigerians want to see political actors put their houses in order, build strong internal democracy and present issue-based alternatives that can strengthen democratic competition and accountability.

No doubt, 2026 will be filled with intense political alignments and realignments ahead of the 2027 general elections. However, there is widespread concern that governance must not be sacrificed on the altar of politics. Leaders at all levels must remember that their primary responsibility remains the welfare of the people.

The president and state governors are therefore expected to ensure the smooth running of the country even as political mobilisation gathers momentum. With expectations that government revenues will improve due to the implementation of the new tax law, Nigerians insist that such funds be judiciously used to better lives. Anti-graft agencies must also step up tougher actions against corruption, both within and outside government.

As the new year unfolds, the collective prayer is for peace, responsible leadership, and shared prosperity.

•Tochukwu Jimo Obi, Obosi Anambra State.

January 1, 2026
Why kidnapping thrives in Nigeria
- By Adeyemi Oladebo
Sir: Kidnapping has become a thriving industry in Nigeria, not because criminals are too smart, but because the system allows it to pay. The repeated success of ransom collection raises a disturbing question Nigerians can no longer ignore: is this a failure of security capacity, or a failure of integrity?

A recent rescue operation in Mali provides a revealing contrast. There, security agents tracked traffickers who had switched off phones and changed numbers, identified locations through intelligence tools, monitored movement discreetly, and rescued a 16-year-old victim without a single ransom call or negotiation. Criminals could not make repeated calls without being detected.

In Nigeria, however, kidnappers operate with shocking confidence. They make multiple calls, negotiate for days or weeks, move victims across large areas, collect huge sums of money, and often escape without arrest. In some cases, victims are killed even after ransom is paid. This pattern suggests more than incompetence; it suggests deep systemic failure.

Read Also: New tax laws take off January 1, 2026, Tinubu insists

If similar intelligence tools and methods are effective elsewhere in Africa, Nigerians are entitled to ask why they appear ineffective at home. Either security agencies lack the required technology despite massive budgetary allocations, or there are internal compromises that allow criminal networks to flourish.

Kidnapping will not stop as long as it remains profitable. And it will remain profitable as long as accountability is absent. This is not an attack on honest officers risking their lives daily, but a call for serious institutional reform, transparency, and investigation.

Nigerians deserve a security system that rescues victims, not one that negotiates with criminals. Until the hard questions are answered, public trust will continue to erode—and kidnappers will continue to win.

•Adeyemi Oladebo,

<oladeboyemi@gmail.com>
December 31, 2025
Aftermath of US airstrikes in Nigeria
- By Peter Ovie Akus
Sir: ISIS terrorists operating in Nigeria got a fitting and perfect gift on Christmas day from the US President Donald Trump when their command-and-control centre in Bauni Forest of Tangaza Local Government Area of Sokoto State was reduced to rubbles by airstrikes launched by the United States military from a naval warship in the Gulf of Guinea.

While unpatriotic elements and enemies of the nation were quick to criticize the airstrikes as a violation of Nigeria’s sovereignty, further lampooning the Nigerian government and military as impotent, the moves made by the Tinubu administration since the country was designated as a country of particular concern with the infamous “guns-a-blazing” tweet, due to alleged genocide against Nigerian Christians, have shown that the Nigerian government has been secretly working in collaboration with the US government to address the issue of terrorism in Nigeria.

The bilateral cooperation was evidenced by reciprocal visits of senior government officials representing both nations, and reported sightings of US military planes flying over Sambisa Forest and other terrorists’ enclaves in the last one month. The most obvious tell that Tinubu was in the know and fully briefed on the impending airstrikes was his Christmas day tweet celebrating Christians in Nigeria where he tagged the US president’s personal handle on X. This was a novelty and obviously a go-ahead signal.

