The Nation Newspaper

Category: Letters

  • INEC, politicians and the 2027 General Elections

    INEC, politicians and the 2027 General Elections

    • By Tochukwu Jimo Obi

    Sir: As Nigerians continue to bask in the euphoria of a new year, the political class appears to have shifted attention rapidly towards the 2027 General Election. Across the country, politicians and political parties have begun early strategising, consultations, and alignments, signalling that the race for power is already underway, barely midway into the current political cycle.

    This familiar pattern raises serious concerns. As has been observed repeatedly over the years, early politicking often comes at the expense of governance. Many elected officials find their attention divided between service delivery and political survival, a situation that has consistently weakened public institutions and slowed national development. The consequences are visible: stalled projects, poor policy execution, worsening insecurity, economic hardship, and decaying infrastructure.

    This trend is unfortunate and must not continue. Nigeria is at a critical point where citizens are yearning not for political drama, but for tangible improvements in their lives. Good governance, improved security, economic growth, job creation, and infrastructural development should remain the primary focus of those entrusted with public office.

    Against this backdrop, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) carries a heavy responsibility. Beyond promises, INEC must begin now to confront the persistent loopholes that undermined previous elections. Issues such as logistical failures, voter suppression, result manipulation, violence, and weak enforcement of electoral laws must be decisively addressed. The commission must also work closely with the National Assembly to ensure the timely passage of necessary amendments to the Electoral Act, strengthening the legal framework ahead of 2027.

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    Technology remains one of INEC’s most effective tools. Greater and smarter use of technology can significantly reduce human interference and electoral malpractice. From voter accreditation to result transmission, systems must be improved, secured, and made more transparent to restore public confidence in the electoral process.

    Most importantly, INEC should seriously consider conducting all elections in one day. There is no compelling justification for staggering elections over several days. A single-day election would save the country enormous financial resources, reduce political tension, limit manipulation, and simplify logistics and security arrangements.

    Beyond INEC, the responsibility for credible elections and effective governance is collective. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and state governors must caution their appointees against abandoning governance for politics.

    Political parties, too, must play their part. Internal democracy should not be treated as a slogan. Parties must avoid imposing candidates on the electorate and instead allow transparent, credible processes that reflect the will of their members and the people.

    The 2027 General Election should not merely be another contest for power; it should be an opportunity to strengthen Nigeria’s democracy. Achieving this requires discipline from politicians, integrity from institutions, and vigilance from citizens. The work must begin now.

    •Tochukwu Jimo Obi,

    Obosi, Anambra State.

  • Nigerian youth: Tomorrow’s leaders?

    Nigerian youth: Tomorrow’s leaders?

    • By Ibrahim Mohammed

    Sir: For decades, political leaders in Nigeria have always been mouthing the platitudes that the youths of today are the leaders of tomorrow. For the youths, the question on their lips is when will tomorrow ever come for them to take their rightful place? They could be right in their frustration as the so-called leaders of today are perpetually holding on tight to their position not willing to relinquish it for the leaders of tomorrow.

    Some of the present leaders who were educated through government scholarships were already occupying positions of authority when they were still in their 20’s. As they retire from choice jobs in the civil service or the private sector in their 50’s, they moved over to the political arena where they preside over the sharing of largesse either as elected or appointed office holders or party apparatchik while still enjoying their pension benefits.

    The Nigerian elites, whether in the military, the academia, the civil service, the clergy or the corporate world, believe in sit-tightism never willing to call it quits even when their age disagrees with them. Their lust for lucre knows no bounds as they keep accumulating ill-gotten wealth which they and their next generations could not finish in a lifetime. They keep recycling themselves either as their excellences, distinguished, honourables, chairmen, executive directors or members of juicy government ministries, departments and agencies as well as serving on the boards of blue-chip companies where they continue to draw huge salaries and allowances in addition to their pension benefits.