Since 2009, Nigeria has struggled with the issue of terrorism and banditry which according to Vice President Kashim Shettima, has claimed over 100,000 lives. It started with the popular Boko Haram in Borno State. Today, we now have several groups like ISWAP, Ansaru, Lakurawa, Mahmud, and other Islamic militants’ factions which have not only pledged allegiance to ISIS but also sometimes engage in violent and bloody struggles for supremacy among themselves.

Some have wondered why the Nigerian military seems incapable of defeating the terrorists even when they excel effortlessly in international assignments e.g. in putting down the recent coup in Benin Republic. There are many reasons for this and this is what has spurred some pundits and keen political watchers to call for collaboration with foreign powers to stem this ugly tide.

Aside from it being an asymmetrical warfare with different rules of engagement, there are tales of terrorist’s sympathizers in the military either for religious or pecuniary reasons. Also, tacit backing from certain political and religious elites, the absence of political will due to the need for electoral victories, and foolish policies like incorporating repentant terrorists into the Armed Forces are some of the reasons why the military cannot win this fight without external help.

Read Also: Southeast will vote massively for Tinubu, Nwifuru — Umahi

President Tinubu must not rest on his oars. While the Americans are dealing with the bandits from the sky, he needs to rally the military and intelligence community to strike while the iron is hot. Our borders should be monitored with drones for surveillance to prevent an influx of foreign fighters, to mop up those who escaped the airstrikes, and to prevent a migration towards safer areas in the country.

In 2021, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) released a list of Boko Haram sponsors. Six Nigerians were convicted in Dubai for funneling millions to fighters. Now is the time for the government to take another look at that list as many of the names on that list are still roaming around freely in Nigeria. Military victory against the terrorists will be easily attained once their source of funding is cut off.

The Global Terrorism Index of 2018 ranked Fulani herders as the third most violent terrorist group in the world. Over the course of a decade, they have become a terror force against farming communities. The solution is ranching and legislation against cattle herding in Nigeria.

•Peter Ovie Akus,

Ontario, Canada.
December 31, 2025
Awujale: Now is the time for Bubiade Royal House
- By Balogun Ibrahim
Sir: It is no more time that the impending succession to the revered stool of the Awujale and Paramount Ruler of Ijebuland has reignited intense historical and legal scrutiny, with mounting evidence indicating that the next monarch should emerge from the Bubiade section of the Fusengbuwa Royal House. Historians, customary law experts, and concerned Ijebu stakeholders argue that such a choice would complete a long-overdue rotational cycle and restore equity among the ruling houses.

The Awujale institution, one of the most enduring traditional thrones in Yorubaland, is governed not only by influence and seniority but by deeply rooted customs, lineage, and rotational justice. Central to the current debate is the unfinished rotation among the descendants of Oba Jadiara, whose lineage forms the foundation of the Fushengbuwa Ruling House.

Historical records traced the royal lineage of Fushengbuwa ruling house of Ijebu-Ode to Oba Jadiara, who reigned between approximately 1680 and 1695. From his dynasty emerged three principal royal houses: Fusengbuwa, Tunwase, and Bubiade. By long-standing Yoruba custom, these houses are entitled to present candidates to the Awujale stool in a rotational sequence designed to promote balance, peace, and fairness.

Although the name Fusengbuwa Ruling House gained official recognition during colonial administrative reforms between 1957 and 1958, scholars noted that it comprises several sub-lineages, including the Bubiade family. Importantly, Bubiade is historically recognised as the senior, first-born line descending directly from Oba Jadiara—a fact that carries significant customary weight.

Oba Jadiara begat four children, Bubiade, the first child, Adeberu, Adelubi and Funsengbuwa, the last born. Historical data reveals that the Fusengbuwa himself became the 41st Awujale between 1790 and 1820, while the Tunwase, from the second lineage of Fushengbuwa Ruling House ascended the throne between 1886 and 1895. Despite being the eldest lineage of Oba Jadiara, the Bubiade Royal House has never produced an Awujale.