    Some of these members of the spoilt class have occupied several positions in their life time which closed doors to upcoming generations who wait for eternity for their turn to join the fray. They don’t even allow their wards to join service preferring to give them pocket money probably up to ten times what they could have been earning as salaries on a paid job. This is in addition to sponsored holidays in any country of their choice.

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    It is a well-known fact that some retired public office holders like federal permanent secretaries and Generals normally retire with their full salaries and allowances as pension. When they get elected or appointed into any public or political office, they begin to collect fresh salaries and allowances even while they continue to enjoy same as pension benefits. Those who are elected as governors would additionally prepare another salacious package for life even when some of them automatically move to the Senate at the completion of two terms where they become distinguished senators for life. Life is really good for this special breed of citizens as they gallivant from one lucrative position to another on a roller coaster from director/permanent secretary or general to a ministerial position, then governor and senator for life.     

    While remaining perpetually in power, thus mortgaging the future of our youth including their wards, the political leaders who gleefully superintend the sharing of the national cake knowingly or unknowingly contribute to the birth of misbegotten citizens in form of societal malcontents- kidnappers, cattle rustlers, armed robbers, vandals, Cultists, yahoo boys, militants, insurgents and a host of other undesirable elements.

    What Nigerians need at this critical time is a change of mind-set with comprehensive, serious, and meaningful reorientation of those in leadership positions and the citizens. To this end, there is need for a complete shift from the prevailing mind-set of transactional leadership to transformational leadership. The nation needs leaders who see leadership as a sacrificial endeavour, an opportunity to mentor the next generation of leaders, leave an enduring legacy and quit the stage when the ovation is loudest.

    •Ibrahim Mohammed,

    Garki-Abuja.

  • Seven issues that will define Nigeria’s Telecom in 2026

    Seven issues that will define Nigeria’s Telecom in 2026

    • By Elvis Eromosele

    Sir: Nigeria’s telecommunications sector can no longer hide behind growth statistics and subscriber numbers. The sector has matured. Expectations are higher. Patience is thinner. And the questions Nigerians are asking are no longer about access alone, but about value, quality and fairness.

     After the tariff hikes, USSD controversies and service quality debates of 2025, this year represents a moment of truth. There are seven defining issues that will determine whether telecommunications sector deepen its role as an economic enabler or become a source of widening frustration.

    Tariffs must finally justify themselves: The argument for higher tariffs has been made and accepted, reluctantly. Regulators must insist that pricing approvals are tied to visible network improvements. Anything less risks undermining the social license of the industry.

    The Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) will undoubtedly face growing pressure to link pricing approvals strictly to measurable quality-of-service (QoS) improvements. Failure to close the gap between cost and experience could fuel further public backlash. Fortunately, the NCC has begun to bare its fangs. In December, it urged operators to shape up or be prepared for sanctions.

    Data availability and affordability is strategic: Data is life. Data has become infrastructure. Everything, from fintech and education to governance and commerce, Nigeria’s digital economy runs on connectivity. Yet affordability remains fragile.

    In 2026, the sector must confront a critical dilemma: how to sustain operator revenues without pricing millions of Nigerians out of the digital space. Pricing people out of data access weakens productivity, innovation and inclusion. There would be growing pressure for creative pricing models that balance sustainability with scale.

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    There should also be targeted interventions, such as special student data plans, zero-rated educational platforms, or public-private broadband initiatives, aimed at preserving inclusion while maintaining commercial viability.

    USSD is a test of inclusion, not just billing: USSD services will remain under intense scrutiny in 2026. The USSD billing reform may have solved one problem, transparency, but it exposed another: affordability at the bottom of the pyramid. In a country where millions still rely on basic phones, USSD remains the backbone of financial inclusion. If cumulative session charges become punitive, Nigeria risks excluding the very people digital finance was meant to empower.

    The year ahead may thus see renewed negotiations between telcos, banks and regulators to strike a better balance, possibly through capped charges, bundled services, or partial subsidies, to ensure financial inclusion is not undermined. Reports indicate that the CBN and NCC are already in talks to introduce an improved version of the service.