Read Also: New tax laws take off January 1, 2026, Tinubu insists

Observers describe this as a glaring anomaly that contradicts both customary Yoruba succession principles and historical fairness. Under customary law, the passage of time does not extinguish an unfulfilled rotational right. As such, the exclusion of Bubiade is widely viewed as an unresolved injustice rather than a settled matter.

The Chiefs Law of 1957, particularly Section 4(2), formally recognises four ruling houses in Ijebu-Ode — Gbelegbuwa, Anikinaiya, Fusengbuwa, and Fidipote. This declaration was approved on August 25, 1959, and was subsequently registered. Earlier scholarly works, including those by Badejo Adebonojo (1947) and Tunde Oduwobi (2017), document the reigns of past Awujales and affirm the legitimacy of the Jadiara lineage, which includes Bubiade.

Historical records further shows that several Awujales from the broader Jadiara/Fusengbuwa lineage ruled after Oba Jadiara, including Mekun (1712–1722), Oniyewe (1745–1750), and Fesojoye (1765–1769). After the Fusengbuwa reigns ended in 1820, Oba Tunwase (1886-1895), Oba Adekoya (1916) and Oba Adenuga (1925-1929) also ascended the throne – all from Jadiara/Funsengbuwa Ruling house. They all came from two of the three sections of Fushengbuwa ruling house. Bubiade line, however, remains the only branch yet to be represented.

The legitimacy of Bubiade’s claim resurfaced prominently in June 1983 during the political crisis surrounding the attempted deposition of the immediate past Awujale, Oba Sikiru Kayode Adetona, by the late Ogun State governor, Chief Bisi Onabanjo.

At the time, respected Ijebu prince, Adeoye Odedina warned in the National Concord newspaper, Wednesday, June 29, 1983, that appointing another Awujale from the Funsengbuwa section would be “customarily wrong,” insisting that such a move would violate the rights of other royal lines—particularly Bubiade. He maintained that the Jadiara Royal House, with Bubiade as a central lineage, was customarily next in line.

As discussions intensify, the Ogun State government, kingmakers, and elders are being urged to uphold the principles of rotational justice that have historically sustained the Awujale institution. Advocates warning at disregarding Bubiade’s claim risks legal challenges, social unrest, and reputational damage to a monarchy widely respected for order and adherence to tradition.

Stakeholders argue that recognising Bubiade’s turn would reaffirm Ijebuland’s commitment to fairness and prevent the concentration of royal power within a single lineage. Also, analysts conclude that history, customary law, and documented precedent converge on one point: the rotational process for the Awujale stool remains incomplete without the ascension of a candidate from the Bubiade Royal House. Honouring this claim, they say, would not only correct a historical imbalance but also preserve unity within Ijebuland and uphold the legacy of Oba Jadiara.

•Balogun Ibrahim,

Ijebu-Ode, Ogun state.
December 31, 2025
Why NWDC should not be hampered by funding delay

Sir: The North West Development Commission (NWDC) was established to address one of Nigeria’s most pronounced developmental disparities. Encompassing seven states, 186 local government areas, and serving over 54 million people, the Northwest represents nearly a quarter of the nation’s population. It is also the region most afflicted by insecurity, poverty, educational deprivation, climate pressures, and youth unemployment.

In this context, the NWDC transcends the remit of a conventional intervention agency, functioning as a stabilisation mechanism whose effectiveness has direct implications for the Northwest and Nigeria’s broader stability, prosperity, and cohesion.

Almost a year after the appointment of its board, the commission has yet to attain full operational momentum. Oversight engagements with a joint committee of the National Assembly revealed persistent internal governance tensions that have impeded progress. The Managing Director and Chief Executive Officer, Professor Shehu Abdullahi Ma’aji, disclosed ongoing disputes regarding statutory responsibilities between the Board and Management. These disagreements have constrained decision-making and delayed the execution of essential initiatives.

Although such frictions are not unusual during the early stages of new public bodies, they should not obscure a more pressing concern: the non-release of the commission’s take-off grant. Without this critical financial foundation, the NWDC remains structurally limited in translating its statutory mandate into tangible and measurable developmental outcomes.

During oversight proceedings, the National Assembly emphasised the vital importance of the commission’s mission. Lawmakers noted that the Northwest bears a disproportionate share of Nigeria’s development challenges, including the highest numbers of out-of-school children, widespread banditry, kidnapping, drug abuse, arms proliferation, and environmental degradation. These challenges are not abstract; they are lived realities that disrupt livelihoods, displace communities, and escalate security expenditures.

The NWDC was established specifically to tackle these complex and interconnected challenges. Its mandate is deliberately expansive, covering security, agriculture, education, infrastructure, health, youth and women empowerment, ecology, and mining. The commission’s approved budget, with roughly 75 per cent allocated to capital projects, demonstrates a commitment to action over bureaucratic inertia. Yet budgetary approval alone, without timely disbursement, represents legislative intention without practical implementation.

The managing director has underscored the foundational work already undertaken. These include engagement with state governors, participation in national and international development forums, the establishment of functional organisational structures, and partnerships with major development institutions such as the World Bank, African Development Bank, Islamic Development Bank, UNDP, JICA, GIZ, and the United Kingdom’s Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office. Strategic initiatives, including the creation of a Northwest Investment Company and the development of power, transport, and commodity exchange platforms, reflect foresight and readiness to deliver.

Nonetheless, strategic frameworks and partnerships cannot replace execution. Roads cannot be constructed, schools rehabilitated, security infrastructure deployed, nor agricultural productivity enhanced without adequate funding. The protracted delay in releasing the take-off grant has confined the commission to preparatory activities, reinforcing the perception that visibility has taken precedence over tangible impact.

Read Also: Stakeholders call for review of Nigeria’s health insurance scheme

The urgency of disbursing the take-off grant extends beyond administrative convenience; it is a matter of national interest. The Northwest functions as Nigeria’s agricultural backbone, and instability in the region undermines national food security. Insecurity diverts federal security resources, while educational deprivation contributes to chronic unemployment and social fragility. Financial empowerment of the NWDC is not a regional concession but a strategic instrument of prudent national risk management.

The release of the grant would enhance accountability. Access to funds would enable the establishment of clear performance benchmarks, enforceable timelines, and meaningful legislative oversight. Withholding, by contrast, obscures responsibility and allows underperformance to be attributed to structural limitations rather than managerial competence.

Addressing governance challenges and releasing the take-off grant must proceed simultaneously, as development imperatives cannot wait for administrative perfection. Equally critical is managerial cohesion. Harmonious collaboration between the Board and Management is indispensable for accelerating decision-making, optimising resource deployment, and delivering measurable results. Disunity at the top will only prolong delays, undermine public confidence, and restrict the commission’s capacity to fulfil its mandate.

Ultimately, the success of the NWDC will be measured not by the sophistication of its strategies but by the improvements in the lives of those it serves. For the Northwest, the take-off grant represents a crucial opportunity to tackle entrenched challenges through coordinated action. For Nigeria, it is a timely and strategic investment in stability, productivity, and national cohesion that can no longer be deferred.

•Abdulrashid Sani Gimi, PhD, Kaduna.

December 30, 2025
Gains, pains of Nigeria telecom sector in 2025

Sir: In 2025, Nigeria’s telecommunications sector finds itself at a defining moment. Once celebrated as one of the country’s most successful liberalisation stories, the industry now sits between resilience and public discontent.

While operators are recording higher revenues and data usage continues to grow, consumers are increasingly frustrated by rising costs, inconsistent service quality and controversial billing practices. The story of Nigeria’s telecom sector in 2025 is therefore one of gains, pains, and an urgent need for a clearer path forward.

Despite economic headwinds, inflation, naira depreciation and rising operational costs, the telecom industry has remained one of Nigeria’s most resilient sectors.