    Infrastructure protection will separate talk from action: Nigeria cannot build a digital economy on fragile, vulnerable infrastructure. Every fibre cut, vandalised base station or power disruption weakens the system. These challenges not only degrade user experience but also inflate operating costs and slow network expansion.

    2026 must be the year telecom assets are treated unequivocally as critical national infrastructure, actively protected, prioritised and defended. Without this shift, service quality debates will remain cyclical and unresolved.

    Improved collaboration between operators, security agencies and state governments could significantly enhance network reliability and investor confidence.

    Regulatory costs are the silent inflation driver: Much of what subscribers pay is driven not just by operator inefficiency, but by systemic regulatory fragmentation, right-of-way charges, multiple levies and inconsistent state policies.

    If Nigeria is serious about affordable broadband, 2026 must bring meaningful progress in harmonising these costs. Any meaningful progress in this area could lower deployment costs, accelerate fibre rollout and eventually reflect in consumer pricing.

    Otherwise, operators will keep passing inefficiencies down the value chain to consumers.

    5G must prove its economic value: The novelty phase of 5G is over. 2026 will test whether it moves beyond urban showcases into broader economic relevance. The question now is: what problem does 5G solve for Nigeria?

    Beyond faster downloads, 5G must support industry, healthcare, logistics, agriculture and smart infrastructure. If it remains an urban, premium-user product, its impact will be marginal. Purpose, not speed, will define success.

    Trust will become the ultimate currency. Perhaps the most important issue of all in 2026 is trust.

    Unexplained data depletion, opaque billing, poor customer service and regulatory silence have strained the relationship between telcos and subscribers. Growth without trust is fragile.

    Rebuilding confidence will require transparency, accountability and genuine consumer engagement. Regulators must be seen to act decisively, and operators must communicate honestly. Without trust, even the best technology will struggle for acceptance.

    If the industry gets these right, telecoms will remain the backbone of Nigeria’s digital future. If it gets it wrong, resistance, regulatory, political and public, will only grow louder.

    2026 will tell us which path Nigeria’s telecom sector chooses.

    •Elvis Eromosele,

    elviseroms@gmail.com

  • Abba’s defection: Between vested rights and vested interests

    Abba’s defection: Between vested rights and vested interests

    Sir: Politics, at its core, is a contest between principles and power, between service and control. The unfolding drama in Kano State today fits squarely into this timeless struggle. At the centre of it is Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf (popularly called Abba) and his long-standing political benefactor, Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. What many now describe as betrayal is, in truth, a deeper conflict between vested rights and vested interests.

    For over four decades, the political and personal relationship between Abba Yusuf and Kwankwaso was one of loyalty, mentorship, and shared struggle. From their early days as civil engineers at WRECA in the 1980s, through years of public service, political battles, and even family ties, Yusuf stood firmly by Kwankwaso. He followed him into politics, served him diligently as Personal Assistant, Principal Private Secretary, Commissioner for Works, and remained loyal even after Kwankwaso left office. Few political protégés in Nigeria have shown such consistency of allegiance.

    That loyalty was rewarded politically when Yusuf was handpicked as the standard-bearer of the Kwankwasiyya Movement first in 2019, and later successfully in 2023 when he became Governor of Kano State. By every fair assessment, Abba Yusuf earned his place not only through mentorship but also through years of sacrifice, experience, and credibility with the people.

    This is where the issue of vested rights comes in.

    Once elected, a governor derives his authority not from a godfather, but from the people and the constitution. Governance is not an extension of a private political office; it is a public trust. Abba Yusuf’s insistence on exercising independent judgment, running his administration, appointing officials, and shaping policy priorities is not rebellion—it is his right. That right is vested in him by law and by the mandate of Kano citizens.

    On the other side are vested interests—the expectation that political power, once helped into existence, must remain permanently subordinate to its source. This is the familiar logic of godfatherism: “I made you, therefore I must control you.” In this arrangement, loyalty is measured not by performance or service delivery, but by unquestioned obedience.

    Sources close to the unfolding crisis suggest that this expectation of absolute loyalty became the real fault line. As Governor Yusuf began to assert autonomy making independent decisions, pursuing visible projects across the state, and building his own political profile tensions deepened. To some within the Kwankwasiyya inner circle, this growing independence was seen not as maturity, but as a threat.

    This fear appears to have driven resistance to Yusuf’s second-term ambition within the NNPP. Internal litigations, factional crises, and alleged plans to deny him the party ticket or even replace him with his deputy all point to one thing: an attempt to clip the wings of a sitting governor who had come of age politically. At that point, remaining within such a structure ceased to be about ideology and became a question of political survival.

    Governor Yusuf’s reported decision to defect to the APC must therefore be understood in this context. It is less about party labels and more about escaping a cage of control. His consultations with lawmakers, local government chairmen, and federal representatives show a leader responding to political reality, not acting on impulse.

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    History offers clear lessons here. From Rivers to Benue, unresolved godfather–godson conflicts have destabilised governance, divided parties, and punished citizens. Kano appears to be at a similar crossroads.

    Crucially, this episode forces a national conversation about what mentorship in politics should mean. A true godfather does not seek to lead a godson forever. He lifts him, prepares him, and ultimately allows him to grow into a godfather himself. Leadership is not inheritance; it is succession. Any mentor who insists on permanent control reduces governance to personal property and suffocates democratic growth.

    Abba Yusuf’s choice, difficult as it may be, represents the assertion of vested rights over vested interests. It is the declaration that governance must serve the people first, not personal legacies. Whether one agrees with his defection or not, it is clear that this moment is about more than party politics—it is about redefining power, loyalty, and political maturity in Kano State.

    In the end, history is kinder to leaders who choose responsibility over dependency. Kano’s future will not be secured by who controls whom, but by who delivers for the people.

    •Abdullahi Abubakar Lawal,Zaria, Kaduna State.

  • Call for stiffer penalties for drug traffickers

    Call for stiffer penalties for drug traffickers

    Sir: A few days ago, while browsing online, I came across a troubling report about a 37-year-old man, Nwobodo Chidiebere Basil, who had once again been arrested for the same drug-related offence he was punished for some years earlier. The story was unsettling, not just because of the crime itself, but because it highlighted a deeper problem: how lightly some drug offences are treated, even after the damage they cause has become painfully clear.

    Stories like this revive a long-standing public conversation about whether punishments for drug trafficking truly match the gravity of the harm involved. Across the country, many concerned citizens have continued to argue that weak sentences fail to discourage offenders, especially when drug abuse and trafficking are already tearing families apart, destroying young lives, and burdening communities with lasting health and social problems.

    There is a widely held belief that punishment should not only be corrective but also preventive. When penalties are mild and easily bypassed with money, they send the wrong message—that crime can be a calculated risk rather than a serious moral and legal violation. Young people watching from the side-lines may conclude that the rewards outweigh the consequences, and that is a dangerous lesson for any society.

    Consider the effort involved in bringing a drug offender to justice. Law enforcement officers often risk their lives tracking suspects, gathering evidence, and seeing cases through to court. Yet, after all that sacrifice, a conviction may result in a short prison term with an option of a fine that a well-funded offender can easily pay. As a result, the individual walks free, unchanged, while the officer is left wondering whether the struggle was worth it. In such situations, justice feels incomplete—not just to the public, but to those tasked with protecting it.

    Contrast that with a firm, non-negotiable sentence that reflects the seriousness of the offence. A lengthy prison term without the option of a fine sends a powerful signal. It tells potential offenders that drug trafficking is not a business risk but a life-altering mistake. It also reassures honest citizens and dedicated NDLEA officers that the law stands firmly on the side of public safety.