Data consumption continues to surge. Even after a significant upward review of tariffs in early 2025, Nigerians did not reduce their reliance on mobile internet. On the contrary, data usage recorded double-digit growth within months, underlining how deeply connectivity has become embedded in daily life, from business and banking to education, entertainment and social interaction.

Operators also benefited financially from the long-overdue tariff adjustment. For more than a decade, telecom prices remained largely static while costs soared. The 2025 tariff increase improved cash flows and strengthened the balance sheets of major players, enabling them to better absorb forex pressures and rising energy expenses. Industry analysts estimate that data services alone could generate trillions of naira in revenue this year.

In addition, Nigeria’s teledensity remains strong, and mobile broadband penetration continues to expand, reinforcing telecoms as a critical pillar of the digital economy and a major contributor to GDP.

While operators speak of sustainability, many subscribers feel the burden has shifted squarely onto them.

The 2025 tariff hike, affecting voice, data and SMS, sparked widespread backlash. For millions of Nigerians whose incomes have not kept pace with inflation, the cost of staying connected has become increasingly painful. Students, small businesses and low-income earners are particularly affected, as connectivity is no longer a luxury but a necessity.

More troubling for consumers is that higher prices have not translated into better service. Complaints about slow internet speeds, frequent network outages, dropped calls, and inconsistent coverage remain common across major networks. In many areas, especially outside urban centres, service quality remains unreliable.

Infrastructure challenges play a major role. Frequent fibre cuts, vandalism of base stations, power shortages and high diesel costs continue to undermine network performance. Operators spend billions annually repairing damaged infrastructure, costs that ultimately find their way back to subscribers.

This disconnect between price and performance has eroded trust. Many users now question whether the industry’s gains are coming at the expense of service quality and consumer welfare.

Another flashpoint in 2025 has been the controversy surrounding USSD services, which are widely used for mobile banking and financial transactions.

Read Also: Stakeholders call for review of Nigeria’s health insurance scheme

Under a new billing model, telecom operators now charge subscribers directly for USSD sessions, rather than billing banks. While the move brought clarity and ended years of opaque deductions, it also introduced new costs for users, particularly those who rely heavily on USSD for daily transactions.

For low-income Nigerians and those without smartphones or mobile apps, USSD remains the most accessible gateway to financial services. Even modest per-session charges can quickly add up, raising concerns about financial inclusion and affordability.

The USSD debate highlights a recurring theme in Nigeria’s telecom space: reforms that make business sense but risk alienating the very consumers the sector depends on.

For Nigeria’s telecom sector to thrive sustainably beyond 2025, several issues must be addressed decisively.

First, service quality must improve. The Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) must enforce stricter quality-of-service benchmarks and ensure that tariff increases are matched by measurable network improvements. The NCC has barked enough; it must now show that it can bite. Consumers deserve value for money.

Second, infrastructure protection should be treated as a national priority. Telecom assets are critical infrastructure and should be safeguarded accordingly. Reducing vandalism and fibre damage would significantly improve service reliability and reduce costs.

Third, regulatory and operating costs need reform. High right-of-way charges, multiple taxation and inconsistent state-level policies continue to inflate operating expenses. Harmonising these costs would ease pressure on operators and, in the long run, subscribers.

Fourth, affordability and inclusion must remain central. Targeted data plans for students, small businesses and rural communities can help ensure that higher tariffs do not deepen the digital divide.

Finally, consumer engagement and transparency are key. Clear billing, responsive customer service and honest communication will go a long way in rebuilding trust between operators and subscribers.

•Elvis Eromosele, elviseroms@gmail.com

December 30, 2025
Reconsider ban on buses and tricycles in Enugu

Sir: One decision taken by Enugu State government which will hit everyone like thunder bolt come January 1, 2026 is the ban placed on buses and tricycles in most major roads within the state. The introduction of Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) powered buses for intra-state transportation by government is highly commendable. CNG buses are environmentally friendly.