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    The case of Nwobodo Chidiebere Basil is cited because it follows a familiar pattern. After an earlier arrest involving a large quantity of hard drugs concealed for export, he was convicted and paid a fine. Rather than abandon the trade, he reportedly returned to it, adopting new methods and deeper secrecy. That return to crime suggests that the earlier punishment failed to reform or deter him.

    One can only imagine the mind-set of those around such offenders—friends, partners, or associates—who may assume that arrest is merely a temporary inconvenience, easily resolved with money. If consequences were truly severe and unavoidable, that confidence would vanish, and with it, much of the temptation to persist in the trade.

    Ultimately, this is not about vengeance; it is about protection, responsibility, and the value we place on human life. Drug trafficking fuels addiction, violence, broken homes, and lost futures. If the law treats it casually, society pays the price repeatedly. Stronger, more consistent punishments may not solve the problem overnight, but they could mark a decisive step toward discouraging repeat offences and safeguarding the next generation from a path that leads only to ruin.

     •Aernan Lubem, Makurdi, Benue state

  • Bauchi needs governance, not more politics

    Bauchi needs governance, not more politics

    Sir: It is time for Governor Bala Mohammed to shift his full attention back to Bauchi State—its people, its schools, its hospitals, its hope. Recent claims that the anti graft agency, the EFCC, is being used by political opponents to persecute him and his aides are not only unhelpful; they risk pulling the state deeper into needless political drama when real work is waiting.

    The EFCC has publicly rejected those claims as wild and far fetched. The agency says it is independent, non partisan, and focused on fighting economic and financial crimes. It also notes that the governor was facing a money laundering trial before he became governor, and that constitutional immunity paused that case, not any external pressure. These are strong words from the EFCC, reported by national media.

    Beyond the legal back and forth, the message is simple: governance must come first. The EFCC’s statement urges politicians to prioritize public accountability and urges Governor Mohammed to face the business of running Bauchi State while the commission does its job.

    For every citizen in Bauchi, this is not just a matter of politics; it is a matter of daily life. Schools are in need of better facilities and learning materials. Health centres and hospitals deserve continuous attention so that mothers, children, and the elderly can receive care without fear or delay. Roads, markets, and public services demand leadership that is present, steady, and focused.

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    When a governor spends vital energy on claims of persecution, the people who elected him feel the gap. When citizens hear loud accusations from the highest office in the state, it sparks anxiety—about fairness, about governance, about what comes next. But at the root of these anxieties is also hope: hope that the state can run better, hold its leaders accountable, and move forward without being trapped in endless accusations.

    Governor Bala Mohammed should let the truth, whatever it is, be determined by courts and lawful processes. He should allow the EFCC to carry out its duties, as the law requires, without distractions. And most importantly, he should direct his energy toward the pressing needs of Bauchi State: education that prepares the youth, health care that protects lives, infrastructure that supports commerce and movement, and public accountability that earns trust.

    Bauchi’s people deserve a leader whose thoughts, words, and actions are rooted in service—not in fear of political enemies, real or imagined. The governor must seize this moment to demonstrate that his government is about progress, not politics. Only then can the people of Bauchi breathe easier, work harder, and believe that the future of their state is in capable hands.

    •Yasir Shehu Adam (Dan Liman), Bauchi.

  • Securing the future of our agricultural sector

    Securing the future of our agricultural sector

    • By Michael Adedotun Oke

    Sir: For too long, Nigeria’s agricultural sector has been weighed down by the “gravel” of security challenges. What should be a landscape of growth and food security has, in many regions, become a theatre of uncertainty. Farmers, who are the lifeblood of our nation, are facing more than just the traditional risks of weather and pests; they are navigating a terrain of banditry, theft, and unresolved land disputes.

    This environment of “life fear” has a paralyzing effect. When a farmer is afraid to step onto their field, the essential acts of planting and harvesting—the very foundation of our national survival—are compromised. My recent field observations in Gwagwalada reveal the desperate measures farmers are forced to take in the absence of formal protection, smallholder producers are now using cut wood logs as rudimentary perimeter barriers. While these represent a resourceful stop-gap, such labour-intensive and unsustainable methods highlight a systemic failure to provide basic rural security.

    Furthermore, the neglect of our designated forestry zones has turned vital ecological reserves into “ungoverned spaces.” Evidence of this neglect is visible in where trees are being unsustainably debarked for non-timber forest products (NTFPs) without oversight. These degraded, remote areas have become critical operational bases for armed non-state actors, directly fuelling the insecurity that prevents farmers from accessing their lands. Even our most innovative attempts at localized food security, such as integrated poultry and agroforestry, remain vulnerable when the broader infrastructure is too fragile to ensure safety and sustainable waste management.

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    To move ahead and push toward the “ultimate drops of success,” our approach to agricultural planning must evolve. We cannot treat security as an afterthought to farming; it must be integrated into the very setting of the sector through the following strategic pillars:

    Integrated security corridors: Establishing dedicated security outposts in high-production farming clusters ensure that farmers can work without looking over their shoulders.

    Technology-driven surveillance: Utilizing drones and satellite mapping to monitor remote farmlands allows for rapid response to threats before they escalate into full-scale displacement.

    Community-led intelligence: Planning must include the local farmers themselves. They are the first to see changes in the landscape, and their traditional knowledge is vital for pre-emptive security measures.

    The drive for success in agricultural practice is “keen”—the potential is massive, and the will of the people is strong. However, potential alone does not put food on the table. We need a fundamental shift in our national policy where the safety of the farmer is prioritized alongside the quality of the seed.

    When we remove the gravel of insecurity, we pave the way for a new era of productivity. By destroying the barriers of fear, we allow the sector to push forward, ensuring that our agricultural output doesn’t just trickle, but flows toward the ultimate goal of national self-sufficiency and economic resilience.

    •Michael Adedotun Oke,

    Abuja.

  • Why Marwa is the pride of Adamawa

    Why Marwa is the pride of Adamawa

    Sir: Show me an Adamawa born leader who initiated a project like ‘’Keke Marwa’’ that became a household name across Nigeria. Show me an Adamawa son whose performance and loyalty were so trusted that he was called upon to govern not one, but two states, leaving behind legacies of reform and innovation.

    Show me an Adamawa son who was appointed to head a critical national agency, whose name remains constantly in the news for achievements that reshape Nigeria’s fight against drugs abuse, and who has been trusted by two presidents consecutively for his outstanding service, and I will show you Brig Gen Mohamed Buba Marwa (Rtd) CON, OFR.

    Marwa’s career began in the Nigerian Army, where he rose to the rank of Brigadier General and served in critical roles including Brigade Major of the 23 Armoured Brigade, Aide de Camp to the Chief of Army Staff, and Deputy Defence Adviser at Nigeria’s Embassy in Washington, D.C. His leadership extended into governance, first as military governor of Borno State between 1990 and 1992, and later as governor of Lagos State from 1996 to 1999.

    In Borno, Marwa’s practical development includes roads, improved public facilities, building and rehabilitating schools and introduction of teacher training programs, strengthening hospitals and rural clinics, supporting agriculture through extension services and community projects. He also provided solid funds and scholarships to Adamawa undergraduates students.

    His tenure in Lagos was even more transformative. Beyond the famous “Keke Marwa” tricycles that revolutionized urban transport, he launched Operation 250 Roads, a massive rehabilitation program that improved driving conditions across the state. He remodelled public health facilities, introduced free malaria treatment, and improved refuse management to tackle the chronic sanitation problems in Lagos. He provided educational opportunities through scholarships and school infrastructure upgrades, while his celebrated Operation Sweep drastically reduced crime and restored public confidence in security.