However, any attempt to prevent other stakeholders from plying major routes within the city transport ecosystem by invoking the powers of state to take over substantial chunk of the sector providing employment for individuals and struggling group of people stifles competition. It shrinks further the informal sector potentials, daily and family incomes.

Nigeria is a vanguard of free market economy where forces of demand and supply converge to drive businesses. Let it not be seen that Enugu State government tends to avoid healthy market competition. This government should not be seen to have reinforced monopolistic tendencies. Nothing stops government vehicles from operating side by side existing buses and tricycles. It will offer ndi Enugu better options to choose among many lots. That is practical democratisation of the transport system in practice.

Read Also: U.S., Nigeria get kudos on joint strike on terrorists

For the avoidance of doubt, previous administrations of Chimaroke Nnamani and Sullivan Chime had done things similar. Today, the impacts of such policies can be seen in the absence or worse still, relics of those vehicles parked for years in mechanic workshops.

What is needed from government is the creation of enabling environment and infrastructure to drive the system like the bus terminals already constructed in selected locations in the state. It is left for government to charge affordable transport fare very competitive with other buses. There should be robust mechanism which ensures that statutory levies are paid as at when due by bus drivers while a directive for everyone to patronise the Bus Terminals and decongest blocked access roads by commuters within the area will bring the needed sanity.

There are hardly jobs opportunities available at the moment in Nigeria nay – Enugu. Therefore, limiting the potentials of individuals striving to survive through transport entrepreneurship should be totally discouraged.

If government goes on with its plan in January, the act will put more strain on the already strained lower stratum of the society and artisans who eke a living through private sector driven transportation system. Moreover, the relative peace and security ndi Enugu take for granted may be ruptured as a result of resurgence of crimes and criminality. The old aphorism that an idle mind is the devils workshop should not be taken for granted. Government should not be seen as an enabler of unemployment.

•Sunday Onyemaechi Eze, Uzo Uwani LGA, Enugu State.

December 30, 2025
Insecurity and the question of sovereignty
- By Zayyad I. Muhammad
Sir: Bandits, Lakurawa, Ansaru (Jama’atu Ansarul Muslimina Fi Biladis Sudan) and other terrorist groups have been terrorising Nigerians through killings, kidnappings, and rape. They have displaced thousands of people, carved out territories for themselves, collected taxes, and effectively governed parts of the Northwest and North-central regions.

For 13 years, the violent separatist group IPOB/ESN, designated a terrorist organization by the federal government, has been operating in southeast Nigeria, terrorizing the region through armed attacks on security forces, the enforcement of sit-at-home orders, and the killing and coercion of citizens to obey its directives.

For over 15 years, Boko Haram and ISWAP have established their authority on soft targets in some parts the Northeast, as well as attacking military formations, killing and kidnapping civilians, and carrying out suicide bombings against innocent people.

Read Also: Tinubu must complete eight years as president – Wike

From the Northeast to the Northwest and North-central regions, both local and foreign terrorist groups have carved out territories within Nigeria, killing and kidnapping innocent citizens, collecting taxes, imposing their own laws, displacing hundreds of people and brazenly displaying their weapons in public and on social media platforms.

On December 25, the United States, with the coordination and approval of the Nigerian government, launched 16 GPS-guided missiles at terrorist targets in parts of Sokoto State. As a result, some debris fell in Jabo and Offa. In Jabo, the debris fell on open fields while in Offa, two hotels were hit.

Nigeria’s failure to completely eliminate these terrorists has brought the country to this point. No nation welcomes foreign military intervention on its soil.

However, which constitutes a greater infringement on Nigeria’s sovereignty: the existence of local and foreign terrorist groups operating freely, killing, kidnapping, conducting suicide bombings, collecting taxes, and displacing innocent citizens from their lands, homes and places of businesses for nearly two decades, or a few hours of a U.S. missile strike authorised by the Nigerian government?