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    As chairman of Nigeria’s Presidential Committee for the Elimination of Drug Abuse (PACEDA), Marwa initiated reforms and strategies, laying the foundation for Nigeria’s modern anti-drug policies. His current role as chairman and chief executive officer of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA), which he assumed in January 2021 under late President Muhammadu Buhari, has been equally ground-breaking. Under his leadership, the NDLEA recorded Nigeria’s largest ever cocaine seizure in September 2022, when 1,855 kilograms of cocaine valued at over $278 million were intercepted in Lagos, dismantling an international cartel. The agency has consistently broken records in arrests and seizures, intercepting thousands of kilograms of narcotics and dismantling trafficking networks nationwide.

    He has expanded rehabilitation and counselling programs, ensuring thousands of drug users receive treatment and reintegration support. He prioritized officer welfare by addressing stagnation in promotions, improving welfare packages, and initiating the construction of new barracks and a modern headquarters. His reforms include the transition to digital visa clearance systems, establishing new directorates to boost efficiency and many others, while his push for international cooperation has strengthened Nigeria’s ties with agencies such as the U.S. DEA, UK NCA, UNODC and others. At the grassroots level, he launched the War Against Drug Abuse (WADA) initiative, mobilizing schools, religious institutions, community leaders, and stakeholders to spread awareness nationwide.

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s decision to renew Marwa’s tenure, making him one of the few Buhari era appointees retained is a clear testament to his outstanding performance.

    For me, these achievements confirm why  Buba Marwa remains my leading Adamawa son in Nigeria’s leadership today. His journey from a soldier to a reformer reflects the resilience and excellence of our people, and he firmly stands among the topmost leaders in the national landscape, a trailblazer whose legacy will continue to inspire us.

    •Sini Joseph Kwaji,

     Jimeta, Adamawa State.

  • Reflections from inside Northern Nigerian governance

    Reflections from inside Northern Nigerian governance

    • By Naufal Ahmad

    Sir: Northern Nigeria is not short on brilliant people. We have them in our schools, our streets, our WhatsApp groups. But these people are no longer stepping up to lead. Why? Because they’ve seen what happens to those who try.

    When I was younger, I thought leadership was the highest form of service. I still believe that, but now I also know it can be the fastest way to become a target. The good ones get mocked. The careful ones get sabotaged. The dreamers get criminalized.

    Mob culture is killing public spirit. This is what I call the rise of mob culture: a social dynamic where intelligent discourse is hijacked by cynical takedowns. It’s not just the uninformed anymore. Some of our brightest minds are now lending their voices to the chorus of public ridicule, often not realizing that they are tearing down the very same people they once prayed for.

    Let me give you an example.

    In my agency – the Katsina ICT Directorate (KATDICT), we’ve hosted town halls and stakeholder sessions to build in the open. We said: come, hear our plans, challenge us, contribute. And people came, smart people. But instead of engaging the ideas or offering better ones, they came with sneers, sarcasm, and superiority.

    They didn’t show up to improve things; they came to perform their cynicism.

    As a public servant, it’s disheartening. You open the door, not to applause or critique, but to ridicule. And this is the exact reason why many others in public service shut their doors entirely.

    Another layer is cultural. In the North, we carry our traditions with pride, and rightly so. But sometimes, that pride turns into resistance. Anything new is seen as arrogance. If you communicate differently, use technology, or reach the people directly, you’re branded as “too much,” or dismissed as a “media leader.”

    Meanwhile, those doing nothing remain unquestioned. This attitude has blocked so many innovations before they even had the chance to start. It’s a kind of cultural self-sabotage. We are suspicious of our own possibilities.

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    Why are we glorifying the critics who risk nothing?

    There’s a trend I’ve watched with quiet concern: we are beginning to worship fault-finders. People who’ve never led a thing, never built a block, never contested a position, never raised a hand to help, yet they dominate our discourse.

    They are witty, sarcastic, loud. They get retweets. They sound smart. But they are not building anything.

    Meanwhile, the people showing up to work, sweating through bureaucracy, pushing policies, navigating real limitations,  they are dismissed with a tweet or a meme.

    This is not criticism. It is sabotage.

    What Nigeria  and  the North urgently need is a new ethic of engagement. I’m not saying don’t question leaders.  Criticism is necessary,  but only when it is done in the spirit of construction, not destruction.

    What we need is constructive intelligence:

     • People who question, but also propose; People who critique, but also commit, and people who dare to join the mess, not just comment from the side-lines.

    And above all, we need to protect the few trying to build, not throw stones at them simply because they dared to step forward. Don’t eat from the table of cynicism when you could be helping set the table of reform.

    This country is hard. Northern Nigeria is even harder. But some of us are still trying. Let us not be few. Let us be more. Let us build.

    Even if we fail, let it be said that we tried.

    •Naufal Ahmad,

    Director-General, KATDICT,

    Katsina.

  • Ogun roads and the cost of deliberate neglect

    Ogun roads and the cost of deliberate neglect

    Sir: For someone like me who has lived virtually my entire life between two states of Ogun and Lagos, I consider myself well placed to speak authoritatively on the deplorable living conditions, particularly the state of roads, in Ogun State.

    Anyone familiar with the geography of both states will agree that Lagos and Ogun are, in many respects, twin states. You can walk along a street identified as part of Lagos State, only to be told that the next few buildings fall within Ogun State. The streets are that interconnected. It is therefore not unusual for someone to live in Ogun State and literally trek to work in Lagos State.

    Over the years, Lagos State has consistently invested in road infrastructure, extending development even to its outskirts. Governors across different administrations, most notably Babatunde Raji Fashola and Akinwunmi Ambode paid significant attention to road networks, including boundary and suburban areas in Lagos State.

    Ogun State, on the other hand, largely concentrated its infrastructure efforts around the state capital, Abeokuta, and a few select towns, while deliberately, yes, deliberately neglecting the outskirts of the state, especially communities bordering Lagos. I have yet to understand the reason for this.

    I challenge anyone to visit areas where Lagos and Ogun states meet and observe the stark contrast. On the Lagos side, roads are often paved, maintained, and functional. Cross over into Ogun State and development abruptly ends. Ogun State simply looks the other way. Yet, this same state has repeatedly lamented that residents who live in Ogun but work in Lagos should remit their taxes to Ogun State.

    One is compelled to ask: what tangible development justifies this demand?

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    Why am I raising this issue now?

    A few days ago, world-renowned boxer, Anthony Joshua was involved in a fatal accident along the Sagamu Expressway, resulting in the loss of two lives. I intentionally refer to it as Sagamu Expressway without attaching “Lagos” because the incident occurred on Ogun State soil. The horrifying images of how their bodies were laid bare on the road were deeply dehumanizing. I am deeply saddened that the images kept replaying in my mind, even in my dreams.

    What pained me even more was reading how influencers across the world generalized this tragedy as a “Nigerian problem,” branding the country as a typical third-world society. As a Nigerian who has lived all of her nearly four decades in this country, this particular generalization hurt deeply.

    In all honesty, the blame in this instance should be squarely placed on the condition of Ogun State roads and the manner in which the state is governed. I strongly believe that this incident should spotlight Ogun State as a case study of governance failure, rather than being used to condemn Nigeria as a whole.

    To compound the injury, Anthony Joshua himself was reportedly conveyed in a police van after the incident. While the vehicle may not have been rickety, it was still an indignity that should never have occurred under proper emergency-response standards. It would not have been this bad if it had happened on a Lagos State road.

    It is my firm opinion that Ogun State, in its current form, has become too large for effective administration. I make this argument not as an indigene of Ogun State, but as someone who has lived there, schooled in one of its universities, and experienced first-hand the consequences of its administrative failures. For the sake of effective management, infrastructure development, and human dignity, Ogun State should be restructured, I kid you not.

    •Titilayo Oladimeji,<titipetral482@gmail.com>