•Zayyad I. Muhammad,

Abuja.
December 29, 2025
The coming of End-of-Life Vehicle (ELV) policy
- By Tosin Adeoti
Sir: Just as households are still adjusting to higher fuel prices, the federal government has found yet another way to complicate daily life. This time, it is through the full implementation of the End-of-Life Vehicle (ELV) policy, scheduled to begin in the second quarter of 2026.

On paper, the policy sounds sensible. Who does not want fewer unsafe vehicles and cleaner streets and better environmental outcomes? But in practice, the way it is being rolled out reveals a deeper problem with Nigeria’s current approach to revenue generation. It raises money, yes, but it does so with little regard for how ordinary Nigerians actually live.

Nigeria is not a country where used vehicles dominate out of preference or nostalgia. We buy “tokunbo” cars because new cars are simply out of reach. With minimum wage barely covering transport and food for many households, car ownership is already a stretch, even at the bottom end of the market.

Some buyers even deliberately seek accidented vehicles because they are cheaper to repair incrementally. It is not ideal, but it is survival. Any policy that touches car ownership touches livelihoods.

According to the Director General of the National Automotive Design and Development Council, Joseph Osanipin, the ELV policy will introduce several new requirements.

Read Also: FG did not give Makinde N50bn, only N30bn was released – Aide

First, used vehicles imported into Nigeria will need a special pre-export certification issued under Nigerian standards before they even leave their country of origin. While officials insist that exporters will bear this cost, basic economics tells a different story. Costs introduced anywhere in a supply chain do not disappear. They are instead passed down, eventually, to the final buyer.

Second, buyers will pay a mandatory recycling fee when purchasing or registering a vehicle. This fee is meant to fund responsible disposal of old cars. The NADDC is already projecting over N150 billion in annual revenue from this charge alone.

Third, there is the likely return of the four percent Free-on-Board levy in 2026. Car dealers warn that this levy could triple the cost of clearing a single vehicle at the ports.

Taken together, these measures represent a substantial new financial burden on car ownership.

Slapping multiple new fees on used vehicles in this context is not neutral policy. It is regressive. It hurts those with the least ability to absorb the shock. The wealthy will still buy new cars or import high-end vehicles with minimal inconvenience. The poor will simply be priced out.

The government is under real fiscal pressure. That much is clear. With a N58.47 trillion budget, projected revenues of N34.33 trillion, and a deficit of N23.85 trillion, the search for new revenue sources is intense.

But there is a difference between broad-based, productivity-enhancing revenue reform and what this looks like: squeezing an already struggling population through narrow consumption charges.

Raising N150 billion annually from recycling fees sounds impressive until you ask who is actually paying it. It is not corporations or high-income earners. It is the man buying a 15-year-old car to run a taxi. It is the woman importing a used vehicle to support a logistics business. It is families stretching their finances just to move. This is revenue generation without empathy.

If unsafe vehicles are genuinely the concern, then where are the alternatives?

Where is affordable public transport at scale? Where are incentives for locally assembled low-cost vehicles that actually match Nigerian purchasing power? Where are financing mechanisms that allow gradual transition rather than sudden exclusion?

In countries where ELV policies work, they are paired with support systems like trade-in programmes and transport infrastructure. Nigeria is implementing the stick without offering the carrot.

That is not reform. It is punishment disguised as policy.

Policies like this simply erode trust.

When citizens feel that every government action exists primarily to extract more money from them, compliance weakens. Informality grows. Smuggling increases. Enforcement becomes more expensive and more coercive.

In the long run, revenue suffers.

Revenue is necessary. No serious country runs without it. But revenue policy is also moral policy. It reflects what a government believes about the lives of its people.

Right now, the message is troubling.

Nigeria does not need less revenue ambition. It needs more humanity in how that ambition is pursued.

•Tosin Adeoti,

<tosinjadeoti@gmail.com>
December 29, 2025